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MRS.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


TO  THE 

LOYAL  REPUBLICAN  YOTERS 

OF  THE  UNITED  STfiTES  OF  SMERICS, 


Whose  gallant  fight  at  the  polls  in  November,  1888,  placed  at  th 
head  of  our  Government  a self-made  man  and  noble  patriot, 

This  Volume  is  Dedicated, 

In  the  hope  and  with  the  earnest  conviction  that  in  November 
1892,  they  will  again  storm  the  enemy’s  works,  and 
mounting  the  ramparts,  shout  for 


HARRISON,  REID  AND  VICTORY! 


INTERIOR  ViEW  OF  THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  HALL,  MINNEAPOLIS,  MINN. 


ONLY  AUTHORIZED  AND  OFFICIAL  EDITION. 


As  a Man,  the  Noblest  and  Purest  of  his  Times.  As  a Citizen, 
the  Grandest  of  his  Nation.  As  a Statesman,  the 
Idol  of  Millions  of  People. 


THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

Benjamin  Harrison, 

THE  GREAT  AMERICAN  STATESMAN. 

EMBRACING 

A Pull  Account  of  kis  Early  Life ; his  Ambition  as  a Student ; his 
Early  Political  Career  and  Rapid  Advancement ; his  Able  and 
Patriotic  Record  as  a Soldier ; his  Honorable  Career 
as  a U.  S.  Senator,  Preside). t,  etc.,  etc. 

BY  HENRY  DAVENPORT  NORTHROP,  D.D., 

Azithor  of  u Crown  Jewels “ Earth , Sea  and  Skyf  etc. 

TO  WHICH  IS  ADDED 

THE  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


The  work  also  contains  an  account  of  the  election  and  administration  of  every 
President  from  Washington  to  the  present  time,  and  fine  portraits  of  all  of  them,  with  a 
history  of  the  Republican  Party,  from  its  birth,  andalarge  amount  of  valuable  statistical 
matter,  giving  the  returns  of  the  votes  cast  at  all  our  Pre-idential  elections. 


Embellished  with  Numerous  Fine  Engravings  and  Portraits. 


W.  H.  Ferguson  Company, 


CINCINNATI.  OHIO. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1 89. , by 
J.  R.  JONES, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington,  D.  C. 


Q? 


rv  J 


PREFACE. 


A Convention  remarkable  for  its  cool  and  patient  de- 
liberation, which  has  never  been  surpassed  in  its  declara- 
tion of  Republican  principles,  has  nominated  as  the 
Republican  candidate  for  a second  term,  President 
Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana. 

General  Harrison  has  exhibited  rare  qualities  and  at- 
tained marked  success  as  a lawyer,  as  an  orator,  as  a 
soldier  and  as  a statesman.  He  had  achieved  notable 
success  as  a lawyer  before  the  Civil  War  began.  He  laid 
aside  a lucrative  practice  to  serve  the  Union  as  a soldier, 
raised  and  commanded  a regiment  which  marched  with 
Sherman  to  the  sea,  distinguished  himself  at  Resaca  and 
Atlanta,  and  won  from  General  Hooker  glowing  praise  in 
an  official  letter,  by  his  bravery,  fidelity  and  efficiency  as 
a commander.  Returning  to  the  law,  he  was  elected  by 
the  people  reporter  of  the  decisions  of  the  Indiana  Su- 
preme Court.  Entering  with  zeal  into  political  labors  for 
the  party  which  had  suppressed  rebellion,  he  quickly  estab- 
lished a most  honorable  reputation  as  an  eloquent,  able 
and  convincing  orator,  whose  sincerity  and  unswerving 
fidelity  to  truth  and  justice  made  his  arguments  peculiarly 
impressive. 

In  1881  the  Republicans  of  Indiana,  who  sought  a 
man  worthy  to  fill  the  seat  so  long  and  honorably  filled 
by  Senator  Morton,  elected  General  Harrison  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  In  that  body  he  soon  took  his  place  in 
the  front  rank  as  a statesman  of  marked  ability,  large  in' 


(iii) 


iv 


PREFACE. 


formation,  sterling  Republicanism  and  unblemished  char- 
acter. A pure  man,  a strong  man,  a devoted  patriot,  he 
well  deserves  the  confidence  of  the  nation. 

In  his  whole  career  as  soldier  and  statesman  Benja- 
min Harrison  has  displa)red  a sound  judgment,  a well- 
balanced  mind,  and  a character  of  the  highest  merit.  He 
has  led  no  faction,  gained  no  step  by  denying  to  any  the 
honors  they  had  earned,  relied  not  at  all  upon  the  arts 
of  the  demagogue  and  sought  no  preferment  save  through 
the  triumph  of  genuine  Republican  principles.  Not  by 
sudden  or  sensational  surprises,  not  by  startling  brilliancy 
of  achievements  or  false  professions  of  zeal  for  reform,  but 
by  steady  force  of  intellectual  and  moral  superiority,  he 
has  won  the  profound  regard  of  the  people. 

In  private  life  he  is  the  sort  of  person  reputable  people 
would  be  glad  to  see  in  the  White  House.  A gentleman 
in  the  best  sense,  pure  in  personal  character,  spotless  in 
conduct,  high  and  honorable  in  aims,  he  is  a fitting  repre- 
sentative of  Republican  principles. 

It  has  been  said  repeatedly  that  the  coming  contest 
would  turn  less  upon  the  personal  merits  of  candidates 
than  upon  the  great  principles  involved.  Yet  it  will  be 
found  to  the  Republican  cause  a distinct  advantage  that 
it  is  to  be  represented  by  one  who  is  personally  strong  in 
those  elements  of  character  which  command  public  confi- 
dence. Nor  is  it  a disadvantage  that  the  doubtful  State 
of  Indiana,  in  which  the  two  great  parties  are  very  evenly 
divided,  and  concerning  which  there  is  an  element  of  great 
uncertainty,  now  has  opportunity  to  elect  the  most  popular 
citizen  of  the  State. 

In  his  public  life  General  Harrison  has  been  an  un- 
swerving and  earnest  Republican  from  the  first,  and  al- 
ways on  the  side  of  the  best  and  worthiest  elements  in  the 
Republican  party.  Devoted  to  the  cause  of  the  Union, 
he  has  been  no  less  devoted  to  the  protection  of  American 
rights  and  industries.  It  was  Senator  Harrison’s  strong 


PREFACE. 


V 


plea  for  Dakota  which  first  roused  the  country  to  realize 
the  injustice  done  to  a great  body  of  honest  settlers  by  the 
partisan  exclusion  of  that  Territory  from  Statehood.  It 
was  his  crushing  report  on  the  condition  of  the  civil  ser- 
vice in  Indiana  which,  more  than  any  other  array  of  facts, 
convinced  sincere  believers  in  civil  service  reform  that  Presi- 
dent Cleveland’s  pretences  were  fraudulent. 

With  a man  so  strong  and  worthy  the  Republican  party 
has  a right  to  look  for  a popular  uprising.  The  needs  of  the 
nation  will  be  felt  in  the  coming  struggle  far  more  than  the 
personality  of  caudidates ; threatened  industries,  the  robbery 
of  the  people’s  right  in  the  South  and  in  Indiana,  the  de- 
bauchery of  the  public  service,  should  make  the  Republican 
cause  irresistible. 

The  nomination  of  the  Hon.  Whitelaw  Reid  for  Vice- 
President  gives  especial  satisfaction  to  business  men  of  his 
State,  who  know  well  his  merits.  True  to  the  policy  which 
has  led  it  to  select  candidates  with  peculiar  regard  to  their 
strength  in  the  doubtful  States,  the  Convention  was  not  able 
to  concede  the  first  place  to  the  choice  of  New  York,  but 
accepted  for  the  second  place  the  candidate  named  by  this 
State,  remembering  how  creditably  he  had  acquitted  himself 
in  public  service  at  home  and  abroad,  in  journalism  and  as 
Minister  to  France. 

Nor  was  the  choice  of  the  delegation  unreasonable,  for  it 
emphasizes  the  unity  of  feeling  and  effort  which  makes  this 
year  memorable.  The  delegation  unanimously  supported 
Mr.  Reid.  The  fact  that  all  elements  of  the  party  can 
heartily  unite  upon  him  is  at  once  evidence  of  his  honorable 
position  and  of  the  unity  which  prevails.  Mr.  Reid,  it  need 
not  be  added,  is  a sound  Republican,  whose  zeal  for  honest 
money  and  protection  of  home  industries  has  been  amply 
shown. 

With  these  honored  names  on  its  ticket,  the  Republican 
party  goes  into  the  campaign  with  strong  hopes  of  success. 
There  is  a large  element  in  the  country  that  may  be  classed 


h srbuhjL 


VI 


PREFACE. 


as  independent.  Men  are  not  lashed  with  iron  cables  to  party  ; 
they  can  break  away  if  their  individual  interests  and  those  of 
the  nation  require  that  they  should.  There  will  be  a 
readjustment  of  party  lines,  as  Napoleon  came  and  made  a 
new  map  of  Europe. 

It  is  cause  for  congratulation  that  the  Republican  candi- 
dates are  conspicuous  for  personal  worth.  Added  to  this, 
sound  sense,  wise  foresight,  experience  in  affairs,  and  that 
sturdy  integrity  which  cannot  be  bought  nor  bribed,  complete 
the  highest  requirements  for  our  nation’s  chief  executives. 

The  stirring  scenes  at  the  great  Republican  Convention  in 
Minneapolis  will  now  be  transferred  to  the  country  at  large. 
The  campaign  will  show  any  weak  points  the  candidates  may 
have,  and  it  is  seldom  that  the  Republican  party  has  gone 
before  the  country  with  names  upon  its  banner  which  are  so 
bright  and  illustrious.  The  issue  will  be  awaited  with  calm 
confidence. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


OR 

HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH  AND  ANCESTRY. 

The  Republican  Convention  at  Chicago— Harrison  Nomi- 
nated on  the  Eighth  Ballot — The  Choice  Hailed  With 
Universal  Satisfaction — Differences  Among  Delegates 
Harmonized — Mr.  Harrison’s  Life  an  Instructive  Lesson 
to  Young  Men — Favorite  of  Indiana — Illustrious  An- 
cestry— Emigration  of  the  Harrison  Family  to  Amer- 
ica— A Thrilling  History — Old  President  William 
Henry  Harrison— Boyhood  and  Youth  of  Benjamin 
Harrison — Education — Marriage — Anecdote  of  Boy- 
hood— A Strong  Character  and  Destined  to  Success — 
Our  Country’s  Noble  Men — Harrison’s  Great  Loss— 
His  Mother’s  Influence  on  his  Character. 

The  great  Republican  Convention  held  at  Chi- 
cago from  the  19th  tc  the  25th  of  June,  1888 
nominated  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Harrison  of  In 
diana  for  the  office  of  President. 

Previous  to  the  assembling  of  the  Convention, 
and  even  during  its  early  sessions,  Mr.  Harrison 
was  not  so  prominently  named  for  the  nomination 
2 (17) 


18 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


as  several  others.  Sherman,  of  Ohio;  Gresham, 
of  Illinois;  Alger,  of  Michigan,  and  that  dis- 
tinguished leader  of  the  Republican  party,  James 
G.  Blaine,  had  their  respective,  enthusiastic  fol- 
lowing. The  nomination  was  given  to  Mr.  Har- 
rison after  a long  and  patient  effort  to  secure  the 
best  man  for  the  high  honor  of  leading  the  Re- 
publican hosts. 

When  the  Convention,  on  the  8th  ballot,  de- 
clared in  favor  of  Harrison,  the  decision  was  hailed 
with  universal  delight.  Although  the  friends  of 
other  candidates  had  worked  with  great  seal  to 
secure  the  prize  for  their  favorites,  there  was  a 
hearty  acquiescence  in  the  final  decision,  the  choice 
was  made  unanimous,  the  building  shook  with 
hearty  plaudits,  great  waves  of  excitement  swept 
over  the  vast  audience,  and  the  scene  was  one 
never  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  witnessed  it. 

At  once  all  differences  among  the  delegates  were 
harmonized,  and  they  prepared  to  push  the  can- 
vass with  vigor  up  to  the  day  of  decision  in  No- 
vember. The  country  at  large  gave  cordial 
welcome  to  Mr.  Harrison’s  nomination,  and  it  was 
seen  at  once  that  wise  counsels  had  prevailed  at 
Chicago,  and  the  nominee  would  receive  the  full 
party  vote. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Harrison  repeats  those  instruc- 
tive and  inspiring  lessons  which  have  so  frequently 
been  given  to  the  young  men  of  America.  He 
comes  from  an  illustrious  ancestry.  Yet  he  has 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  ^9 

made  his  own  way,  and  has  reached  the  proud 
position  he  occupies  to-day  by  hard  labor,  patient 
perseverance,  strict  integrity  and  manly  independ- 
ence. Such  qualities  rendered  it  inevitable  that 
he  would,  sooner  or  later,  take  high  rank  among 
the  leading  men  of  the  nation.  His  success  was 
in  himself.  Given  a man,  a sturdy  soul,  a grand 
type  of  manhood,  and  all  the  rest  follows.  He 
cannot  remain  in  obscurity,  nor  lead  a useless  life. 
The  world  calls  him.  He  is  able  to  answer,  and 
you  are  sure  to  hear  from  him. 

THE  FAVORITE  OF  HIS  OWN  STATE. 

The  Republicans  of  the  State  of  Indiana  had 
selected  this  grandson  of  the  ninth  President  of 
the  United  States  as  their  candidate  for  the  chief 
nomination,  and  the  more  widely  he  became 
known  the  stronger  he  grew  in  the  favor  of 
the  public.  While  his  distinguished  ancestry  was 
known  to  all  Americans  who  are  proud  of  their 
country’s  history,  he  had  won  his  own  fame — first 
as  a soldier  of  the  Union  army,  and  then  as 
a member  of  the  higher  legislative  chamber  of  the 
nation. 

There  have  been  three  generals  in  the  Harrison 
family.  Of  these  the  first  was  hanged,  the  second 
was  the  President  of  the  greatest  Republic  of  the 
world’s  history,  and  the  third  will  fill  the  position 
held  by  the  second,  unless  Grover  Cleveland’s  luck 
prevails  over  all  the  considerations  that  belong  to 
national  patriotism  and  nrosperitv. 


20  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

But  the  first  General  Harrison,  the  man  who 
was  hanged,  was  a man  of  whose  execution  any 
descendant  may  be  justly  proud.  lie  died  a 
martyr  to  the  cause  of  constitutional  liberty  as 
opposed  to  the  prerogative  of  kings.  The  igno- 
miny of  his  execution  has  become  illumined  with 
the  progress  of  civilized  institutions  until  it 
shines  as  a pillar  of  fire. 

HANGED  FOR  PRINCIPLE. 

The  first  General  Harrison  was  one  of  Crom- 
well’s trusted  lieutenants.  He  was  hanged  for  no 
felony,  but  for  a service  that  forwarded  England’s 
history  and  consequently  our  own.  . He  was 
appointed  one  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  who 
tried  King  Charles  I.  for  treason  to  Parliament, 
and  with  loyalty  to  the  great  Protector  and  faith- 
fulness to  the  Presbyterian  Church  he  signed 
the  King’s  death-warrant.  Perhaps  he  may  have 
felt  a premonition  of  the  reaction  in  politics  that 
was  to  result  in  his  own  death,  when  he  witnessed 
the  royal  execution.  He  paid  the  penalty  of  his 
steadfastness  to  his  principles  by  being  hanged  by 
order  of  Charles  II.  on  October  13,  1G60,  and 
Pepys  says  that  he  looked  cheerful  as  could  be  ex- 
pected under  the  circumstances. 

The  Harrison  family,  under  the  reign-  of  the 
Stuarts,  it  may  be  imagined,  found  little  comfort 
or  prosperity  in  England.  Certain  it  is  that  they 
emigrated  to  America  as  Virginia  colonists.  Once 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

more  blood  told,  and  they  soon  were  heard  froiw 
on  this  side  of  the  water.  Benjamin  Harrison,  of 
Virginia,  was  a typical  patriot  of  the  Revolution. 
A member  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  he 
undoubtedly  heard  Patrick  Henry  make  his  his 
toric  speech  in  the  little  church  that  still  crowns 
one  of  the  hills  of  Richmond,  exclaiming,  “ Give 
me  liberty  or  give  me  death,”  and  he  took  his  life 
in  his  hands  when,  with  his  fellow-leaders  of 
American  patriots,  he  signed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Three  times  was  this  Benjamin 
Harrison  elected  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  he 
was  a member  of  the  State  Convention  that  ratified 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  His  son, 
renowned  both  as  soldier  and  statesman,  was  the 
ninth  President  of  the  United  States. 

A THRILLING  HISTORY. 

Thus  we  see  that  the  history  of  Benjamin 
Harrison  and  his  ancestors  is  full  of  action  and  in- 
terest. The  General  Harrison  already  mentioned 
is  further  described  in  the  following  entry  mad.' 
by  Samuel  Pepys  in  his  diary  under  date  of  October 
13,  1660:  “ I went  out  to  Charing  Cross  to  sei 
Major-General  Harrison  hanged,  drawn  and  quar- 
tered : which  was  done  there,  he  looking  as  cheer-, 
ful  as  any  man  could  do  in  that  condition.  He 
was  presently  cut  down,  and  his  head  and  heart 
shown  to  the  people,  at  which  there  were  great 
shouts  of  joy.  It  is  said  that  he  said  that  he  was 


oo 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  0¥ 


sure  to  come  shortly  at  the  right  hand  of  Christ  to 
judge  them  that  now  had  judged  him;  and  that 
his  wife  do  expect  his  coming  again.  Thus  it  was 
my  chance  to  see  the  King  beheaded  at  Whitehall, 
and  to  see  the  first  blood  shed  in  revenge  for  the 
King  at  Charing  Cross.” 

General  Harrison  had  been  appointed  by  Crom 
well  to  convey  Charles  I.  from  Windsor  to 
Whitehall  for  his  trial,  and  he  signed  the 
warrant  for  the  beheading  of  the  King.  When, 
the  King  Avas  in  General  Harrison’s  custody, 
he  was  struck  with  his  soldierly  appearance,  and 
he  told  him  he  had  been  informed  that  he  (Har- 
rison) would  assassinate  him.  Harrison  ansAvered 
that  Parliament  Avould  not  strike  the  King  se- 
cretly. The  descendants  of  the  patriot  of  the  Com- 
monwealth came  to  America  soon  after  the  hang- 
ing at  Charing  Cross,  but  the  family  did  not  come 
prominently  into  vieAv  until  just  before  the  Revo- 
lutionary War. 

GRANDSON  OF  A PRESIDENT. 

Senator  Harrison’s  great-grandfather,  Benjamin 
Harrison,  of  Virginia,  Avas  one  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  aauvs  prominent 
in  public  affairs  from  1774  until  his  death  in  1791, 
being  for  four  years  a member  of  Congress  and 
three  times  Governor  of  Virginia.  He  entered 
upon  his  public  career  in  1774,  soon  after  reaching 
his  majority,  as  a delegate  to  the  Williamsburg 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


23 


Convention.  General  William  Henry  Harrison, 
his  son,  served  his  country  almost  continuously 
from  1791  to  1841,  both  in  military  and  civil 
positions.  He  fought  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  in 
1811,  was  a member  of  Congress,  a United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio,  Minister  to  the  Republic  of 
Colombia,  and  for  one  month  (March  4 to  April  4, 
1841,  when  he  died)  President  of  the  United 
States.  His  son,  John  Scott  Harrison,  who  was  a 
member  of  Congress  from  1853  to  1857,  died  in 
1879  or  1880,  at  his  home  in  Cincinnati. 

BOYHOOD  AND  YOUTH. 

But  honorable  and  distinguished  as  his  English 
and  Virginia  ancestry  may  be,  it  is  not  their 
merits  that  alone  shed  lustre  about  the  career,  the 
character  and  the  present  position  of  the  presi- 
dential candidate.  His  grandfather  was  one  of 
the  early  settlers  of  Ohio,  and  in  a humble  house 
at  North  Bend,  0.,  on  August  2o,  1833,  young 
Benjamin’s  eyes  first  met  the  light.  He  was  a lad 
of  slender  but  wiry  physique,  and  he  inherited  an 
intellect  that  matured  early.  His  father,  John 
Scott  Harrison,  had  himself  served  as  Governor  of 
the  Northwestern  Territory  and  in  Congress,  but 
had  retired  to  till  the  farm  at  North  Bend,  only  a 
few  miles  below  Cincinnati. 

It  may  not  be  generally  known  that  Benjamin 
Harrison’s  father,  the  son  of  the  Whig  President, 
twice  voted  in  Congress  against  the  expulsion  of 


24 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Brooks,  who  caned  Charles  Sumner.  Murat  Hal- 
stead and  young  Ben  Harrison  were  boys  together 
at  Miami  University,  and  there  submitted  their 
compositions  to  Prof.  John  W.  Scott,  who  had 
a pretty  and  charming  daughter.  Harrison  married 
the  young  lady  afterward,  and  she  proved  to  be  a 
queen  in  the  home.  Few  ladies  have  graced  the 
White  House  more  becomingly  than  Mrs.  Harri- 
son. She  commands  universal  respect,  and  is 
every  way  fitted  for  the  high  social  position  she 
has  been  called  to  occupy. 

ANECDOTE  OF  BOYHOOD. 

Benjamin  Harrison  was  born  in  the  house  of 
William  Henry  Harrison,  at  North  Bend.  He  was 
just  seven  years  old  when  his  grandfather  was 
elected  President  in  the  “ hard-cider-and-log-cabin  ” 
campaign.  The  President-elect  took  the  lad  on  a 
visit  to  Cincinnati,  his  first  experience  in  a city. 
The  country  boy  saw  a familiar  object  in  the 
apples  on  a street  stand,  delightedly  filled  his 
pockets  with  them,  and  went  on  his  rural  way. 
He  was  greatly  surprised  when  the  President-elect 
had  to  pay  for  them.  Nobody  charged  for  a 
pocketful  of  apples  at  North  Bend.  In  spite  of  the 
softening  influences  of  “ Old  Rosin  the  Bow,”  a 
tune  immortally  wed  to  the  memory  of  old  “ Tip- 
pecanoe and  Tyler  too,”  young  Ben  grew  up  rather 
an  austere  youth. 

The  boy  was  sent  to  a district  school,  where  he 


NATIONAL  CONVENTION  BUILDING,  MINNEAPOLIS, 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


25 


made  such  rapid  progress  that,  at  sixteen,  he  en- 
tered  the  Miami  University,  at  Oxford,  Ohio,  where 
he  continued  to  forge  ahead  so  rapidly  that  he  was 
graduated  at  eighteen.  His  teachers  and  class- 
mates have  borne  testimony  to  the  ease  with  which 
he  held  his  own  in  all  college  contests,  and  his 
early  promise  of  future  success.  Professor  David 
Swing  says  that  Harrison  while  at  Oxford,  though 
very  young,  was  a studious  scholar,  and  early  gave 
evidences  of  being  foremost  in  whatever  he  might 
undertake.  He  there  acquired  the  habits  of  study 
and  mental  discipline  which  have  characterized 
him  through  life,  enabling  him  to  grapple  with 
any  subject  on  short  notice,  to  concentrate  his 
intellectual  forces  and  give  his  mental  energies 
that  sort  of  direct  and  effective  operation  that  in- 
dicates the  trained  and  disciplined  mind. 

At  the  University  with  Harrieon  were  the  Hon. 
Milton  Saylor,  of  Cincinnati;  the  Rev.  Dr.  James 
Brooks,  of  St.  Louis;  the  late  Senator  Oliver  P. 
Morton,  of  Indiana,  and  the  Hon.  W.  P.  Fishback, 
but  not  all  of  them  were  classmates. 

His  preparation  for  college  was  received  at  home, 
under  a private  tutor,  and  subsequently  at  Cary’s 
Academy,  on  Walnut  Hills,  a suburb  of  Cincin- 
nati, where  he  remained  two  years.  During  this 
period  he  showed  that  painstaking,  studious  spirit 
which  has  since  won  him  the  highest  distinction 
at  the  bar  of  his  adopted  State. 


26 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


WHAT  BRINGS  SUCCESS  IN  LIFE. 

The  race  is  not  always  to  the  swift.  There  is  a 
patient  plodding  that  has  a good  deal  to  do  with  a 
man’s  successes.  It  is  so  in  all  kinds  of  business ; 
it  is  so  in  every  profession.  There  is  a slow  climb- 
ing which,  if  pursued  long  enough,  and  with  a per- 
sistence that  is  bound  never  to  give  up,  will  finally 
reach  the  top  round  of  the  ladder. 

Our  country  is  richer  in  her  great  men,  her. 
statesmen,  patriots,  orators,  heroes,  richer  far  in 
her  sons  who  have  given  fame  to  her  legislative 
halls,  wisdom  to  her  laws,  and  stability  to  her  in- 
stitutions, than  she  is  in  her  broad  territories  and 
those  resources  which  have  been  the  wonder  of 
the  world. 

Men  are  better  than  gold,  if  they  are  the  right 
kind  of  men;  and  it  is  the  proudest  boast  of  our 
land  that  she  has  had  so  many  of  the  right  kind. 
One  of  this  number  is  Benjamin  Harrison. 

A GREAT  LOSS. 

We  must  not  omit  one  sorrowful  incident  in 
Mr.  Harrison’s  early  life  which  deeply  affected 
him.  His  mother,  a woman  good  and  true,  who 
had  all  a mother’s  natural  fondness  for  her  boy, 
died  the  year  after  he  left  the  academy.  He  was 
now  seventeen  years  old,  and  had  just  reached 
the  age  when  a young  man  begins  to  understand 
and  appreciate  parental  love. 

His  impressible  nature  was  shadowed  by  his  be- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


27 


reavement.  Yet  this  very  loss  appeared  to  develop 
all  the  manly,  independent  traits  of  his  character. 
He  was  thrown  back  upon  himself.  His  vigilant 
counsellor  had  been  taken  away.  It  was  a crisis 
in  his  history;  he  could  easily  have  taken  the 
wrong  course.  He  felt  that  much  depended  upon 
himself,  and  he  resolved  to  acquit  himself  well. 
While  his  life  was  desolate,  he  yet  cherished  the 
memory  of  the  one  who  had  been  taken  from  him, 
her  prayers,  her  advice,  her  aims  with  respect  to 
him,  and  the  motherly  hopes  she  had  built  upon 
her  son.  He  determined  not  to  go  contrary  to  her 
teachings,  which  were  now  sacred  and  hallowed 
by  death. 


CHAPTER  IX 

STARTING  A SUCCESSFUL  CAREER. 

Two  Years  in  a Cincinnati  Law-Office — Marriage — Re- 
moval to  Indianapolis— Partnership  with  Governor 
Wallace — Pen  Picture  of  “Tow-Head  Harrison” — Suc- 
cessful Lawyer — Drifting  into  Politics — Meeting  Mr. 
Hendricks  on  the  Stump — Sudden  Surprise — Beginning 
at  the  Foot  of  the  Ladder — Attracting  Immediate  Notice 
— Gaining  the  Favor  of  Older  Men — Fifth-Rate  Law- 
yers— No  Luck  Except  in  the  Man — Patient  Labor- 
Rigid  Honesty — Careful  Preparation — Growing  Respect 
and  Popularity — Climbing  One  Round  at  a Time — Irre- 
proachable Character — No  Campaign  of  Mud  This  Time 
— Mr.  Harrison  Elected  to  Public  Office. 

A surprising  number  of  Presidents  have  begun 
their  lives  as  country  lawyers.  They  generally 
moved  to  some  big  town  as  soon  as  convenient. 
For  two  years  “ Ben  ” Harrison  studied  law  in  the 
office  of  Bellamy  Storer,  in  Cincinnati.  Before  he 
was  twenty-one  he  had  married  and  been  admitted 
to  the  bar.  He  was  a good  student.  In  March, 
1854,  Mr.  Harrison  settled  in  Indianapolis,  with 
the  small  fortune  of  $800  inherited  from  the  estate 
of  a deceased  aunt,  Mrs.  General  Findlay,  of  Cin- 
cinnati. 

He  first  entered  the  office  of  John  H.  Rea,  Clerk 
of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  and 
(28) 


HON.  BENJAMIN  1IAKRJSON. 


29 


while  engaged  there  was  invited  by  Major  Jona- 
than W.  Gordon  to  assist  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
celebrated  “ Point  Lookout  ” burglary  case,  being 
pitted  against  Governor  Wallace,  who  represented 
the  defence.  Governor  Wallace  was  impressed 
with  his  perseverance  and  energy,  and  invited  him 
to  a partnership.  Those  qualities  have  led  him  to 


BEN  HARRISON’S  FIRST  HOME  IN  INDIANAPOLIS. 


success  at  the.  bar,  where  other  more  brilliant, 
magnetic,  and  eloquent  men  have  failed  of  his 
financial  reward.  Not  frothy,  not  given  to  “gush,” 
plain,  solid  and  strong,  his  step  could  be  felt  and  the 
grip  of  his  hand  on  any  question  was  like  that  of 
a Samson.  This  calm  judgment  is  especially 
needed  in  every  man  who  has  anything  to  do  with 
public  affairs.  He  must  be  calm,  clear  in  vision, 
firm  and  unyielding.  Mr.  Harrison  is  this  type 
of  man. 

A friendly  pen  writes  of  him  in  those  early 
days : His  was  not  an  imposing  figure  at  that 


30 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  Or 


time.  A little,  slender  fellow,  with  a smooth  face, 
a big,  tow-white  head,  no  neck  to  speak  of,  and 
only  the  rather  incredible  fact  that  he  had  a wife 
saved  him  from  being  mistaken  for  a schoolboy. 
He  was  poor,  too,  and  for  a long  time  lived  in 
three  rooms  in  a little  old  house  still  standing  in 
Vermont  street,  near  Alabama.  Yet  he  was  suc- 
cessful almost  from  the  start.  One  of  his  earliest 
employments  was  by  the  Democratic  Governor, 
Joseph  A.  Wright,  in  a legislative  investigation, 
wherein  he  displayed  much  ability.  Then  he  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  be  selected  for  assistant  prose- 
cutor in  the  case  of  a woman  charged  with  poison- 
ing a man  at  the  old  Ray  House,  a case  which 
excited  a great  deal  of  public  interest.  His  success 
in  that  brought  him  clients,  and  of  them  he  ha* 
since  had  no  lack.  Indeed,  he  has  for  ten  or  fif- 
teen years  been  o:;c  A’ the  foremost  lawyers  in  the 
State,  and,  now  that  the  Hendricks  firm  is  broken 
up  and  ex-Senator  McDowald  largely  out  of  the 
law,  lie  may  be  said,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  John  M.  Butler,  to  stand  at  the  head  of  the 
profession  in  Indiana. 

CONSPICUOUS  ABILITIES. 

In  this  connection  lawyers  will  be  interested  in 
the  carefully  expressed  estimate  of  General  Harri- 
son’s former  partner,  Hon.  W.  P.  Fishback,  who 
says  : “ He  possesses  all  the  qualities  of  a great 
lawyer  in  rare  combination.  He  prepares  a case 
with  consummate  skill ; his  written  pleadings  are 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


31 


models  of  clearness  and  brevity ; he  is  peerless  in 
Indiana  as  an  examiner  of  witnesses  ; he  discusses 
a legal  question  in  a written  brief  or  in  oral  argu- 
ment with  convincing  logic,  and  as  an  advocate  it 
may  be  said  of  him  that  when  he  has  finished  an 
address  to  the  jury  nothing  remains  to  be  said  on 
that  side  of  the  case.  I have  often  heard  able 
lawyers  in  Indiana  and  elsewhere  say  that  he  was 
the  hardest  man  to  follow  they  had  ever  met.  No 
lawyer  who  ever  met  General  Harrison  in  a legal 
encounter  has  afterward  placed  a small  estimate 
upon  his  ability.” 

Mr.  Harrison  drifted  into  politics  just  as  the 
Republican  party  was  forming,  and  like  all  the 
brainy  young  men  of  his  time  who  were  not  soaked 
in  the  Democratic  subserviency  to  the  slave  power 
of  the  South,  he  became  a Republican.  He  was  a 
strong  and  impressive  talker,  and  he  soon  became 
known  as  one  of  the  best  young  Republican  speak- 
ers in  the  State. 

PUBLIC  CONTEST  WITH  MR.  HENDRICKS. 

In  the  memorable  Lincoln  campaign  of  1860  he 
and  Mr.  Hendricks  happened  to  have  appoint- 
ments to  speak  in  the  same  town  on  the  same  day. 
It  was  arranged  that  they  should  divide  time,  and 
Mr.  Hendricks  expected  to  amuse  himself  by  de- 
vouring the  white-haired  young  man  who  thus  un- 
expectedly became  his  prey.  He  did  not  do  it. 
The  result  of  the  meeting  was  a surprise  to  both 
sides.  Democrats  admitted  that  Mr.  Hendricks 


32 


LIFE  A NO  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


had  met  his  match  and  Republicans  thought  he 
Avas  badly  worsted.  The  chairman  of  the  meeting 
afterwards  said : “ I have  heard  a good  many 
political  debates  in  my  day,  but  I never  heard  a 
man  skin  an  opponent  as  quickly  as  Ben  Harrison 
did  Hendricks  that  day.” 

The  story  told  of  this  encounter  is  worth  re- 
peating. Hendricks’  friends  challenged  young 
Harrison  to  the  national  combat,  and  to  their  sur- 
prise the  challenge  was  accepted.  “ What  a head- 
long fool  he  must  be,”  thought  Hendricks’  friends. 
“ I’ll  give  the  young  man  a chance,”  said  Hend« 
ricks.  “ He  shall  have  the  opening  and  the  clos- 
ing speech.”  After  the  Avordy  battle,  Hendricks  is 
reported  as  saying:  “Well,  that  taught  me  a les- 
son. I’ll  never  give  away  any  advantage  again.” 

harrison’s  first  office. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  himself  a candidate  for  office 
during  this  year,  having  been  nominated  for 
reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court.  It  was  a position 
that  he  needed  for  its  salary  as  well  as  desired  for 
its  honor.  He  shared  the  success  of  his  great 
chieftain,  Lincoln,  and  while  one  went  to  Wash- 
ington the  other  was  elected  to  the  humble  office 
to  which  his  fellow-members  of  the  bar  considered 
him  amply  entitled. 

It  is  evident  that  Mr.  Harrison’s  famous  ances- 
try had  not  made  him  rich,  for  great  names  and 
great  bank  accounts  are  not  always  associated. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


33 


The  Harrison  family  in  this  country  has  furnished 
no  millionaires.  Yet  the  subject  of  this  biography 
was  not  dependent  on  inherited  wealth.  His 
future  was  before  him ; no  place  had  been  made 
for  him ; his  youth  was  against  him  ; his  personal 
appearance  was  not  a recommendation.  And  he 
would  have  remained  in  obscurity  except  for  that 
conspicuous  ability  which  he  at  once  displayed. 

This  ability,  it  will  be  seen,  impressed  the  lead- 
ing men  of  Indiana,  and  while  at  first  they  might 
have  been  kindly  and  sympathetically  disposed 
toward  the  young  man  on  account  of  his  poverty, 
his  good  intentions  and  worthy  character,  they 
soon  yielded  him  the  respect  and  honor  which 
were  his  by  right.  He  was  not  an  object  of  com- 
miseration and  charity.  He  was  a noble,  manly 
young  lawyer,  who  gave  promise  of  high  rank  in 
his  profession,  useful  service  in  every  gocd  cause, 
and  honorable  distinction  in  the  community. 

WHAT  OLDER  MEN  CAN-  DO  «FOR  A YOUNG  MAN. 

He  began  his  life-work  in  very  humble  fashion. 
Yet,  as  the  condition  for  a higher  place  and  wider 
field  always  consists  in  doing  nobly  where  you  are, 
so  Mr.  Harrison  was  not  long  in  rising  above  his 
unpretentious  surroundings. 

In  every  pursuit  the  chief  difficulty  is  to  get  the. 
start.  The  train  will  run  well  when  it  is  set  in 
motion  and  the  run  has  commenced.  A manufac- 
turer who  had  made  a round  $500,000  said  he  had 
3 


84 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


more  trouble  to  get  the  first  thousand  than  all  the 
rest.  In  every  walk  of  life  there  are  men  who 
seem  never  to  have  gotten  the  start;  they  are 
T5aste  timber.  If  they  have  ability  in  other  re- 
spects, they  lack  that  practical  push  which  gets 
ahead  and  wins.  Even  with  his  rare  endowments 
Mr.  Harrison  might  have  been  long  in  securing  a 
commanding  position  in  his  profession  if  kind 
hands  had  not  aided  him. 

Governor  Wallace  did  a graceful  thing  and 
showed  his  appreciation  of  solid  worth  and  ability 
when  he  ir  /ited  Mr.  Harrison  to  a partnership  in 
his  law  office.  If  there  had  been  any  objection  to 
the  young  man,  either  on  account  of  character  or 
habits,  such  an  alliance  would  not  have  been 
sought.  Young  men  should  note  this. 

REASONS  WHY  SOME  MEN  FAIL. 

It  is  sadly  true  that  in  the  law  profession  men 
of  good  ability  live  and  die  in  obscurity  because 
of  low  companionships,  habits  of  dissipation,  and 
lack  of  character  and  ambition.  They  lead  air 
aimless,  good-for-nothing  life.  If  there  is  not  some 
indulgent  old  father,  uncle  or  aunt  to  take  pity  on 
diem  and  supply  them  with  cash,  they  would 
*ither  have  to  go  into  some  other  business  or  fetcl) 
up  at  the  poor-house. 

There  is  no  luck  in  life.  Honesty,  push,  char- 
acter,  highmindedness,  sturdy  independence — here 
is  the  luck ! All  this  young  Ti'^.nw/a  possessed. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


35 


ami  the  shrewd  governor  saw  it.  The  partnership 
offered  was  not  to  be  a partnership  with  vulgarity, 
idleness,  or  merely  a fine  ancestral  name.  The 
young  lawyer  had  not  achieved  success,  but  the 
man  was  there  and  that  was  enough.  If  you 
have  the  right  kind  of  steel  in  your  blade,  it  will 
do  the  hewing  when  the  time  comes  and  the  battle 
is  at  hand. 

PATIENT  TOIL. 

For  a number  of  years  we  find  Mr.  Harrison 
fully  occupied  with  his  daily  pursuits.  He  had 
no  ambition  but  to  do  well  what  fell  to  his  lot. 
His  mind  was  becoming  more  vigorous  and  better 
informed  every  day.  He  was  laying  broad  foun- 
dations. The  superstructure  would  appear  in  due 
time.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  the  persevering  labors 
of  those  few  years  prior  to  1860  had  a close  con- 
nection with  Mr.  Harrison’s  later  successes. 

Every  law  case  was  thoroughly  studied  and  pre- 
pared. Some  one  has  said  that  perhaps  other 
men  could  have  spoken  as  well  as  Daniel  Webster 
did  if  they  had  prepared  themselves  as  carefully. 
Never  at  the  bar,  on  the  rostrum,  or  in  the  Senate, 
where  he  moved  with  such  majestic  step,  did  he 
attempt  any  public  performance  without  the  most 
thorough  marshalling  of  all  his  mental  forces  and 
all  the  arguments  and  appeals  of  the_case.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  Mr.  Harrison  in  his  professional 
pursuits.  Others  had  equal  genius,  tact,  oratori- 
cal power.  He  won  his  successes  by  main  force  j 


36 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


lie  took  hold  and  did  not  let  go ; it  was  not  the 
jump  of  genius,  but  the  sure  and  steady  step  which 
finally  reaches  the  conclusion.  He  planned  a siege, 
moved  forward  a foot  at  a time,  and  worked  his 
way  to  victory. 

GROWING  FAME  AND  POPULARITY. 

The  road  to  renown  is  often  long  and  rugged. 
Do  not  travel  in  that  direction  unless  you  have 
good  staying  power.  You  cannot  be  carried.  Stand 
up,  man,  and  do  your  own  climbing!  The  way  is 
not  down  hill ; sweat,  muscle,  nerve,  pluck  that 
never  knows  defeat — unless  you  are  ready  for  the 
cost,  clear  the  track,  get  out  of  the  way,  die  and  be 
forgotten  ! 

Look  at  our  men  who  have  started  at  zero. 
Take  Lincoln,  Grant,  Garfield,  Harry  Clay,  a 
thousand  others.  They  came  with  nothing ; they 
held  a heavy  account  against  the  world  when  they 
died.  Babes  that  were  never  wrapped  in  silk  are 
the  ones  that  finally  put  on  the  robes  of  state. 

But  men  grow  to  this.  Mr.  Harrison  gradually 
rose  to  prominence  while  he  toiled  and  bravely 
struggled.  The  men  who  surrounded  him  and 
knew  him  best  were  the  ones  who  spoke  most 
highly  of  him.  He  was  always  at  his  post.  He 
was  moral  and  upright.  His  word  was  an  assur- 
ance of  truth.  He  meant  what  he  said,  and  people 
learned  to  trust  him.  Slowly,  yet  inevitably,  he 
gained  esteem  and  confidence.  He  stuck  to  his 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


37 


business,  and  there  was  no  allurement  that  could 
charm  him  away  from  daily  toil  and  duty. 

This  disposition  brought  its  reward.  He  was  a 
good  lawyer;  he  wag  an  honorable  opponent;  he 
was  a patriotic  citizen ; he  was  a generous  friend  ; 
he  did  not  fleece  his  clients;  he  was  not  always 
playing  the  game  of  grab ; he  deserved  to  have  a 
host  of  friends,  and  he  had  them. 

A CHARACTER  ABOVE  SUSPICION  OR  REPROACH. 

Since  Mr.  Harrison’s  nomination  it  has  been  the 
testimony  of  journals  of  every  political  shade  that 
his  private  character  cannot  be  assailed.  In  those 
early  years  when  his  emoluments  were  small  and 
his  circumstances  were  very  humble,  he  yielded  to 
no  temptation.  He  could  afford  to  be  poor,  but 
not  dishonorable. 

This  campaign  is  not  to  be  one  of  scandal. 
There  is  no  occasion  for  calumny.  The  nominee 
of  the  great  Republican  party  is  not  a trickster. 
That  he  will  not  be  assailed  by  scurvy  politicians 
who  would  lose  their  occupation  unless  assailing 
somebody,  is  too  much  to  hope.  The  shafts  will 
strike  an  armor  that  has  no  loosened  joints,  and 
will  fell  broken  at  his  feet. 

FIRST  PUBLIC  OFFICE. 

The  esteem  in  which  Mr.  Harrison  was  held 
was  shown  by  his  election  in  1860  to  the  office  of 
reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of 
Indiana.  It  was  not  a wonderful  promotion,  but 


38 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


the  position  required  a thorough  knowledge  of  law, 
good  executive  ability,  promptness  in  the  perform- 
ance of  duty,  and  patient  fidelity  in  dealing  with 
details.  The  right  man  was  chosen  for  the  place, 
as  subsequent  events  fully  proved. 

General  Harrison  was  glad  to  get  a salary  con- 
nected with  the  office.  “My  father  had  a farm,” 
said  he  to  a correspondent,  “about  five  miles  from 
that  of  my  grandfather.  He  signed  some  worth- 
less notes  and  died  poor,  leaving  his  family  noth- 
ing. I married  young,  when  I was  only  twenty 
years  of  age,  and  came  to  Indianapolis,  which  was 
then  a place  of  only  14,000  or  15,000  inhabitants. 
My  wife  and  I took  as  our  dwelling  a little  house 
of  only  three  rooms,  on  Vermont  street.  I remem- 
ber we  had  six  knives  and  six  two-pronged  forks, 
six  plates  and  a similarly  slim  equipment  all  around. 
My  wife  did  her  own  work,  and  we  have  both  said 
since  we  were  never  happier  in  our  lives. 

“Lawyers  do  not  make  much  money,  or  at  least 
they  do  not  usually  have  much  more  when  they 
lie  than  the  roof  over  their  heads.  I own  this 
house  and  the  lot  on  which  it  rests,  but  I have  no 
other  real  estate  except  fifteen  acres  of  my  grand- 
father’s farm  at  North  Bend.  I bought  that  for 
sentimental  reasons.  It  is  a part  of  the  farm  of  a 
sister  of  mine.  I have  no  income  beyond  my 
professional  one  as  a lawyer,  except  about  $1000 
from  a certain  investment.” 


CHAPTER  III. 


A GALLANT  UNION  SOLDIER. 

'.’-T3PPING  TO  THE  FRONT — COMMISSIONED  TO  RAISE  A Regi- 

ment — In  the  Fight  at  Resaca— General  Grant’s  Plan 
of  Campaign — Sherman’s  Army — Pushing  for  Atlanta 
— Description  of  the  Situation — Strategic  Movement — 
An  Advance  Repelled — Kilpatrick  Wounded — Ready 
for  the  Fray — Beginning  of  the  Fight — Terrible 
Charge — McPherson’s  Tactics — Colonel  Harrison’s 
Conspicuous  Bravery — Capturing  the  only  Guns  Tarty 
in  the  Campaign — General  Hooker’s  Promise  on  the 
Field  to  Make  the  Indiana  Colonel  a General — The 
Enemy  in  Retreat — Pushing  Forward — Worrying  the 
Confederates — Harrison’s  Dash  and  Courage — Per- 
sonal Appearance  of  the  Young  Soldier. 

When  the  civil  war  broke  out  Mr.  Harrison 
held  himself  ready  for  his  country’s  call.  He  was 
a soldier  who  won  every  commission  that  he  re- 
ceived. It  was  in  July,  1862,  that  Governor 
Oliver  P.  Morton  said  to  him  : “ Ben,  I want  you 
to  raise  a regiment.”  He  accepted  the  request  as 
a command.  He  raised  a company,  was  commis- 
sioned a second  lieutenant,  then  a captain,  and 
then  colonel  of  the  TOth  Indiana  Regiment.  Gov- 
ernor Morton  at  this  time  suggested  to  the  young 
lawyer  who  was  not  yet  thirty,  and  whose  family 
still  needed  his  constant  care,  that  it  was  hardly 

(39) 


40 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


fair  to  ask  him  to  give  up  the  civil  office  to  which 
he  had  been  elected,  and  offered  to  send  some  one 
else  in  his  place  to  the  field.  Harrison’s  reply  was 
characteristic : “ I have  recruited  this  regiment 
and  I would  ask  no  man  to  go  where  I would 
not  go  myself.”  It  was  in  this  soldierly  spirit 
that  he  began  his  military  service. 

For  a time  Colonel  Harrison  had  little  but  garri- 
son duty  to  perform  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee, 
but  an  opportunity  soon  came  to  prove  the  stuff  he 
was  made  of. 

His  gallantry  became  conspicuous  from  the  first, 
but  especially  near  the  close  of  the  war  he  found 
opportunity  to  prove  his  soldierly  qualities.  At 
the  battles  of  Resaca  and  Peach  Tree  Creek  he 
distinguished  himself  no  less  than  his  famous 
grandfather  did  at  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe. 

We  present  here  a detailed  account  of  that  part 
of  Sherman’s  campaign  in  which  Harrison  bore  a 
courageous  part. 

TWO  GREAT  ARMIES. 

General  Grant’s  battle-plan  contemplated  the 
dealing  of  two  deadly  blows — one  on  Richmond, 
the  other  on  Atlanta.  To  effect  this  double  pur- 
pose he  had  concentrated  at  two  separate  points 
two  powerful  armies.  The  one  was  on  the  north- 
ern bank  of  the  Rapidan,  its  right  at  Culpepper 
Court-House,  and  was  under  the  immediate  direc- 
tion of  General  Meade.  The  other  was  in  the 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


41 


neighborhood  of  Chattanooga,  and  was  intrusted 
to  the  care  of  General  Sherman. 

The  total  force  under  Sherman  was  over  98,000 
men  of  all  arms,  with  254  guns.  It  was  composed 
of  three  separate  organizations : the  army  of  the 
Cumberland,  Major-General  Thomas ; the  army 
of  the  Tennessee,  Major-General  McPherson  ; and 
the  army  of  the  Ohio,  Major-General  Schofield. 
The  army  of  the  Cumberland  comprised  the  Fourth 
corps,  Howard;  the  Fourteenth  corps,  Palmer; 
and  the  Twentieth  corps,  Hooker — in  all  60,773, 
including  3828  cavalry. 

The  army  of  the  Tennessee  comprised  the  Fif- 
teenth corps,  Logan  ; the  Sixteenth  corps,  Dodge  ; 
and  afterwards  the  Seventeenth  corps,  Blair — in 
all  24,465  men,  including  624  cavalry.  The  army 
of  the  Ohio  consisted  of  the  Twenty-third  corps ; 
in  all  13,559,  including  1,679  cavalry.  As  soon  as 
Grant  had  crossed  the  Rapidan,  he  telegraphed 
Sherman  to  advance  from  Chattanooga. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  May,  and  when 
about  to  move,  the  position  of  the  three  armies 
was  as  follows:  the  army  of  the  Cumberland  was 
at  Ringgold,  on  the  Western  and  Atlantic  Rail- 
road, twenty -three  miles  southeast  of  Chattanooga; 
the  army  of  the  Tennessee  was  at  Gordon’s  Mill, 
on  the  Chickamauga,  eight  miles  west  of  Ring- 
gold  ; and  the  army  of  the  Ohio  near  Red  Clay., 
about  ten  miles  northeast  of  Ringgold. 


42 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERYICES  OF 


THE  OPPOSING  FORCE. 

The  Confederate  army,  commanded  by  Lieu- 
tenant-General Joseph  E.  Johnston,  lay  in  and 
about  Dalton,  fifteen  miles  south  of  Ringgold,  on 
the  railroad,  his  advance  at  Tunnel  Hill,  about 
midway  between  Ringgold  and  Dalton.  The  force 
under  Johnston,  consisting  mostly  of  veteran 
troops,  comprised  the  corps  of  Generals  Hardee, 
Hood,  and  Polk,  and  General  Wheeler’s  division 
of  about  10,000  cavalry,  numbering  in  all  not  more 
than  60,000  men. 

In  some  respects  the  campaign  before  General 
Sherman  resembled  that  of  General  Grant  from 
the  Rapidan  against  Richmond.  Its  objective 
point  was  Atlanta,  the  possession  of  which  it  was 
believed  was  hardly  of  less  importance  to  the  Con- 
federacy than  the  capital  of  Virginia.  Atlanta 
had  been  before  the  war  an  important  centre  of 
railroad  communication  for  the  Western,  Atlantic, 
and  Gulf  States,  and  a principal  manufacturing 
town  of  the  South,  with  a population  of  about  15,- 
000.  Laid  out  in  a circle  two  miles  in  diameter, 
in  its  centre  was  the  passenger  depot  of  four  rail- 
roads, radiating  to  Chattanooga,  Augusta,  Macon 
and  Montgomery. 

AIMING  FOR  ATLANTA. 

Here  also  were  railroad  machine  shops,  an  ex- 
tensive rolling  mill,  foundries,  manufactories  of 
gun-carriages,  pistols,  tents,  caps,  cartridges,  shot 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


43 


and  shell,  shoes,  clothing,  and  other  military  sup- 
plies, under  the  direction  of  the  Confederate  gov- 
ernment. The  population  had  risen  during  the 
war,  by  the  accession  of  persons  employed  under 
the  government  and  the  arrival  of  refugees,  to  not 
less  than  20,000.  It  was  supposed  that  the  cap- 
ture of  Atlanta,  with  its  vast  military  stores  and 
costly  machinery,  would  be  a blow  to  the  re- 
sources of  the  Confederacy  hardly  less  fatal  than 
the  capture  of  Richmond. 

The  utmost  efforts  were  put  forth  by  the  Con- 
federate authorities  to  make  Atlanta  secure.  The 
line  of  approach  was  made  as  difficult  for  Sherman 
as  the  nature  of  the  country — in  itself  easy  of 
defense — and  the  resources  of  Johnson  would 
admit.  Should  Sherman  succeed  in  making  his 
way  over  the  mountain  region  and  in  crossing  the 
rivers,  both  of  which  afforded  many  strong  de- 
fensible positions  for  Johnston’s  army,  he  would 
still  have  his  hardest  task  before  him  in  the  for- 
midable works  around  Atlanta,  with  an  army 
depleted  by  many  battles  and  the  necessity  for 
leaving  garrisons  at  various  points. 

HOW  THE  GROUND  LAID. 

Sherman’s  line  of  communication  would,  at  the 
same  time,  be  lengthened  and  exposed,  while 
Johnston  in  falling  back  upon  Atlanta  would  be 
approaching  his  base  and  his  supplies. 

A reconnoissance  of  General  Johnston’s  position 


44 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


at  Dalton  satisfied  General  Sherman  that  it  could 
not  be  carried  by  an  attack  in  front,  even  should 
the  enemy  abandon  his  works  at  Tunnel  Hill. 
Immediately  south  of  Tunnel  Hill  is  a valley  about 
three  miles  long  and  about  three-quarters  of  a mile 
wide,  bounded  by  Rocky  Face  Ridge,  a thickly 
wooded,  steep,  and  rugged  mountain,  which  com- 
mands the  railroad  and  other  approaches  to  Dalton, 
and  extends  southward  many  miles  on  the  west 
side  of  the  railroad  and  of  the  Oostanaula. 

A narrow  mountain  pass  called  Buzzard  Roost, 
about  midway  between  Tunnel  Hill  and  Dalton,  is 
the  outlet  to  the  valley,  and  through  this  pass 
runs  the  railroad  to  Dalton.  By  means  of  abatis , 
formidable  batteries,  and  a line  of  rifle-pits  at  its 
northern  entrance,  this  pass  had  been  rendered 
impregnable,  so  that  Dalton  was  absolutely  secure 
against  attack  from  the  northwest;  on  its  north- 
east side  the  town  was  protected  by  strong  works 
on  Mile  Creek. 

AN  IMPORTANT  MOVEMENT. 

General  McPherson  was  therefore  directed  to 
move  rapidly  southward  with  the  army  of  the 
Tennessee  from  his  position  at  Gordon’s  Mill,  by 
way  of  Ship’s  Gap,  Yillanow,  and  through  Snake 
Creek  Gap — a pass  in  Rocky  Face  Ridge  further 
south — upon  Resaca,  a station  about  eighteen 
miles  south  of  Dalton,  where  the  railroad  from 
that  place  crosses  the  Oostanaula.  The  object  of 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


45 


this  movement  was  to  compel  General  Johnston  to 
evacuate  his  position  at  Dalton,  when  McPherson 
would  be  in  a position  to  harass  his  flank,  while 
the  main  body  of  the  National  army  pushed  him 
southward.  While  McPherson’s  flanking  move- 
ment was  in  progress,  General  Thomas  vTas  to 
make  a show  of  attacking  in  force  in  front  of  Buz- 
zard Roost,  and  Schofield  with  the  army  of  the 
Ohio  was  to  close  up  wdth  Thomas’  left. 

FORWARD  AND  BACK. 

Accordingly  on  the  7th,  General  Thomas  ad- 
vanced from  Ringgold  to  Tunnel  Hill,  which  was 
easily  carried  by  the  Fourteenth  corps  under  Gen- 
eral Palmer,  the  enemy  retiring  to  his  stronger 
position  at  Buzzard  Roost.  The  same  evening  the 
National  line  was  established  about  a mile  south 
of  Tunnel  Hill.  A demonstration  in  force  was 
made  on  the  8 th  against  Rocky  Face  Ridge  and 
Buzzard  Roost.  The  Fourth  corps  under  Howard 
succeeded  in  carrying  the  ridge,  but  its  crest  was 
found  too  narrow  to  permit  of  an  attack  being 
made  from  it  on  the  pass  with  any  prospect  of  suc- 
cess. General  Schofield  in  the  mean  time  brought 
up  the  army  of  the  Ohio  and  closed  wdth  the  left 
of  Thomas,  which  was  held  by  Howrard. 

On  the  same  day  McPherson  succeeded  in  pass- 
ing through  Snake  Creek  Gap,  surprising  a force 
of  Confederate  cavalry  there,  and  approached 
Within  a mile  of  Resaca,  which,  however,  proved 


46 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


too  strong  to  be  carried  by  assault.  He  therefore 
fell  back  to  a strong  position  at  the  west  end  of 
Snake  Creek  Gap.  General  Sherman  finding  that 
McPherson’s  flank  demonstration  had  failed  of  its 
intended  effect,  set  the  whole  of  his  army  in  motion 
for  Snake  Creek  Gap,  with  the  exception  of  two 
divisions  of  Howard’s  corps  and  some  cavalry,  left 
to  threaten  the  front  of  Buzzard  Roost.  The 
National  loss  on  the  8th  and  9th  was  about  750 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  the  greater  number 
being  only  slightly  wounded. 

Resaca  is  situated  on  a peninsula  formed  by  the 
junction  of  the  Conasauga  with  the  Oostanaula, 
across  which,  from  river  to  river,  the  Confederates 
had  constructed  a continuous  line  of  rifle-pits  with 
strong  field-works,  their  flanks  being  protected  by 
the  two  rivers.  A line  of  retreat  southward  was 
left  open  across  the  Oostanaula. 

A BRAVE  GENERAL  WOUNDED. 

On  the  13th  of  May  the  army  of  General  Sher- 
man passed  through  Snake  Creek  Gap  and  got 
into  position  in  Sugar  Valley,  a tract  on  the  east 
side  of  the  ridge  much  broken  by  hills  covered 
with  a dense  undergrowth.  In  covering  the 
movement,  while  pressing  the  enemy  toward 
Resaca,  General  Kilpatrick  received  a flesh-wound, 
which  unfitted  him  for  active  duty  for  several 
months.  The  National  lines  were  advanced  during 
the  day  toward  Resaca,  so  that  the  right,  under 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


47 


McPherson,  rested  on  the  Oostanaula  about  two 
miles  below  the  town,  and  extended  north  to  the 
centre  under  Thomas — the  left,  under  Schofield, 
extending  from  Thomas’  left  to  the  Conasagua, 
near  Tilton,  a railroad  station  about  midway 
between  Resaca  and  Dalton. 

In  the  mean  time  General  Johnston  had  observed 
Sherman’s  movement  and  detected  its  object;  and 
considering  his  position  at  Dalton  no  longer  tenable, 
he  had  moved  southward  on  the  12th,  and  having 
the  shorter  line  of  march,  reached  Resaca  with 
his  entire  force  before  the  army  of  Sherman  had 
got  through  Snake  Creek  Gap. 

MAKING  READY  FOR  THE  ATTACK. 

Dalton  was  immediately  occupied  by  the  divi- 
sions of  Howard’s  corps  left  before  Buzzard  Roost, 
which  following  in  the  rear  of  Johnston  joined  the 
National  left  on  the  14  th  near  Tilton.  Sherman, 
in  thus  compelling  Johnston  to  evacuate  a position 
of  such  extraordinary  strength  as  that  of  Dalton, 
demonstrated  his  ability  to  make  his  way  to 
Atlanta,  between  which  and  Dalton  no  position 
was  likely  to  be  held  by  the  Confederates  which 
might  not  be  as  easily  turned. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  the  Confederates 
were  in  complete  readiness  to  receive  an  attack, 
having  spent  the  previous  night  in  strengthening 
their  already  formidable  earth-works.  General 
Hardee  held  their  right,  General  Hood  their 


48 


Ll/F  U'-TD  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


centre,  and  General  Polk  their  left.  At  an  early 
hour  skirmishing  commenced.  A body  of  infantry 
with  cavalry  was  sent  across  the  Oostanaula  to 
threaten  Calhoun  in  the  rear,  further  south  on  the 
railroad,  by  which  movement  General  Sherman 
hoped  to  turn  Johnston’s  left,  and  thus  cut  off  his 
retreat,  but  this  the  nature  of  the  ground  rendered 
impossibl 

THE  BATTLE  OPENS. 

At  noon  there  was  heavy  firing  along  the  whole 
line.  About  one  o’clock  an  attempt  was  made  by 
Palmer’s  corps  from  the  left  centre  to  break  the 
enemy’s  line  and  force  him  from  an  elevated  posi- 
tion in  the  immediate  front.  To  reach  the  point 
aimed  at,  it  was  necessary  to  descend  the  slope  of 
a hill  commanded  by  the  enemy’s  artillery,  to  ford 
a stream  bordered  with  a thick  growth  of  bushes 
and  vines,  and  then  to  cross  a space  intersected  by 
ditches  and  otherwise  obstructed.  Under  a mur- 
derous fire  of  musketry  and  artillery  the  hill  was 
descended  and  the  stream  crossed ; but  the  troops 
becoming  confused  among  the  ditches  and  obstruc- 
tions, and  finding  no  shelter  from  which  the 
plunging  fire  of  the  enemy  might  be  returned, 
were  forced  to  retire,  after  losing  1000  of  their 
number. 

Further  to  the  left,  about  the  same  time,  Gen- 
eral Judah’s  division  of  the  Twenty-third  corps  and 
Newton’s  division  of  the  Fourth,  drove  the  enemy 
from  an  important  position  on  their  outer  line. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  4 9 

Ry  thi?  means,  although  the  position  taken  was 
not  heir*,  the  National  line  was  advanced.  Artil- 
lery was  also  got  into  position,  which  prevented 
the  enemy  from  occupying  the  works.  At  both 
extremities  of  the  line  heavy  skirmishing  took 
place,  the  density  of  the  woods  and  undergrowth 
preventing  the  use  of  artillery. 

FURIOUS  CONFEDERATE  CHARGE. 

About  three  in*  the  afternoon  General  Johnstou 
massed  a heavy  force  on  the  road  to  Tilton,  with 
the  view  of  turning  the  National  left  flank,  held  by 
Stanley’s  division  of  the  Fourth  corps.  The  attack 
was  made  with  overwhelming  numbers,  who  rushed 
on  with  loud  yells,  and  with  such  impetuosity  that 
Stanley’s  troops  were  forced  in  confusion  from  the 
hill  on  which  they  were  posted.  The  movement 
ordered  by  Johnston  had  been  detected  early 
enough  to  permit  of  Hooker’s  corps  being  moved 
from  the  centre  to  reinforce  the  National  left.  The 
enemy’s  advance  was  soon  checked ; and  Stanley’s 
troops  having  been  rallied,  the  Confederates  were, 
about  dusk,  driven  back  to  their  lines  with  severe 
loss. 

While  this  movement  was  going  on,  General 
McPherson  sent  the  Fifteenth  corps  with  a portion 
of  the  Sixteenth  across  Camp  Creek,  to  carry  a hill 
and  rifle-pits  on  the  enemy’s  left  in  front  of  Resaca. 
This  was  effected,  and  with  little  loss.  As  this 
position  commanded  the  works,  the  railroad,  and 
4 


50 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  Of 


Ihe  trestle  bridges  across  the  Oostanaula,  desperate 
efforts  were  made  by  the  enemy  after  dark  to  re- 
take it,  but  in  vain.  Heavy  columns  with  fixed 
bayonets  moved  up  to  the  very  crest  of  the  hill, 
but  were  compelled  to  retire  in  confusion  before 
the  steady  fire  of  the  National  troops.  At  ten 
o’clock  fighting  was  over  for  the  day. 

THE  INDIANA  COLONEL  AT  THE  FRONT. 
During  all  this  terrible  business  Colonel  Harrison 
was  at  his  post,  bravely  commanding  his  regiment. 
His  men  were  willing  to  go  where  he  went,  but  he 
was  not  willing  they  should  go  where  he  did  not. 
He  had  already  shown  what  kind  of  stuff  he  was 
made  of,  and  his  heroism  - at  Resaca  was  so  con- 
spicuous that  it  could  not  be  overlooked. 

His  regiment  was  where  the  bullets  flew  thick- 
est in  the  charge  at  Resaca,  and  the  colonel  was 
with  his  men.  When  they  struck  the  guns  and 
captured  them — the  only  guns  that  were  captured 
in  that  campaign — Harrison  was  there,  and,  grab- 
bing a Confederate  gunner  by  the  hair,  he  threw 
him  clear  over  the  caisson,  yelling : “ Come  out  of 
there,  you  rebel ! ” 

PROMOTED  FOR  GALLANT  CONDUCT, 
it  was  after  this  charge  that  General  Hooker 
rode  up  to  the  young  colonel,  and  said  to  him : 
“ Ben  Harrison,  I’ll  make  you  a brigadier  for  this 
day’s  work,”  and  soon  after  Harrison  was,  indeed, 
breveted  a brigadier-general.  Later  on,  for  his 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


51 


gallantry  at  Peach  Tree  Creek,  where  he  led  his 
command  through  the  enemy  and  back  again,  he 
was  made  a brigadier  in  full  commission. 

Colonel  Harrison,  it  will  thus  be  seen,  bore  an 
important  part  in  the  thrilling  scenes  of  that  day’s 
%ht. 

Both  armies  strengthened  their  positions  during 
the  night;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  under 
cover  of  severe  skirmishing,  preparations  were 
made  by  General  Sherman  for  an  assault  upon  two 
fortified  hills  on  the  enemy’s  extreme  right,  the 
key  of  the  whole  position.  General  Hooker’s  corps 
was  moved  to  the  extreme  left,  Howard’s,  Scho- 
field’s, and  Palmer’s  to  the  right.  Soon  after  one 
o’clock  Hooker  sent  Butterfield’s  division  forward 
as  the  assaulting  column,  supported  by  the  divis- 
ions of  Geary  and  Williams. 

After  several  attacks  the  Confederates  were 
driven  from  a portion  of  their  lines,  and  a lodg- 
ment was  secured  under  the  projecting  works  of  a 
lunette  mounting  four  guns.  Further  advance, 
however,  was  found  impossible,  owing  to  a severe 
fire  from  neighboring  rifle-pits,  and  the  troops  seek- 
ing such  shelter  as  was  available,  contented  them- 
selves with  holding  the  position  gained.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  afternoon  General  Hood’s  corps 
made  an  unavailing  effort  to  dislodge  them.  Later, 
under  cover  of  night,  and  in  spite  of  a sharp  fire 
from  the  Confederates,  the  ends  were  dug  out  of  the 
works  and  the  guns  hauled  out  with  ropes.  As 


52 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


soon  as  a breach  was  made  the  troops  rushed  in, 
and  after  a fierce  struggle  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  lunette. 

THE  ENEMY  IN  RETREAT. 

General  Johnston  abandoned  his  position  during 
the  night,  leaving  behind  another  four-gun  battery 
and  a quantity  of  stores,  and  retreated  toward 
Kingston,  thirty-two  miles  south  of  Resaca  on  the 
railroad.  Resaca  was  immediately  occupied  by  the 
troops  of  General  Thomas,  who  succeeded  in  sav- 
ing the  wagon  road  bridge.  The  railroad  bridge, 
however,  had  been  burnt.  Johnston’s  army  owed 
its  escape  from  Sherman  at  Resaca  to  the  imprac- 
ticable nature  of  the  valley  between  the  town  and 
Snake  Creek  Gap,  which  greatly  retarded  the 
passage  of  troops,  and  afforded  the  Confederate 
army  time  to  march  from  Dalton  by  comparatively 
good  roads,  which  Johnston  with  wise  foresight 
had  kept  in  order. 

Had  the  National  army  arrived  first  at  Resaca, 
nothing  could  have  saved  the  army  of  the  Con- 
federates. Once  in  their  strong  position  at 
Resaca,  it  cost  much  severe  fighting  to  make  them 
abandon  it.  The  total  National  loss  in  the  two 
days’  fighting  was  not  less  than  4,000  killed  and 
wounded,  while  that  of  the  Confederates  probably 
did  not  exceed  2,500,  as  they  fought  for  the  most 
part  behind  earth-works.  The  Confederate  loss 
included  about  1,000  prisoners. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


53 


PUSHING  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

The  whole  army  started  in  pursuit  of  Johnston, 
General  Thomas,  directly  on  his  lear,  crossing  the 
Oostanaula  at  Resaca,  General  McPherson  at  Lay’s 
Perry,  a few  miles  to  the  southwest,  while  Gen- 
eral Schofield,  making  a wide  detour  to  the  left  of 
Thomas,  marched  by  obscure  roads  across  the 
Conasauga  and  Coosawattee  rivers,  which  unite 
near  Resaca  to  form  the  Oostanaula.  On  the  17th 
the  march  was  continued  southward  by  as  many 
roads  as  could  be  found,  in  a direction  parallel 
with  the  railroad,  but  no  enemy  was  seen  till 

within  the  vicinitv  of  Adairsville.  thirteen  miles 

%/  ' 

south-southwest  of  Resaca,  between  the  railroad 
and  the  Oostanaula.  There,  about  sunset,  the 
advance  division  under  General  Newton  had  a 
sharp  skirmish  with  the  enemy's  rear-guard. 

Next  morning  the  Confederates  had  disappeared, 
but  were  found  again  in  force  four  miles  beyond 
Kingston,  on  ground  comparatively  open  and  well 
adapted  for  a grand  battle.  They  held  strong 
works  at  Cassville,  five  miles  east  of  Kingston, 
and  on  the  19th  dispositions  were  made  for  a gen- 
eral engagement.  While,  however,  Sherman  was 
converging  on  the  Confederate  position,  Johnston 
retreated  in  the  night  across  the  Etowah,  burning 
the  bridges  at  Cartersville,  thus  leaving  the 
country  north  of  the  Etowah  in  the  possession  of 
General  Sherman. 


54 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


CONFEDERATES  TRYING  TO  ESCAPE. 

It  had,  however,  been  completely  stripped  of 
supplies.  Sherman  now  gave  his  troops  a few 
days’  rest,  the  army  of  Thomas  lying  near  Cass- 
ville,  McPherson’s  about  Kingston,  and  Schofield’s 
at  Cassville  depot  and  toward  the  Etowah  bridge. 
In  the  meantime  the  railroad,  which  had  received 
but  little  injury,  was  restored  to  running  order. 
Trains  laden  with  supplies  arrived  at  Kingston  on 
the  20th,  and  the  wounded  were  sent  back  to 
Chattanooga,  with  which  place  telegraphic  com- 
munication also  was  kept  up  as  the  army  ad- 
vanced. 

General  Jefferson  C.  Davis  had  on  the  17th 
marched  towards  Rome,  at  the  confluence  of  the 
Oostanaula  and  Etowah,  fifteen  miles  west  of 
Kingston.  After  a sharp  fight  on  the  19th  he  got 
possession  of  the  town,  several  forts,  eight  or  ten 
large  guns,  and  large  quantities  of  stores,  as  well 
as  valuable  mills  and  foundries. 

Sherman’s  tactics. 

General  Johnston  retired  upon  Allatoona  Pass, 
an  almost  impregnable  position  on  the  railroad, 
about  five  miles  south  of  the  Etowah  River.  Gen- 
eral Sherman  determined  not  even  to  attempt  the 
pass  in  front,  but  to  turn  it.  Accordingly,  on  the 
23d,  leaving  garrisons  at  Rome  and  Kingston,  and 
carrying  with  him  in  wagons  supplies  for  twenty 
days,  he  put  the  army  in  motion  for  Dallas,  a 


MAP  OF  THE  COUNTRY  AROUND  RESACA, 


(55) 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


57 


he  had  learned  what  his  rights  were,  and,  in  his 
quiet  way,  he  insisted  upon  having  them,  and 
invariably  succeeded.’’ 

Another  old  soldier,  Mr.  Ramsdell,  speaking  of 
the  battle  of  Resaca,  says  : 

“ I shall  never  forget  the  scene.  Beyond  a 
ravine  on  the  crest  of  an  ascent,  facing  us,  was  the 
rebel  position.  The  order  to  advance  was  given. 
We  moved  down  that  slope  like  clockwork.  Har- 
rison was  riding  his  horse  behind  our  line,  and  I 
remember  looking  over  my  shoulder  at  him  and 
wondering  whether  I should  ever  see  him  again. 
Just  as  we  got  to  the  ravine  the  order  came  to 
charge.  We  dashed  through  the  ravine  and  went 
pell-mell  up  the  slope  beyond.  Well,  the  noise 
and  confusion  and  horror  of  it  all  was  fearful,  but 
just  as  I was  running  forward  with  all  my  might, 
I heard  Harrison  yelling,  ‘Come  on,  boys!  Come 
on.’  There  he  was  on  his  horse  away  in  front  of 
the  line.  He  had  on  his  full  regimentals  and  he 
was  a shining  mark.  How  he  lived  for  a minute 
in  that  hailstorm  of  bullets  I don’t  know.  His 
voice  was  still  in  my  ears,  and  I was  almost  at 
the  rebel  works  when  I felt  a sharp  pain  in  my 
wrist  as  if  it  had  been  hit  smartly  with  a stick. 
‘ Look  out,  Dan  ! ’ a friend  of  mine  cried,  e you’ll 
bleed  to  death.’  I stopped  the  bleeding  by  press- 
ure and  went  back  to  the  hospital,  but  as  I 
turned  to  walk  back  I saw  Harrison  right  among 
the  guns  of  that  battery.” 


CHAPTER  IV. 


MADE  A BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 

Sherman’s  Army  on  the  March — Disposing  the  Forces — 
“When  G-reek  Meets  Greek,  then  Comes  the  Tug  op 
War’’ — Deadly  Fire  from  National  Troops — Hooker’s 
Corps  Terribly  Exposed — Four  Hours  of  "ighting — 
Harrison  Leading  his  Men — Sherman  Feeling  for  the 
Enemy — Renewing  the  Contest — Death  of  General 
McPherson — Terrific  Assaults — How  the  Indiana 
Troops  Won  Glory — Graphic  Battle-scenes — Harrison’s 
Bravery  Rewarded — Receiving  Commission  as  Brigadier- 
General — His  Name  Written  high  Among  the  Nation’s 
Patriots. 

The  whole  of  General  Sherman’s  army  crossed 
the  Chattahoochee  on  the  17th  of  July,  with  the 
exception  of  Davis’  division  of  the  Fourteenth 
corps,  left  to  watch  the  railroad  bridge  and  protect 
the  rear,  and  preparations  were  made  to  move 
upon  Atlanta.  The  army  of  the  Cumberland,  now 
occupying  the  right  and  right  centre,  rested  on  the 
river  just  above  the  railroad  bridge.  The  left 
centre  was  occupied  by  the  army  of  the  Ohio,  the 
left  by  the  army  of  the  Tennessee. 

The  line  thus  formed  made  a grand  right-wheel 
march,  of  which  the  army  of  the  Cumberland  was 
the  pivot;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  17th  came 
into  a position  along  the  Old  Peach  Tree  road, 
(581 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


59 


about  northeast  of  the  railroad  bridge.  On  the 
18th,  the  left  wing,  swinging  round  rapidly,  struck 
the  Georgia  Railroad  about  two  miles  west  of 
Stone  Mountain,  a huge  mass  of  granite  fifteen 
miles  northeast  of  Atlanta. 

General  McPherson,  with  the  aid  of  Garrard’s 
cavalry,  which  moved  on  his  flank,  broke  up  about 
four  miles  of  this  road,  while  General  Schofield 
occupied  Decatur,  six  miles  east  of  Atlanta,  and 
General  Thomas  moved  his  troops  up  towards 
Peach  Tree  Creek,  a small  stream  flowing  south- 
westward  to  the  Chattahoochee,  a little  above  the 
railroad  bridge. 

THE  GAME  OF  WAR. 

The  Confederates  believing  that  their  left  was 
the  real  point  of  attack,  and  that  Sherman  would 
approach  Atlanta  from  the  southwest,  opposed 
these  movements  with  an  inadequate  force  of  in- 
fantry and  a few  cavalry.  Thus  McPherson  and 
Schofield  were  able  on  the  19  th  to  pass  eastward 
of  Decatur  within  the  naturally  strong  defensive 
lines  of  Nance’s  and  Peach  Tree  Creeks;  and  on 
the  same  day  Thomas,  moving  more  directly  from 
the  north,  though  meeting  with  more  opposition, 
succeeded  in  crossing  Peach  Tree  Creek  in  front 
of  the  enemy’s  intrenched  lines.  The  National 
armies  then  lay  in  a curve  line  north  and  north- 
east of  Atlanta,  extending  from  the  railroad  which 
runs  between  Atlanta  and  the  river  to  the  Georgia 
Railroad  and  some  distance  south  of  it. 


60 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Oil  the  20th  the  National  lines  moved  still 
nearer  Atlanta;  but  as  a gap  existed  -between  the 
lines  of  Schofield  and  Thomas,  two  divisions  of 
Howard's  corps  of  Thomas’  army  were  moved  to 
the  left  to  connect  with  Schofield.  By  this  move- 
ment Newton’s  division  of  Howard’s  corps  was  left 
alone  to  hold  an  important  position  on  the  road 
leading  from  Atlanta  to  Buckliead.  General  Hood 
soor.  detected  the  weak  point,  and  was  not  slow 
in  taking  advantage  of  the  opportunity  thus  af- 
forded him.  He  was  soon,  therefore,  in  a posi- 
tion in  which  he  was  ready  to  strike  a blow 
which  might  go  far  towards  retrieving  many  disas- 
ters, 

.PREPARING  FOR  THE  ONSLAUGHT. 

General  Sherman  had,  h6wever,  sent  orders  to 
Newton  and  the  rest  of  the  army  of  the  Cumber- 
land to  close  up  rapidly  towards  the  left.  New- 
ton accordingly  moved  to  a prominent  ridge,  where 
his  troops  stacked  arms  and  made  a temporary 
halt,  but,  beyond  throwing  up  logs  and  rails,  made 
no  defensive  preparations,  no  attack  being  appre- 
hended, prisoners  just  brought  in  having  reported 
that  there  was  no  considerable  force  of  the  enemy 
within  a mile  and  a half.  Hood  had  m the  mean- 
time been  massing  his  forces  in  the  woods  immedi- 
ately in  front  of  the  position  of  General  Newton 
and  of  General  Hooker’s  force,  which  was  approach- 
ing from  the  right,  hoping  to  fall  upon  his  adver- 
saries while  in  motion  and  cut  the  National  army 


IION. ’BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


61 


in  two.  At  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  lie  ad- 
vanced suddenly  from  the  woods,  without  skir- 
mishers, directly  on  the  position  of  Newton. 

HOT  FIRE  FROM  BREASTWORKS. 

His  appearance  was  altogether  unexpected ; 
nevertheless  the  National  troops  instantly  sprang 
to  arms,  and  from  behind  their  log  and  rail  breast- 
works poured  a deadly  fire  into  the  dense  masses 
of  the  enemy.  Well-served  batteries  also,  which 
Newton  had  posted  on  his  flanks,  aided  to.  keep 
the  Confederates  in  check. 

General  Hooker’s  whole  corps  was  uncovered, 
and  it  had  to  fight  on  comparatively  open  ground. 
Geary’s  division  was  thrown  back  in  some  confu- 
sion. Rallying  quickly  it  recovered  its  ground 
and  kept  the  enemy  in  check  till  Ward’s  division 
came  up.  Ward  met  the  enemy’s  charge  by  a 
counter-charge,  and  after  a brief  but  fierce  struggle 
drove  him  back. 

The  division  of  Williams,  further  to  the  right 
and  next  to  that  of  Geary,  though  desperately 
attacked,  repulsed  every  onset  with  heavy  loss. 
The  battle  had  lasted  four  hours,  when  Hood  drew 
his  forces  rapidly  back  to  their  intrenchments, 
leaving  on  the  .field  600  dead,  and  1,000  severely 
wounded,  a number  of  prisoners,  and  seven  regi- 
mental flags — his  total  loss  being  estimated  by 
General  Sherman  at  not  less  than  5,000.  The 
National  loss  was  1,900,  sustained  principally  by 


62 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


the  corps  of  General  Hooker,  upon  which  fell  the 
brunt  of  the  battle. 

HARRISON  AT  PEACH  TREE  CREEK. 

In  this  corps  Colonel  Harrison  was  accounted 
one  of  the  best  officers.  His  gallantry  in  the  battle 
was  no  less  marked  than  at  Resaca. 

The  Confederates  kept  within  their  intrenched 
position  during  the  21st,  their  right  beyond  the 
Georgia  railroad  and  their  left  extended  towards 
Turner’s  Ferry,  at  a general  distance  of  four  miles 
from  Atlanta.  In  the  course  of  the  day  a strongly 
fortified  hill  in  front  of  the  extreme  National  left, 
which  completely  commanded  Atlanta  and  the 
two  principal  roads  leading  north  and  south  from 
the  city,  was  carried  by  General  Leggett’s  division 
of  the  Seventeenth  corps,  though  with  a loss  of  750 
men.  Two  desperate  but  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  regain  this  position  were  made  by  the  Confed- 
erates, who,  when  they  finally  retired,  left  their 
dead  and  wounded  on  the  slope  of  the  hill. 

SHERMAN  FINDS  THE  ENEMY. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the  whole  of  the 
'advanced  line  of  the  enemy  was  found  abandoned, 
'which  led  Sherman  to  suppose  that  Hood  was 
about  to  give  up  Atlanta  without  further  contest. 
He  was,  however,  only  preparing  to  repeat  on  a 
larger  scale  the  experiment  of  the  20th.  Pretend- 
ing to  be  falling  back  upon  the  city,  he  hoped  to 
decoy  General  Sherman  into  a rapid  advance,  and 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


63 


then  suddenly,  with  all  his  force,  strike  the  Na- 
tional army,  while  in  motion,  at  such  weak  points 
as  should  offer.  Unsuspectingly  Sherman  pushed 
his  troops  beyond  the  abandoned  works.  He  found 
the  enemy  occupying  a line  of  finished  redoubts 
completely  covering  the  approaches  to  the  city, 
and  actively  engaged  in  connecting  these  redoubts 
with  curtains  strengthened  by  rifle  trenches. 

Satisfied  that  Hood  meant  to  fight,  Sherman 
immediately  resumed  the  dispositions  for  pressing 
towards  the  city  on  its  east  and  northeast  fronts. 
The  National  line  by  these  movements  became  so 
contracted,  that  the  Sixteenth  corps,  under  Gen- 
eral Dodge,  which  formed  the  right  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  was  crowded  out  of  its  position, 
and  was  directed  to  march  to  the  extreme  left  of 
the  line,  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  the  hill  which 
had  been  carried  by  the  Seventeenth  corps  the 
day  before,  and  which  was  still  held  by  Leggett’s 
division. 

LAYING  FUTURE  FLANS. 

At  ten  in  the  morning,  and  about  the  time  the 
movement  was  commenced,  General  Sherman,  in 
company  with  General  Schofield,  was  examining 
the  enemy’s  lines,  when  he  was  joined  by  General 
McPherson,  who  described  the  condition  of  things 
on  his  flank  and  the  disposition  of  his  troops. 
Sherman  explained  to  him  that  if  serious  resist- 
ance were  met  in  Atlanta,  as  seemed  probable,  he 
should  extend  to  the  right,  and  did  not  want 


64 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


much  distance  gained  on  the  left.  McPherson 
then  described  the  hill  occupied  by  Leggett’s  di- 
vision as  essential  to  the  occupation  of  any  ground 
to  the  east  and  south  of  the  Augusta  Railroad. 
Sherman  therefore  ratified  McPherson’s  disposition 
of  his  troops,  and  modified  a previous  order  sent 
him  in  writing  to  employ  Dodge’s  corps  in  break- 
ing up  the  railroad,  and  sanctioned  its  going,  as 
already  ordered  by  McPherson,  to  his  left,  to  hold 
and  fortify  the  position  there.  McPherson  re- 
mained with  General  Sherman  till  noon,  when 
reports  arrived  indicating  a movement  of  the 
enemy  towards  the  left  flank.  He  then  mounted 
his  horse  and  rode  away  with  his  staff. 

DEATH  OF  THE  GALLANT  M’PHERSON. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  McPherson  sounds 
of  musketry  to  the  left  and  rear,  rapidly  growing 
into  volume  and  accompanied  by  the  roar  of  artil- 
lery, were  heard,  and  about  the  same  time  the 
reports  of  guns  in  the  direction  of  Decatur.  There 
could  be  no  doubt  now  as  to  what  the  enemy  was 
about.  Hood  was  throwing  a superior  force  on 
the  National  left  flank  while  he  held  the  National 
forces  with  his  forts  in  front,  the  only  question 
being  as  to  the  amount  of  force  at  his  disposal. 
Orders  were  immediately  sent  to  all  parts  of  the 
right  and  left  centre  to  give  full  employment  to 
the  enemy  along  the  whole  line,  and  for  Schofield 
to  hold  as  large  a force  as  possible  in  reserve  await- 
ing developments. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


65 


Not  more  than  half  an  hour  had  elapsed  after 
McPherson  had  parted  from  Sherman,  when  his 
adjutant-general,  Colonel  Clarke,  rode  up,  and  re- 
ported him  killed  or  a prisoner.  He  had  ridden 
to  General  Dodge’s  column,  moving  as  before 
described,  and  had  sent  off  nearly  all  his  staff  and 
orderlies  on  various  errands,  and  taken  a narrow 
road  that  led  through  the  woods  to  the  left  and 
rear  of  General  Giles  A.  Smith’s  division,  which 
was  on  General  Blair’s  extreme  left.  A few  min- 
utes after  he  had  entered  the  woods  a sharp  volley 
was  heard  from  the  direction  in  which  he  had 
gone,  and  his  horse  had  come  out  riderless,  with 
two  wounds.  Sherman  immediately  despatched  a 
staff  officer  to  General  Lcgan,  commanding  the 
Fifteenth  corps,  directing  him  to  assume  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and  hold  the  ground 
already  chosen,  especially  the  hill  occupied  by 
General  Leggett’s  division. 

DESPERATE  ONSETS  REPULSED. 

Already  the  whole  line  was  engaged  in  battle. 
McPherson  upon  reaching  the  left  had  found  the 
Sixteenth  corps  going  into  position  to  prolong  the 
flank,  and  at  that  time  facing  to  the  left  in  a direc- 
tion perpendicular  to  the  main  line.  Between  the 
right  of  the  Sixteenth  corps  and  the  left  of  the 
Seventeenth  was  a wooded  space  of  about  half  a 
mile.  Shortly  after  twelve  o’clock  the  enemy 
emerged  from  the  woods  in  front  of  these  corps  in 


5 


66 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


three  columns,  and  attacked  the  Sixteenth  corps 
Three  desperate  assaults  were  repulsed  by  Dodge, 
in  the  last  of  which  the  enemy  suffered  severely 
from  the  National  batteries.  It  was  during  the 
lull  in  the  battle  which  now  occurred  that  Mc- 
Pherson had  attempted  to  ride  through  the  woods 
to  G.  A.  Smith’s  division  on  the  left  of  the  Seven 
teen tli  corps,  it  having  been  reported  that  the 
enemy  was  about  attempting  to  push  a force 
through  the  gap  above  mentioned  between  the  two 
corps. 

After  sending  the  only  remaining  member  of  his 
staff  with  orders  to  obtain  a brigade  from  Logan’s 
command  and  throw  it  across  the  gap,  with  a single 
orderly  he  struck  into  the  road  before  mentioned 
The  enemy’s  skirmish  line,  however,  had  already 
advanced  close  up  to  the  road,  and  before  he  was 
aware  he  was  within  fifty  feet  of  it.  A volley 
brought  him  to  the  ground,  mortally  wounded. 

SPIRIT  OF  THE  INDIANA  TROOPS. 

Harrison’s  men  covered  themselves  with  glory 
in  this  terrible  battle.  Undaunted  by  the  desper- 
ation of  the  foe,  unwearied  by  long  marches  and 
rough  exposures,  undismayed  by  danger  and  death, 
they  followed  their  intrepid  leader  into  the  thick- 
est of  the  carnage. 

If  “ Old  Tippecanoe  ” could  have  seen  the  hero- 
ism of  his  grandson  on  this  occasion  he  would  have 
been  proud  of  the  “ young  tow-head.” 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


67 


What  happened  subsequently  to  McPherson’s 
death  can  be  told  in  few  words. 

A pause  in  the  battle  occurred  about  four  o’clock. 
Hood  was  massing  troops  for  an  attack  on  the 
Fifteenth  corps,  now  commanded  by  General  M. 
L.  Smith,  which,  immediately  adjoining  the  Sev- 
enteenth corps,  held  the  right  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee,  behind  strong  breastworks.  At  half- 
past four,  while  the  attention  of  the  extreme  left 
was  occupied  by  a pretended  attack,  a heavy  force 
of  the  enemy,  two  lines  deep,  marched  directly  on 
the  left  of  the  Fifteenth  corps,  driving  in  two  regi- 
ments of  skirmishers  and  capturing  two  guns. 

HEROIC  STRUGGLE  FOR  VICTORY. 

Lightburn’s  brigade,  which  held  this  part  of  the 
line  protected  by  breastworks,  kept  the  enemy  at 
bay  by  well-directed  discharges  of  twenty-pounder 
Parrott  guns.  Presently  a second  strong  column 
of  the  enemy  appeared,  and  rapidly  and  steadily 
approached,  heedless  of  the  fearful  furrows  made 
in  its  ranks  by  well-directed  artillery.  The  attack 
had  now  become  sufficiently  formidable  ; but  when 
a third  column  of  the  Confederates  was  seen  pour- 
ing in  on  the  rear  through  a deep  cut  in  the  Geor- 
gia railroad,  Lightburn’s  troops,  to  avoid  certain 
capture,  retired  in  confusion  to  the  second  line  of 
breastworks  500  yards  from  the  main  line ; and 
the  abandoned  works  with  two  batteries  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy. 


68 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


The  position  lost  was  one  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, and  Sherman  sent  orders  to  Schofield — 
which,  however,  he  had  anticipated — to  make  the 
Fifteenth  corps  regain  its  ground  at  any  cost.  To 
aid  the  movement,  batteries  from  Schofield’s  corps 
were  so  posted  that  by  means  of  them  the  enemy 
and  his  works  beyond  might  be  shelled,  and  the 
approach  of  reinforcements  prevented.  The  Con- 
federates were  on  the  point  of  turning  the  captured 
Parrott  guns  upon  the  inner  National  line,  Avhen 
the  Fifteenth  corps,  supported  by  some  of  Scho- 
field’s troops,  advanced  with  loud  cheers  to  the 
attack.  After  a fierce  struggle,  in  which  the  fight 
was  sometimes  hand  to  hand  across  the  narrow 
parapet,  the  enemy  was  driven  out  of  the  works  and 
the  guns  retaken.  Repeated  discharges  of  grape 
and  canister  into  the  retreating  masses  caused 
fearful  carnage. 

FRIGHTFUL  LOSSES. 

Thus  ended  the  battle,  by  far  the  bloodiest  that 
had  yet  been  fought  in  Georgia.  The  Confeder- 
ates were  defeated  at  all  points.  Their  dead  left 
in  front  of  the  National  lines  numbered  2,200  from 
actual  count,  of  which  800  were  delivered  to  them 
under  flag  of  truce.  Their  total  loss  in  killed  was 
computed  by  General  Logan  at  3,240 ; in  addition 
to  which  they  lost  3,000  prisoners,  including  1,000 
wounded  and  many  commissioned  officers. 

Owing  to  the  closeness  and  desperation  of  the 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


69 


conflict,  the  proportion  of  killed  was  unusually 
large.  Hood  could  ill  afford  these  heavy  losses,  as 
his  force  was  originally  smaller  than  Sherman’s. 
The  total  National  loss  was  3,722,  the  greater  part 
being  killed  and  wounded.  Sherman’s  army,  how- 
ever, had  sustained  an  irreparable  loss  in  the  death 
of  General  McPherson.  “He  was,”  said  Sherman, 
“ a noble  youth,  of  striking  personal  appearance, 
of  the  highest  professional  capacity,  and  with  a 
heart  abounding  in  kindness  that  drew  to  him  the 
affections  of  all  men.”  His  body  was  recovered, 
and  carried  in  the  heat  of  battle  to  General  Sher- 
man, who  sent  it,  in  charge  of  his  personal  staff, 
back  to  Marietta,  on  its  way  to  its  Northern  home. 

harrison’s  heroism  rewarded. 

The  joung  Indiana  officer  bore  the  same  heroic 
part  in  this  bloody  battle  that  had  already  given 
him  fame  in  the  closing  scenes  of  the  war.  He 
could  be  depended  upon  in  a crisis.  His  blood 
had  iron  in  it.  His  nerves  were  spun  from  steel. 
His  face  was  always  to  the  foe.  His  front  was 
not  behind. 

As  already  stated,  General  Hooker  had  assured 
him  at  the  battle  of  Resaca  that  his  name  would 
be  sent  up  for  promotion.  More  than  this,  he  had 
been  brevetted  a Brigadier-General.  After  his 
gallant  services  at  Peach  Tree  Creek  he  received 
his  full  commission.  On  that  famous  march  of 
Sherman  to  the  sea,  General  Harrison  loomed  up 
as  one  of  the  grand  figures  of  the  war. 


70 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 


Happily  he  did  not  have  long  to  serve  after  his 
promotion.  The  last  strokes  of  the  red  battle-axe 
were  falling.  The  din  of  conflict  was  dying.  The 
fight  had  been  won.  The  unknown  heroes  had 
stepped  forth  from  the  ranks,  and  honors  strewed 
their  paths.  Those  who  had  been  obscure  now 
stood  in  the  eye  of  the  nation. 

And  of  the  great  band  of  heroes  and  patriots 
who  faced  the  hot  hail  of  battle  and  stood  for 
national  unity  and  freedom,  few  names  are  more 
worthy  to  be  written  high  on  fame’s  immortal 
scroll  than  that  of  General  Benjamin  Harrison. 

OFFICIAL  RECORD. 

Brigadier-General  Harrison’s  war  record  is  offi- 
cially given  as  follows : 

“ He  was  commissioned  in  July,  1862,  as  Second 
Lieutenant  of  Indiana  Volunteers;  raised  Com- 
pany A of  the  Seventieth  Indiana  Volunteer  In- 
fantry, was  commissioned  Captain,  and  on  the 
organization  of  the  regiment  was  commissioned 
Colonel ; in  August  went  with  the  regiment  to 
Kentucky  and  served  until  mustered  out  in  June, 
1865;  was  brevetted  Brigadier  General  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1865;  in  October,  1864,  while  in  the  field, 
was  re-elected  Reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court.” 

It  is  said  that  he  came  to  enlist  in  this  interest- 
ing way.  In  July,  1862,  just  after  a repeated 
proclamation  for  troops  was  issued  by  President 
Lincoln,  Mr.  Harrison  felt  that  the  call  was  a per- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


71 


sonal  appeal,  and  it  occasioned  a strong  conflict 
in  his  breast  as  to  what  course  he  should  take. 
He  had  just  obtained  a fair  start  in  life;  he  was 
the  holder  of  a comfortable  civil  office — Reporter 
for  the  Supreme  Court — the  husband  of  a young 
wife  and  father  of  two  little  children,  and  the 
owner  of  a small  cottage  not  more  than  half  paid 
for. 

HOW  THE  DECISION  WAS  FORMED. 

His  course  was  decided  by  the  following  in- 
cident recorded  in  ids  own  words  : “ I went  one 
day  to  see  Gov.  Morton  with  Mr.  Wallace,  to  seek 
an  appointment  as  lieutenant  for  a young  man  in 
the  north  part  of  the  State.  After  getting  through 
with  this  business  Gov.  Morton  invited  me  into  an 
inner  room.  He  there  spoke  of  the  call  and  of  no 
response  being  made  thereto.  The  Governor 
seemed  quite  discouraged  at  the  apathy  of  the 
people,  mid,  pointing  over  towards  the  Gallup 
Block,  where  men  were  dressing  stone,  remarked 
that  men  were  interested  in  their  own  business 
more  than  in  the  safety  of  the  nation.  I said 
right  there : ‘ Governor,  if  I can  be  of  service  to 
my  country  I am  ready  to  go.’  He  said:  ‘You 
can  ; you  can  raise  a regiment  in  this  district.’ 
lie  went  on  to  say  : ‘You  have  a good  office,  and 
it  would  be  too  much  to  ask  you  to  give  it  up;  but 
you  get  up  the  regiment  and  we  can  find  some  one 
else  to  take  it  to  the  field.’  I said  : ‘ No,  if  I 
make  a recruiting  speech  and  ask  any  man  to  em 


72 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


list,  I propose  to  go  with  him  and  stay  as  long  as 
he  does  if  I live  so  long.’  ‘ Well,’  said  the  Gov- 
ernor, ‘ yon  can  command  the  regiment.’  I said  : 
‘ I don’t  know  that  I shall  want  to.  I have  no 
military  experience ; we  can  see  about  that.’  ” 

After  this  conversation  Mr.  Harrison  proceeded 
up  the  street  with  Mr.  Wallace  and  bought  a 
military  cap;  they  got  out  handbills  for  a war 
meeting  at  Masonic  Hall,  hired  a drum  and  fife 
and  hung  a flag  out  of  his  office  window.  Mr. 
Harrison  took  out  a Second  Lieutenant’s  recruiting 
commission  and  raised  and  took  the  first  company 
of  the  Seventieth  Regiment  into  camp,  and  in  less 
than  thirty  days  from  the  date  of  the  first  re- 
cruiting commission  he  was  in  Kentucky  with 
1,010  men.  This  was  the  first  regiment  in  the 
field  under  that  call. 

HE  WAS  WITH  THE  BOYS  UNDER  FIRE. 

General  Harrison  was  not  wounded,  but,  says 
one  of  his  men,  “ in  the  charge  at  Resaca  his  regi- 
ment held  the  post  of  honor,  where  the  bullets 
were  thickest,”  “ Our  Colonel  was  right  with  us, 
too,”  says  an  old  soldier,  who  was  wounded  in 
that  charge.  “ He  came  right  up  behind  us  when 
we  captured  the  four  guns  there — the  only  guns,  I 
believe,  that  were  taken  in  the  Atlanta  campaign. 
We  had  to  withstand  a murderous  cross-fire,  and 
as  the  gunners  discharged  their  pieces  we  fell  to 
the  ground  and  allowed  the  shot  to  pass  over  us. 


JOHN  SHERMAN. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  • 


73 


Then  we  rushed  up,  scaled  the  works  and  took 
possession  of  the  guns.” 

GENERAL  HARRISON  IN  BATTLE. 

One  does  not  find  anv  outward  indication  in 

%/ 

General  Harrison’s  house  that  he  is  a veteran  of 
the  war  of  the  Rebellion.  No  picture  adorns  the 
wTalls  of  his  parlor  or  his  library  depicting  a war 
scene.  There  are  no  crossed  swords  over  the 
mantlepiece.  No  musket  stands  in  a corner.  For 
all  that  the  callers  would  know,  Benjamin  Harri- 
son, like  Grover  Cleveland,  might  have  sent  a 
substitute  to  the  war.  It  was  with  some  difficulty 
that  Mrs.  Harrison  found  for  a correspondent  of 
the  Tribune  the  battle  sword  of  her  husband. 
After  some  hunting  about,  she  discovered  it  stand- 
ing behind  a large  chair  in  a dark  corner  of  the 
library. 

The  old  sword  has  many  indications  that  it  has 
been  through  a campaign.  It  is  a straight  officer’s 
sword,  with  a steel  blade  and  a handle  of  brass 
and  pearl.  Its  guard  is  of  brass  and  its  handle  is 
surmounted  with  a brass  representation  of  the 
head  and  cap  of  a soldier,  the  soldier  wearing 
the  cap  of  1860.  The  scabbard  was  of  silver  and 
had  pearls  set  in  it  at  certain  intervals,  but  the 
rough  usage  of  .campaign  and  battle  have  rubbed 
them  out  of  their  setting,  and  now  there  are  only 
holes  in  the  scabbard  where  the  pearls  once  were. 
The  brass  of  the  sword  is  discolored  and  dim  with 


74 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


age,  and  all  in  all  it  presents  a shabby  appearance 
compared  with  the  beautiful  weapon  the  citizens 
of  Indianapolis  presented  to  Colonel  Harrison  as 
he  rode  away  to  the  war  in  1862,  but  it  is  worth 
more  than  it  was  then. 

LOYAL  TO  THE  VETERANS. 

At  the  battle  of  Resaca  there  were  two  private 
soldiers  of  Colonel  Harrison’s  regiment,  Moses 
McLain  and  Daniel  H.  Ramsdell,  who  both  were 
shot  in  the  right  arm  and  both  afterward  had  to 
have  that  arm  amputated.  On  returning  from  the 
war,  General  Harrison  led  a movement  to  elect 
Ramsdell  clerk  of  the  county  of  Marion,  in 
which  this  city  is  situated.  Harrison  nominated 
Ramsdell  for  the  office  in  the  Republican  County 
Convention  and  succeeded  in  having  him  nominated 
and  then  elected.  Ramsdell  held  the  office,  which 
is  a lucrative  one,  for  eight  years.  Harrison  then 
went  before  the  Republican  County  Convention 
and  advocated  the  nomination  of  the  other  crippled 
veteran,  Moses  McLain,  for  the  place,  and  he  also 
was  nominated  and  elected. 

Both  McLain  and  Ramsdell  naturally  think  the 
world  of  their  old  commander.  McLain  said  : 

“ I never  saw  a braver  man  than  General  Har- 
rison. The  battle  of  Resaca  was  fought  on  a 
bright  spring  day,  May  15,  1864.*  Our  brigade, 
which  was  commanded  .by  Colonel  Harrison,  owing 
to  the  wounding  of  Brigadier-General  Ward,  had 
to  charge  across  an  open  field  and  up  a steep  ridge 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


75 


at  the  enemy.  Harrison  led  the  way,  waving  his 
sword  and  his  revolver.  The  rebels  poured  a 
most  destructive  fire  into  us  as  we  crossed  the  open 
field  and  killed  many  of  our  men.  At  the  foot  of 
the  ridge  there  were  little  trees.  We  struggled 
through  these  and  then  dashed  at  the  entrench- 
ments of  the  rebels  on  the  ridge  above.  In  front 
of  their  works  they  had  four  cannon  which  blazed 
away  at  us  as  we  climbed  the  ridge.  They  had 
time  to  load  again  before  we  could  reach  them, 
but  we  were  so  close  to  them  that  one  of  our  men 
was  knocked  down  with  a cannon  rammer  by  a 
rebel. 

BOLD  DASH  AT  THE  ENEMY. 

“ f Drop  down,’  said  Harrison,  as  he  saw  the 
rebels  were  about  to  fire  the  cannon  again,  but  he, 
himself,  was  the  last  man  to  drop.  The  rebels 
fired  over  us,  and  we  dashed  over  their  works  and 
captured  the  cannon.  They  were  the  only  cannon 
taken  in  the  campaign.  Harrison  captured  one 
of  the  cannoneers  himself,  dragging  him  from 
beneath  the  cannon.  I was  shot  by  a rebel  in- 
fantryman just  before  the  cannon.” 

Daniel  M.  Ramsdell,  the  other  one-armed  vet- 
eran referred  to,  said : “ As  an  officer,  General 
Harrison  was  noted  as  a disciplinarian.  Many  of 
his  men  who  had  been  unused  to  restraint  thought 
him  at  first  tyrannical  and  exacting,  but  when  the 
regiment  got  into  active  service  they  all  saw  the  im- 
mense benefit  resultingfrom  his  strict  discipline,  and 


76  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

whatever  they  thought  of  it  at  first,  forgave  him 
for  it  afterward.  Remarkably  cool  under  fire,  no 
one  ever  saw  him  manifest  the  slightest  indication 
of  fear.  He  shrank  from  no  duty,  however  dan- 
gerous it  might  be,  nor  did  he  ever  shirk  the 
slightest  responsibility.  Conscientious  and  faith- 
ful to  the  last  degree,  he  threw  his  whole  heart 
and  soul  into  the  service.  No  officer  was  more 
beloved  by  his  men  than  was  General  Harrison. 
The  privates  of  his  regiment  would  have  died  for 
him  to  a man.  His  call  to  them  was  always 
‘ Come  on,  boys,’  and  never  ‘ Go  on,  boys.’  His 
motto  was  (I  know,  at  least,  his  conduct  showed 
it)  : 4 1 will  never  ask  my  men  to  do  anything 
that  I would  not  do  myself,’  and  of  course  the  boys 
had  a deep  respect  and  affection  for  such  an  officer. 
We  went  into  the  fight  at  Resaca  with  600  men 
and  lost  257  killed  and  wounded.  General  Harri- 
son was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and  never 
flinched  once. 

COOLNESS  IN  DANGER. 

“ I remember  a charge  on  a battery  in  one  of  the 
battles  where  we  had  to  cross  a ravine  and  charge 
up  a hill  on  the  rebels.  A whole  corps  was  sup- 
porting that  battery.  We  ran  up  the  hill,  fell 
down  on  our  breasts,  loaded  and  sprang  up  again, 
and  so  on  until  we  got  within  a few  paces  of  the 
enemy.  I remember  seeing  General  Harrison 
standing  up  there  right  in  front  of  the  rebels, 
waving  his  sword  in  one  hand  and  brandishing  a 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


77 


revolver  in  the  other.  I tell  you  there  was  no 
discount  on  him  as  a soldier.  He  was  as  good  as 
the  best,  as  every  man  that  saw  him  in  the  war 
will  tell  you.  We  were  on  garrison  duty  for  some 
time  after  we  went  out,  and  I know  it  was  a great 
dissatisfaction  to  General  Harrison  to  be  kept  at 
that  kind  of  warfare.  He  chafed  under  it  and 
wanted  to  get  to  the  front,  and  when  he  got  there 
he  rendered  valued  service.  He  was  peculiarly 
kind  to  his  men.  I have  seen  him  give  up  his 
horse  on  a long  march  to  a weary  soldier,  and 
shoulder  the  private’s  gun  and  march  along  with 
the  regiment.  I remember  once  he  did  me  that 
kindness.  I have  alwavs  loved  him  and  admired 
him,  and  I might  say  I have  always  insisted  that 
he  would  one  day  be  President  of  these  United 
States.” 

WHAT  AN  OLD  SOLDIER  THINKS.- 

William  H.  Bryant,  of  Bryantsville,  Indiana,  is 
one  of  the  substantial  men  of  Lawrence  county. 
After  faithful  service  in  the  Union  army,  until  the 
close  of  the  war,  he  settled  down  to  the  duties  of 
civil  life  and  has  the  victories  of  peace. 

Mr.  Bryant  was  a member  of  the  39th  Indiana 
Regiment,  of  which  General  Harrison  went  out  as 
Colonel.  When  the  name  of  his  old  commander  was 
mentioned,  his  face  lighted  up  and  his  eyes  fairly 
flashed.  It  was  apparent  that  a chord  had  been 
touched  in  the  veteran’s  heart  which  awoke  the 
memories  of  the  struggle  for  the  Union.  When 


78 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


asked  what  he  had  to  say  of  Ben  Harrison  as  a 
presidential  candidate  he  entered  upon  such  a 
eulogy  as  only  an  old  soldier,  prompted  by  love 
and  pride  and  gratitude,  can  bestow  upon  a chief- 
tain who  led  him  amid  the  trials  and  glories  of 
war. 

He  dwelt  with  most  satisfaction  and  greatest 
length  upon  the  uniform  kindness  with  which  all 
the  soldiers  were  treated  by  General  Harrison. 
He  said  that  considerations  of  rank  never  seemed 
to  weigh  with  the  General,  so  far  as  solicitude  for 
the  safety  and  comfort  of  those  under  his  command 
was  concerned  ; that,  therefore,  instead  of  standing 
in  awe  of  him  as  their  commander,  they  held  him 
in  universal  love  and  esteem.  As  Mr.  Bryant  ex- 
pressed it,  “ We  felt  that,  instead  of  a proud  gen- 
eral with  shoulder-straps,  and  all  that,  we  had  a 
comrade  in  command  of  us.  Any  man  who  has 
been  a soldier  will  know  what  I mean ; and  he 
will  know,  too,  that  it  is  not  often  you  find  in  the 
army  a man  wearing  a general’s  straps  who  knows 
that  there  is  any  such  thing  as  a private  soldier, 
except  when  there’s  fighting  to  do.  General  Har- 
rison never  forgot  us — and  we  will  never  forget 
him. 

NOT  AN  ARISTOCRAT. 

“ I’ll  tell  you  an  incident  in  my  experience,” 
said  he,  “which  will  help  to  show  how  General 
Harrison  treated  his  soldiers.  I have  heard  it 
said,  that  he  is  stuck  up— a sort  of  kid-glove  fel- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


79 


low ; let  me  tell  you  that’s  false.  If  shoulder- 
straps  couldn’t  turn  a man’s  head,  couldn’t  lift  his 
eyes  above  the  head  of  a common  soldier,  you  may 
rely  on  it  that  the  man  don’t  belong  to  the  kid- 
glove  stock.  But  I must  tell  you  my  experience. 
It  is  a small  matter;  it  wouldn’t  be  of  enough 
importance  to  relate  if  it  were  not  for  the  fact  that 
it  is  just  that  kind  of  things — small  matters — that 
show  what  a man  is  made  of,  in  the  army,  and 
because  what  General  Harrison  did  at  the  time  I 
speak  of  was  unusual  for  an  officer  of  high  rank, 
and  shows  the  real  character  of  the  man  better 
even  than  some  grand  deed  might  have  done. 

“ You  see  I went  out  as  a member  of  the  27th 
Indiana.  In  September,  1863,  my  regiment  was 
consolidated  with  the  39th,  General  Harrison  be- 
coming my  Colonel.  One  day  shortly  after  the 
consolidation,  while  I was  on  detail  at  Nashville, 
I got  an  order  to  report  to  Colonel  Harrison. 
When  I arrived  at  his  headquarters  and  told  him 
who  I was  and  what  regiment  I had  belonged  to, 
he  turned  to  some  officers  present  and  said  : ‘ The 
27th  Indiana  was  one  of  the  best  regiments  from 
the  State;  that  was  my  reason  for  wanting  it  con- 
solidated with  mine.’ 

“ His  manner  of  saying  this  was  such  as  to  make 
it  evident  that  he  wanted  to  put  me  at  ease  by 
praising  my  old  regiment — his  remarks  seemed  to 
be  intended  to  break  down  the  barrier  of  rank  be- 
tween me  and  the  rest  of  those  present.  It  was  a 


80 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


kind  way  to  greet  me,  and  my  love  for  Ben  Har- 
rison began  right  there  at  that  first  meeting. 

“In  December,  1864,  just  before  the  battle  at 
Nashville,  I was  in  charge  of  some  guards  at  Gen- 
eral Harrison’s  headquarters.  It  was  very  cold, 
disagreeable  weather,  such  weather  as  made  life  a 
burden  to  a soldier  on  guard.  About  9 o’clock  an 
orderly  came  and  said  the  General  wanted  to  see 
me.  When  I reported  he  asked  me  if  we  had  a 
good  fire  out  there ; said  there  was  plenty  of  Avood 
out  there;  that  he  wanted  us  to  take  all  Ave  needed 
to  keep  warm.  As  I have  said,  these  things  Avould 
not  be  worth  mentioning  if  they  wrere  done  here 
at  home,  but  I tell  you  it  made  a soldier  feel  good 
to  knoAV  that  his  commanding  officer  thought  of 
his  comfort.  And  what  I have  related  are  only 
some  of  the  thousand  tokens  of  Harrison’s  kind- 
ness—of  the  constant  care  of  his  troops,  which 
made  them  love  him. 

“ I tell  you,”  he  added,  “ if  the  Republicans 
want  to  make  the  men  who  served  under  General 
Harrison  happy  let  them  nominate  him  for  Presi- 
dent.” 


CHAPTER  V. 


IN  POLITICAL  LIFE  AGAIN. 

Active  Public  Man  since  1856— Hard  Worker — “Decor- 
ated with  Censure” — Not  Anxious  for  Office — Nomi- 
nated for  Governor — Two  Thousand  Votes  ahead  of  his 
Ticket — Made  United  States  Senator — Congratulated 
by  ms  Rival — High  Rank  in  the  Senate — Memorable 
Speeches — Chinese  Question — Denouncing  Contract  La- 
bor— Tilt  in  the  Senate  with  his  Indiana  Colleague — 
Views  of  Civil  Service — Speech  on  Educational  Bill — 
Favoring  Honest  Money— Famous  Campaign— Return  to 
the  Bar — Personal  Characteristics — Joining  the  Repub- 
lican Party — Polished  Utterances. 

Me.  Harrison  has  been  in  political  life  ever  since 
1856,  when  he  took  the  stump  for  Fremont.  In 
1860  he  did  the  same  thing  for  Lincoln. 

In  the  fall  of  1860  Mr.  Harrison  got  his  first 
office,  that  of  reporter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Indiana.  During  his  term  of  office  he  got  out  two 
volumes  of  reports,  fifteenth  and  sixteenth,  and 
had  nearly  completed  the  seventeenth  when  he 
entered  the  military  service.  He  has  made  a 
study  of  political  organization  until  there  is  none 
in  Indiana  more  adept  at  the  work  than  he, 
whether  it  be  the  carrying  of  a Legislature  or  of  a 
ward  in  Indianapolis.  In  the  same  way  in  the 
army  he  sat  up  late  at  night  studying  the  tactics* 
6 (81) 


82 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


and  was  up  early  in  the  morning  perfecting  him- 
self in  the  drill  exercises  and  in  familiarity  with 
military  details. 

Every  Union  soldier  and  Republican  leader  in 
Indiana  enjoyed  the  distinguished  honor  of  the 
virulent  hatred  of  the  copperhead  Democracy  that 
under  the  teachings  of  Jesse  D.  Bright,  Thomas  A. 
Hendricks  and  Daniel  W.  Yoorhees  were  the  most 
treacherous  foes  the  Republic  was  compelled  to  en- 
counter. General  Harrison  was  decorated  with 
the  extremist  censure  of  these  gentlemen  and  with 
that  of  the  treasonable  organization  known  as  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.  While  he  was 
absent  in  the  field  in  1863  the  Democratic  Supreme 
Court  declared  his  office  of  reporter  vacant  and  the 
place  was  filled  by  another. 

From  the  time  of  leaving  Indiana  with  his  regi- 
ment in  1862  until  the  fall  of  1864,  after  the 
capture  of  Atlanta,  General  Harrison  had  no  leave 
of  absence.  But  the  Indiana  Republicans  in  1864 
renominated  him  for  the  office  from  which  a Dem- 
ocratic court  had  ousted  him,  and  under  the  orders 
of  the  War  Department  he  at  once  reported  to 
Governor  Morton  for  duty  on  a thirty-days’  leave. 
He  at  once  made  a brilliant  canvass  of  the  State 
and  was  triumphantly  elected  for  another  term. 
Then  he  rejoined  the  army  and  served  with  Sher- 
man until  the  surrender  of  Joe  Johnston  in  North 
Carolina,  and  was  with  his  command  at  the  final 
grand  review  of  the  Union  forces  at  Washington 
at  the  close  of  the  war. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  IIARRISON. 


83 


DECLINING  OFFICE. 

He  served  out  his  term  as  reporter  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  was  pressed  to  become  a candidate  for 
re-election.  He  declined  because  it  was  necessary 
that  he  should  devote  himself  to  assiduous  labor 
for  the  welfare  of  his  family.  For  eight  succeed- 
ing years  he  was  only  known  in  public  life  as  a 
Republican  whom  the  party  might  always  call 
upon  for  services  in  its  campaigns.  Outside  of  this 
occasional  duty  upon  the  hustings  he  was  a busy 
lawyer,  who  was  forging  his  way  to  the  front  rank 
of  his  profession. 

In  1876  the  party  called  on  him  to  lead  a for- 
lorn hope  as  the  candidate  for  governor  under  cir- 
cumstances that  would  have  frightened  a man  of 
less  heroic  mould.  That  it  was  the  Tilden  and 
Hendricks  year  was  alone  a discouragement.  But, 
worse  than  that,  he  became  a substitute  for  a can- 
didate withdrawn  under  the  enemy’s  fire.  Godlove 
Orth  had  been  nominated  for  governor.  A scandal 
concerning  his  service  in  Congress  had  been 
broached  and  he  withdrew  from  the  ticket. 

Harrison  had  declined  the  nomination  in  ad-, 
vance  of  the  meeting  of  the  Convention,  but  when 
the  State  Central  Committee  settled  upon  him  as 
the  only  man  who  could  fill  the  vacancy  he  plunged 
into  the  breach.  He  threw  himself  into  the  cam- 
paign with  his  usual  energy.  He  canvassed  the 
entire  State,  addressed  immense  audiences,  was 
everywhere  received  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm. 


84 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


but  he  was  not  elected.  He  polled  nearly  2,000 
votes  more  than  the  general  average  of  his  ticket, 
and  after  the  October  election  he  was  in  great 
demand  as  a speaker  in  the  campaigns  in  other 
States  in  the  East,  where  he  strengthened  the  good 
impression  already  formed  of  him. 

ELECTED  UNITED  STATES  SENATOR. 

Again  in  1880  he  took  a leading  part  in  the 
campaign,  and  when  it  was  found  that  the  Repub- 
licans had  carried  the  Legislature  he  became  at 
once  the  leading  candidate  for  United  States  Sen- 
ator. The  voice  of  the  party  was  unanimous  in 
favor  of  the  man  who  had  been  fighting  its  battles 
so  long  and  who  had  been  a leading  figure  in 
history  since  1856.  His  nomination  was  fore- 
shadowed, and  when  the  caucus  met  no  other 
name  was  presented.  His  election  gave  the  live- 
liest satisfaction  to  Republicans  throughout  the 
State. 

He  was  elected  to  succeed  Joseph  E.  McDonald 
(Democrat).  When  the  contest  for  the  senatorship 
opened  late  in  December,  1880,  there  were  three 
leading  candidates  besides  General  Harrison.  They 
were  Will  Cumback,  Godlove  S.  Orth  and  Walter 
Q.  Gresham.  Judge  Gresham  was  the  first  to 
withdraw ; Mr.  Orth  virtually  retired  soon  after, 
but  did  not  withdraw  his  name.  On  January  10, 
1881,  Mr.  Cumback  withdrew  from  the  canvass, 
having  convinced  himself  that  a majority  of  the 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


85 


Republicans  in  the  legislature  favored  the  nomina- 
tion of  General  Harrison  and  would  vote  for  him 
in  caucus.  In  announcing  his  decision  to  General 
Harrison,  he  wrote  as  follows  : “ Believing  it  pos- 
sible for  a disappointed  candidate  to  render  to  a 
successful  rival  sincere  and  hearty  congratulations, 
I know  you  will  accept  mine.”  General  Harrison 
received  the  caucus  nomination,  and  on  January 
18th  he  received  the  full  Republican  vote  in  each 
house  of  the  legislature.  The  election  was  com- 
pleted on  the  following  day  in  the  joint  Conven- 
tion. 

RECORD  IN  THE  SENATE. 

His  term  of  six  years  as  Senator  of  the  United 
States  established  General  Harrison’s  reputation  as 
a sound  and  enlightened  statesman  and  a ready, 
finished  and  powerful  debater.  The  more  his 
record  in  the  Senate  is  studied,  the  clearer  appears 
his  claim  to  a high  place  among  law-makers.  His 
Dakota  report  and  speeches,  his  speech  on  the 
Edmunds  resolution  concerning  civil  service  reform, 
his  speech  condemning  the  wholesale  immigration 
of  contract  labor,  and  his  speeches  against  alien 
ownership  of  large  tracts  of  the  national  domain 
indicate  the  broad  lines  along  which  his  activities 
manifested  themselves. 

His  record  on  the  Chinese  question  needs  noth- 
ing more  than  this  simple  statement  +o  show  the 
folly  of  those  who  once  distrusted  him  on  that 
score  : When  the  first  Chinese  bill  was  before  the 


80 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Senate  he  opposed  certain  features  of  it  because 
he  thought  they  were  in  conflict  with  the  pro- 
visions of  existing  treaties;  but  he  moved  to 
amend  those  portions  of  the  bill  so  that  they  might 
be  in  accord  with  his  view  of  the  treaties  men- 
tioned. Those  who  were  in  favor  of  • the  bill 
steadily  voted  the  amendments  down,  and  in  order 
to  maintain  his  consistency  General  Harrison  was 
thus  obliged  to  vote  against  the  bill,  which  finally 
passed  over  the  President’s  veto. 

THE  CHINESE  QUESTION. 

When  the  next  Chinese  bill  was  before  the  Sen- 
ate General  Harrison  was  absent  and  did  not  get  a 
chance  to  vote  upon  it.  When  the  next  bill  came 
before  the  Senate — the  one  commonly  called  the 
Page  bill — it  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations,  of  which  he  was  then  a mem- 
ber. That  committee  unanimously  voted  to  report 
the  bill  favorably,  General  Harrison  voting  with 
the  other  members  of  the  committee.  When  it 
came  before  the  Senate  it  was  passed,  General 
Harrison  voting  for  it.  Mr.  Fair  said  in  the  Sen- 
ate that  “ this  was  by  all  means  the  best  Chinese 
bill  which  had  been  proposed,”  and  otherwise 
spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  bill.  Thus  General 
Harrison  was  from  first  to  last  in  favor  of  the 
principle  underlying  the  Chinese  legislation. 

The  issue  is  now  nothing  more  than  a reminis- 
cence, for  the  policy  of  barring  the  doors  against 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


87 


Mongolian  immigration  has  been  so  determined 
that  the  utterance  of  the  Chicago  Convention 
endorses  the  stand  which  the  party  has  taken ; 
but  it  remains  to  be  said  that  in  the  earliest 
attempts  at  anti-Chinese  legislation  Mr.  Harrison 
simply  shared  in  the  conviction  of  nearly  all  the 
other  able  lawyers  of  the  Senate,  that  while  it  was 
desirable  to  shut  out  these  undesirable  people  the 
object  must  be  accomplished  without  the  violation 
of  existing  treaties  with  China.  When,  therefore, 
in  the  Forty-ninth  Congress,  Mr.  Fair  introduced 
his  bill  to  restrict  Chinese  immigration  and  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  amended  it  so  as  to 
conform  with  treaty  stipulations,  Mr.  Harrison 
voted  for  its  passage  both  in  the  committee  and  in 
the  Senate.  Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Oregon,  was  a chief 
promoter  of  this  legislation  and  he  was  constrained 
to  say  of  the  bill : “ I have  no  kind  of  doubt  that 
it  is  as  strong  a bill  as  could  be  drawn,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  have  kept  within  the  provisions  of  our 
treaty.  It  is  one  of  the  best  bills  ever  reported 
by  any  committee  on  the  subject.” 

It  is  only  needful  to  add  to  this  that  the  bill 
which  Mr.  Mitchell  praised  most  effectively  put  up 
the  barriers  against  the  Chinese. 

CONTRACT  LABOR. 

On  the  bill  to  prevent  the  importation  of  con- 
tract labor  Senator  Harrison  made  an  argument  in 
favor  of  keeping  out  immigrants  brought  to  this 


88 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


country  under  stipulations  to  work  for  lower 
wages  than  those  prevailing  here.  This  was  his 
comment  on  the  subject : 

“ If  I understand  the  evil  sought  to  be  guarded 
against  by  this  bill  it  is  that  men  living  in  foreign 
countries  where  the  rate  of  wages  and  the  condi- 
tions of  labor  are  so  different  from  what  they  are 
in  this  country,  shall  not  there,  under  the  strain 
that  is  upon  them,  make  a contract  which,  of 
course,  is  governed  by  rates  of  wages  there  that 
put  them  in  the  power  of  the  person  furnishing 
the  money  when  they  come  to  this  country,  and 
have  a tendency  to  import  the  rates  of  foreign 
labor  and  establish  them  here.  I see  nothing  to 
prevent  any  person  who  is  benevolently  disposed, 
who  has  no  personal  interest  in  an  individual,  from 
aiding  any  one  to  come  here,  provided  only  he 
does  not  attempt  to  secure  the  money  he  advances 
by  a mortgage  on  that  man’s  labor.” 

A FAITHFUL  SENATOR. 

Senator  Harrison  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  on 
the  day  upon  which  General  Garfield  was  inaugu- 
rated. The  session  was  an  extra  one  for  executive 
business  only,  and  he  simply  attended  and  voted 
when  occasion  arose.  When  the  Senate  reassem- 
bled in  the  following  December,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Forty-seventh  Congress,  and  opportunity 
offered,  he  assumed  his  share  of  the  duties  of  the 
body.  He  did  not  force  himself  forward  as  a 


GEN.  RUSSELL  A.  ALGER. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


89 


speaker.  When  he  did  speak  he  commanded 
attention.  He  was  the  warm  friend  of  the  soldier, 
and  he  spoke  cordially  in  his  behalf.  Service  on 
the  Mississippi  River  Commission  prepared  him  to 
discuss  familiarly  all  propositions  brought  forward 
for  the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  that 
stream. 

CROSSING  SWORDS  WITH  AN  OPPONENT. 

One  day  in  July,  1882,  the  Senate  heard  him  at 
his  best.  His  colleague,  Senator  Yoorhees,  in  dis- 
cussing a revenue  reduction  bill,  had  made  a charac- 
teristically loose  and  reckless  oration,  laying  stress 
upon  some  phrases  in  which  he  had  ridiculed  the 
Republicans  for  taking  the  tax  off  perfumery  and 
cosmetics.  Senator  Harrison  had  waited  for  just 
this  speech.  When  Senator  Voorhees  concluded, 
Senator  Harrison  began,  and  stepping  down  into 
the  arena  in  front  of  the  desks  and  approaching 
the  Democratic  side,  he  went  on,  without  notes,  to 
belabor  his  colleague  most  vigorously  and  unmer- 
cifully for  nearly  an  hour.  It  was  the  most  bril- 
liant speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Harrison  during  his 
term  in  the  Senate.  Senator  Yoorhees  never 
sought  occasion  again  to  provoke  him  to  answer. 

In  the  second  session  of  the  Forty-seventh  Con- 
gress Senator  Harrison’s  principal  speeches  were 
made  upon  the  civil  service,  the  Blair  educational 
bill,  and  on  the  Mississippi  river  scheme  of  im- 
provement. 


90 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


A GRAND  SPEECH. 

While  he  favored  the  general  purpose  of  the 
civil  service  law  then  under  consideration,  and 
afterward  voted  for  it,  he  contended  for  the  perfect 
freedom  of  the  government  employe  to  contribute 
for  political  purposes.  On  February  12,  1884,  he 
expressed  himself  very  pointedly  on  this  subject. 
“ I should  regard  myself,”  he  said,  “ as  little  less 
than  a slave  if,  as  an  American  citizen,  I believed, 
let  me  say  for  illustration,  in  the  doctrine  of  pro- 
tection, in  which  my  colleague  also  takes  an  inter- 
est, and  was  the  head  of  a bureau  here,  receiving 
a salary  of  $3,000  a year,  I was  not  allowed  to 
contribute  to  the  purchase  of  documents  or  the 
distribution  of  speeches  that  were  calculated  to 
impress  upon  the  public  mind  the  views  I held.” 
He  voted  for  the  civil  service  bill,  and  later  on, 
after  President  Cleveland  became  the  appointing 
power,  he  vigorously  criticised  instances  of  alleged 
departure  of  the  administration  from  the  letter 
and  spirit  of  the  law. 

INDEPENDENCE  SHOULD  BE  CULTIVATED. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Forty-eighth  Con- 
gress General  Harrison  was  heard  in  many  speeches 
on  the  Blair  educational  bill,  to  which  he  made 
many  serious  objections.  In  one  speech  on  this 
subject  he  said  : “ There  is  a giving  that  pauper- 
izes ; there  is  a giving  that  enfeebles.  It  is  against 
that  sort  of  giving  that  I protest.  The  wisest 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


91 


managers  of  benevolence  in  these  late  years  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  giving  should  always 
be  so  regulated  as  to  save  self-respect  and  awaken 
in  the  mind  of  a recipient  the  lost  faith  in  his 
ability  to  take  care  of  himself.  We  should  care- 
fully avoid  that  giving  which  creates  a disposition 
to  lean  and  to  expect,  which  takes  the  stamina 
and  strength  and  self-dependence  out  of  men. 
That  principle  will,  I think,  apply  to  the  giving 
which  is  proposed  by  this  bill.” 

ALWAYS  FAITHFUL  TO  THE  CAUSE  OF  HONEST  MONEY. 

One  of  General  Harrison’s  strongest  titles  to 
public  respect  and  admiration  is  found  in  the  fact 
that  when  the  inflation  craze  spread  over  the 
country  and  swept  from  their  moorings  many  whc 
have  since  lived  to  regret  their  infatuation,  he 
never  wavered  in  his  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  honest 
money.  His  position  on  the  question  of  civil  ser- 
vice reform  is  indicated  by  the  following  sentences 
from  the  speech  with  which  he  opened  the  Indiana 
campaign  of  1882  : “I  want  to  assure  you  to-night 
that  I am  an  advocate  of  civil  service  reform.  My 
brief  experience  at  Washington  has  led  me  often 
to  utter  the  wish  with  an  emphasis  I do  not  often 
use  that  I might  be  forever  relieved  of  any  con- 
nection with  the  distribution  of  public  patronage. 
I covet  for  myself  the  free  and  unpurchased  sup- 
port of  my  fellow-citizens,  and  long  to  be  able  to 
give  my  time  and  energy  solely  to  those  public 


92 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


affairs  that  legitimately  relate  to  the  honorable 
trust  which  you  have  committed  to  me.” 

In  the  course  of  the  same  speech,  in  replying  to 
Senator  Voorhees’  claim  to  be  “the  soldier’s  friend,” 
General  Harrison  gave  utterance  to  these  earnest 
words,  which  seem  to  apply  as  well  to  his  com- 
petitor in  the  present  campaign  : “ The  man  who 
lived  through  the  war  of  the  Rebellion  and  did  not 
make  some  sacrifice  for  the  success  of  the  Union 
armies — who  did  not  say  one  brave  word,  or  do 
one  brave  thing,  when,  with  bare  and  bleeding 
breasts,  our  soldiers  looked  into  the  face  of  hell  for 
their  country — can  never  be  enshrined  as  the  sol- 
dier’s friend.” 

A FAMOUS  CAMPAIGN. 

General  Harrison’s  term  in  the  Senate  expired 
March  4,  1887,  and  the  Legislature  to  choose  his 
successor  was  to  be  elected  in  the  fall  of  1886. 
“ The  history  of  that  campaign,”  says  the  Indian- 
apolis Journal,  u is  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the 
people.  It  was  in  a large  degree  General  Har- 
rison’s campaign.  Though  others  were  good  seconds 
and  able  assistants,  he  was  foremost  in  the  fight. 
When  others  wavered  he  advanced,  when  they  lost 
heart  he  expressed  confidence.  He  was  almost 
the  only  prominent  Republican  in  Indiana  who  felt 
confident  of  carrying  the  State,  or  who  thought  it 
worth  while  even  to  attempt  to  carry  the  Legis- 
lature. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


93 


“ This  is  no  disparagement  of  other  Republican 
leaders,  who  did  yeoman  service  in  the  campaign, 
but  it  is  a fact.  The  result  attested  General  Har- 
rison’s wisdom  and  his  work.  The  Republicans 
carried  the  State,  and  came  within  a hair’s  breadth 
of  carrying  the  Legislature,  though  the  apportion- 
ment had  been  gerrymandered  so  as  to  give  the 
Democrats  at  least  forty-six  majority  on  joint 
ballot,  and  Senator  Voorhees  said  he  should  feel 
personally  disgraced  if  that  was  not  the  result.” 

A POPULAR  CANDIDATE. 

Harrison  made  a campaign  that  had  never  been 
surpassed  in  Indiana.  The  Democrats  had  carried 
the  State  in  1882  by  nearly  11,000,  and  in  1884 
by  nearly  7,000  majority.  Against  these  odds, 
and  with  the  most  shameless  perversion  of  the 
civil  service,  with  President  Cleveland’s  permission, 
to  the  uses  of  party,  General  Harrison  carried 
every  Republican  legislative  district  and  twenty- 
two  Democratic  districts,  and  had  it  not  been  for 
the  advantage  the  Democrats  had  in  the  State 
Senators  holding  over  he,  instead  of  Mr.  Turpie, 
would  now  be  in  the  United  States  Senate.  As  it 
was,  the  aggregate  Republican  majority  on  the 
legislative  ticket  was  over  10,000,  and  the  polling 
of  it  has  been  distinctively  recognized  as  Harrison’s 
victory.  The  Democratic  majority  on  joint  ballot 
in  the  Legislature  was  but  two,  but  it  was  suffi- 
cient to  elect  Turpie. 

Upon  his  retirement  from  public  life  last  year 


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LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


General  Harrison  once  more  devoted  himself  heart 
and  soul  to  the  laborious  but  congenial  duties  of  his 
profession.  Of  General  Harrison  as  a lawyer  in 
the  full  maturity  of  his  powers,  his  old  partner,  the 
Hon.  W.  P.  Fishback,  says:  “He  possesses  all  the 
qualities  of  a great  lawyer  in  rare  combination. 
He  prepares  a case  with  consummate  skill;  his 
written  pleadings  are  models  of  clearness  and 
brevity ; he  is  peerless  in  Indiana  as  an  examiner 
of  witnesses,  he  discusses  a legal  question  in  a 
written  brief  or  in  oral  argument  with  convincing 
logic,  and  as  an  advocate  it  may  be  said  of  him 
that  when  he  has  finished  an  address  to  a jury 
nothing  remains  to  be  said  on  that  side  of  the  case. 
I have  often  heard  able  lawyers  in  Indiana  and 
elsewhere  say  that  he  was  the  hardest  man  to 
follow  they  had  ever  met.  No  lawyer  who  ever 
met  General  Harrison  in  a legal  encounter  has 
afterward  placed  a small  estimate  upon  his 
ability.” 

In  a case  at  law  he  brings  a moral  force  to  bear 
upon  any  crooked  work  or  concealment  that  is  as 
powerful  as  any  skill  in  handling  it.  His  scorn 
and  sarcasm  has  an  “ ugly  honesty  ” in  its  expres- 
sion that  will  skin  or  scalp  the  victim,  according 
to  the  degree  of  his  culpability.  In  speaking  he 
has  a high,  shrill  voice,  unpleasant  to  the  ear  for 
the  first  few  moments,  but  a great  clearness  of 
enunciation  soon  absorbs  the  sense  in  the  subject. 
His  manner  is  very  earnest,  and  at  any  proper 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


95 


point  sweeps  on  like  a cavalry  charge.  He  has  an 
aggressive  streak  in  his  nature,  as  his  square,  firm 
jaw  and  the  “clench”  with  which  he  shuts  his 
mouth  indicate.  He  has  abundant  pluck  in  the 
use  of  it,  and  with  an  aroused  conscience  is  no 
respecter  of  persons. 

PERSONAL  CHARACTERISTICS. 

In  reply  to  the  charge  of  coldness,  General 
Harrison’s  friends  say:  “Well,  Marlborough,  Fred- 
erick the  Great,  George  Washington  were  ‘cold 
men,’  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that  it  was  £ a cold 
day  when  they  got  left.’  ” He  is  at  present  a 
stocky,  bearded  man,  with  a large  head  and  a very 
short  neck;  is  five  feet  seven  inches  tall,  and  weighs 
190  pounds.  When  you  go  into  his  office  the 
stocky,  bearded  man  does  not  open  his  mouth  until 
you  have  finished  stating  your  business.  He 
drops  his  work,  pays  close  attention  to  what  you 
have  to  say,  grasps  the  matter  readily,  analyzes  it 
quickly,  decides  promptly,  and  in  a few  terse 
sentences  replies  to  your  proposition  or  interrog' 
atory. 

He  is  said  to  have  cultivated  more  magnetism 
of  late  years,  and  is  an  effective  speaker.  His 
greatest  successes  have  been  at  the  bar.  Of  late 
.years  he  has  cultivated  the  quality  of  entertaining 
as  well  as  convincing.  He  possesses  a remarkable 
faculty  of  turning  his  mind  quickly.  “Often,” 
says  his  law  partner,  Mr.  Elam,  “ he  has  taken  the 


96 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


transcript  of  a case  on  the  evening  of  his  arrival 
from  Washington  and  studied  it  that  night,  then 
going  into  court  next  morning  master  of  all  the  de- 
tails, and  able  to  make  a powerful  argument.  It 
'has  been  the  same  way  with  his  campaigns.  He 
leaves  the  arduous  work  of  stumping  and  takes  up 
his  office  work  without  a moment  of  rest  or  inter- 
mission, and  goes  along,  even  when  defeated,  just 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  In  the  Senate  he 
was  noted  for  his  application  and  faithfulness  in 
the  committee-room  rather  than  for  brilliancy  on 
the  floor,  and  his  reports  were  models  of  thorough- 
ness and  painstaking.’ 

A PLAIN  MAN. 

It  is  said  of  him  that  he  has  never  had  any  op- 
portunity to  cultivate  social  graces.  Political  and 
professional  engagements  have  always  pressed  upon 
him.  He  does  not  care  to  shake  men’s  hands,  and 
has  such  a poor  memory  for  names  and  faces  that 
stories  are  told  of  prominent  men  in  his  State 
being  introduced  to  him  three  times  in  one  day. 
He  is  without  sentiment,  though  by  no  means  un- 
generous. He  respects  the  rights  of  every  man 
without  having  time  to  gush  about  it. 

General  Harrison  is  not  rich.  His  law  practice 
is  large,  but  he  appears  disinclined  to  set  his  fees 
high  enough  to  meet  the  modern  standard.  He 
owns  a handsome  house  in  Indianapolis,  where  his 
wife  receives  much  company.  They  have  a mar- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


97 


ried  daughter,  and  a son,  Russell,  who  is  prominent 
in  the  politics  of  Montana  Territory.  General 
Harrison  is  a member  of  the  Indianapolis  Literary 
Club,  and  occasionally  takes  part  in  its  debates 
and  exercises. 

HOW  HE  WENT  INTO  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

To  a group  of  friends  General  Harrison  once  re- 
lated the  circumstances  attending  his  first  speech 
in  the  Fremont  campaign,  and  his  entering  the 
Republican  party. 

“It  was  right  after  Fremont  was  nominated,”  he 
said,  “and  while  I was  practising  law  with  Mr. 
Wallace.  We  were  in  our  office  in  an  upstairs 
room,  where  the  News  building  now  stands,  when 
Mr.  Roberts,  who  used  to  keep  a drug-store  here, 
and  another  man,  whose  name  I forget,  came  run- 
ning in  and  told  us  that  Fremont  was  nominated  ; 
that  they  were  going  to  have  a ratification  meeting 
right  away,  and  that  I must  come  down  and  ad- 
dress it.  I said  I couldn’t  think  of  such  a thing ; 
that  I had  nothing  to  say,  and  was  not  prepared. 
They  insisted  that  I could  make  a good  enough 
speech  without  any  preparation,  and  that  I must 
come.  I said  that  I wasn’t  sure  about  this  Fre- 
mont business,  anyhow,  and  refused  point  blank  to 
go.  They  simply  grabbed  me,  lifted  me  off  my 
feet,  and  started  away  with  me.  They  carried  me 
bodily  downstairs,  out  into  the  street,  and,  without 
ever  letting  my  feet  touch  the  ground,  took  me  over 


98 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


to  where  the  meeting  was  to  be  heid,  and  sat  me 
up  on  a packing-box  before  a crowd  of  three  or  four 
hundred  persons.  Of  course,  I had  to  talk  then. 
That  was  my  initiation  into  the  Republican 
party.” 

If  the  General  was  as  ready  with  his  tongue  then 
as  he  is  now  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he 
was  embarrassed  by  the  situation  when  he  found 
himself  chucked  almost  head  over  heels  into  the 
then  infant  party.  All  his  speeches,  he  says,  are 
extemporaneous,  except  those  in  the  Senate. 
“ They  have  a custom  there  of  reading  composi- 
tions,” he  said,  “but  I never  liked  it  much.” 

After  the  Convention  at  Chicago  delegations 
called  to  congratulate  Mr.  Harrison.  The  public 
man,  the  able  speaker  at  once  appeared,  for  the 
brief  speeches  in  which  he  returned  his  thanks  to 
the  Vermont  and  California  delegations,  although 
extemporaneous,  were  as  polished  and  discreet  as 
though  carefully  written  out  beforehand. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


GENERAL  HARRISON  AT  HOME. 


Most  Popular  where  Best  Known — Harrison’s  Daily  Lire 
— Familiarly  Called  “Ben” — Immense  Personal  Power 
— Description  of  his  Law  Office — A Man  with  an  Open 
Hand — An  Attractive  Home — -Mrs.  Harrison — -A  Model 
Woman — Handsome  Face  and  Graceful  Manners — A 
Model  Hostess— Engaged  in  Christian  Work— That 
Wonderful  Baby — A Very  Young  Pet — Poverty  of 
Early  Life — First  Eesidence — First  Fee  for  Law  Ser- 
vices— Anecdotes  from  the  Grand  Army — A Man  who 
Keeps  his  W ord — Cool  and  Level-Headed — N ot  a “ Boss  ’ ’ 
— Not  Excited  when  all  Others  Are— A Presidential 
Candidate — Labor  Accomplishes  All  Things — Large  In- 
come and  Free  Charities. 

The  Republican  nominee  is  most  popular  where 
he  is  best  known.  General  Harrison  is  loved  and 
honored  by  the  people  of  his  State  because  he  has 
risen  from  poverty  to  eminence  among  them  and 
because  his  life  has  been  thoroughly  democratic  in 
its  simplicity,  thoroughly  American  in  its  purity 
and  industry  and  wholly  noble  in  its  success. 

Added  to  this  is  the  personal  friendship  and  ad- 
miration the  people  of  Indianapolis  feel  for  General 
Harrison,  which  will  induce  many  of  them  to  cut 
party  ties  and  cast  their  votes  for  their  old  friend 
and  neighbor  Republican.  With  his  name  now 

(90) 


100 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


on  every  man’s  lips,  Harrison’s  personality  becomes 
a figure  of  national  interest. 

To  know  his  daily  life  as  he  lives  at  home  in  his 
office,  at  the  bar,  to  see  his  personal  character  as 
his  neighbors  view  it,  to  understand  his  tastes,  his 
likes,  his  dislikes,  his  methods  of  work,  his  favorite 
relaxations — all  that  is  to  have  in  some  more  vivid 
degree  an  idea  of  the  person  as  his  every-day  inti- 
mates know  him. 

Though  commonly  known  among  the  people 
here  as  “ Ben  ” Harrison,  the  ex-senator  is  not 
given  to  rude  familiarity.  He  is  intensely  popular, 
yet  he  has  about  him  a manly  dignity  that  inspires 
respect,  while  it  does  not  repel  liking.  It  would 
hardly  be  possible  to  find  a man  in  Indianapolis 
who  does  not  know  him,  at  least  by  sight,  and  yet 
the  General  was  never  known  to  enter  a saloon  in 
the  city.  His  public  prominence  has  no  back 
passages  leading  to  it  that  start  in  the  slums  and 
wind  through  the  devious  ways  of  ward  politics. 

SECRET  OF  PERSONAL  POWER. 

As  his  personal  character  has  been  of  singularly 
even  growth,  the  result  of  an  upright  nature  full 
of  generous  traits,  governed  by  an  even  tempera- 
ment and  subjected  to  an  iron  will,  so  his  popu- 
larity and  his  influence  over  men  are  the  natural 
result  of  a clear,  simple,  commanding  mental  and 
spiritual  stature. 

His  manner  is  frank  and  cordial;  his  greeting 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


101 


warm ; his  whole  bearing  attractive.  He  has  a 
singular  faculty  of  making  friends.  He  has  all  the 
courtesy  of  good  will  to  others.  Not  only  are  his 
friends  legion,  but  they  have  the  warmest  attach- 
ment to  him,  as  he  has  to  them.  He  is  a some- 
what reticent  man  as  to  his  own  affairs,  and  does 
not  impart  inmost  confidences  to  a stranger.  His 
long  legal  training  has  made  him  deliberate  and 
cautious  in  that  respect,  and  he  is  not  effusive. 
But  he  is  a friendly,  sociable,  unassuming  Ameri- 
can gentleman. 

A BATTERED  TIN  SIGN. 

He  is  as  approachable  as  any  man  in  the  world. 
From  the  sidewalk  of  Market  Street  a short  flight 
of  iron  steps  leads  to  the  hallway  of  a brick  build- 
ing, and  on  a tin  sign  on  the  wall,  with  the  black 
sand  half  rubbed  off,  and  battered  enough  to  testify 
to  many  years  of  usefulness,  the  visitor  may  read 
the  simple  inscription  “ B.  Harrison.”  That  is  all, 
but  it  is  the  plain  business  announcement  of  the 
greatest  lawyer  in  Indiana  to-day.  Walk  on  up 
the  stairs,  turn  to  the  right,  and  a few  steps  will 
bring  you  to  his  office  door.  It  opens  into  the 
middle  one  of  three  rooms.  In  the  front  room, 
overlooking  the  street,  there  stands  a plain,  wal- 
nut desk,  and  sitting  in  front  of  it,  in  a leather 
cushioned  chair,  bent  over  a brief  or  reading  a 
reference,  General  Harrison  will  almost  certainly 
be  found.  Idle  moments  in  business  hours  are 


102 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


unknown  to  him.  It  is  a characteristic  of  the  man 
that  whatever  he  does  he  does  with  all  his  might. 
He  puts  all  his  mind  and  energy  upon  his  toil,  and 
when  that  is  over  he  drops  it  as  completely  as 
though  it  had  no  existence. 

A MAN  EASILY  APPROACHED. 

The  visitor  to  this  lawyer  does  not  reach  him 
through  the  medium  of  an  office-boy,  after  an 
interval  of  heel-cooling  in  an  ante-room.  He  is 
received  at  once  with  a kindly  grasp  of  the  hand 
and  a proffered  seat. 

But  it  is  when  the  burdens  of  professional  cares 
are  thrown  aside  that  one  sees  General  Harrison 
in  the  most  attractive  and  kindly  light.  He  is  an 
early  riser,  and  spends  a short  time  before  break 
fast  in  the  open  air,  looking  over  his  grapevines 
and  his  strawberry  bed  in  the  rear  of  his  house. 
After  family  prayers  and  breakfast,  he  walks  to 
his  office,  which  is  perhaps  half  a mile  or  more 
from  his  home.  At  noon  he  drops  his  work, 
glances  over  a newspaper  and  then  rides  home  to 
lunch,  usually  in  a street  car.  Sometimes  he  rides 
up  with  his  partner,  Mr.  Miller,  whose  carriage 
always  comes  to  the  office  for  him  at  noon,  a very 
convenient  arrangement,  as  their  houses  are  almost 
directly  opposite  each  other,  on  Delaware  street. 

A DELIGHTFUL  HOME. 

A visit  to  General  Harrison  gives  one  charming 
glimpses  of  a household  which  must  be  called  the 


(103) 


GENERAL  HARRISON’S  HOME  IN  INDIANAPOLIS. 


104 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


ideal  of  refined  and  gentle  domesticity.  The  ap- 
proach to  this  home  is  pleasant,  for  Delaware 
street  is  paved  with  cedar  blocks  and  lined  with 
trees  that  cast  a grateful  shade  over  green  lawns. 

The  Harrison  house  is  a brick  structure,  of  sub- 
stantial design,  with  ample  roof  and  a pleasant 
porch  overshadowing  the  front  door.  A carriage- 
way at  the  side  gives  access  to  the  modest  building 
in  the  rear,  where  is  stabled  the  one  horse  of  the 
family,  a big  sorrel,  which  Mrs.  Harrison  drives 
more  than  any  one  else.  A spacious  lawn  spreads 
its  green  expanse  at  the  front  and  side  of  the 
house,  and  is  walled  at  the  rear  by  the  broad  leaves 
of  a trellised  grapevine,  which  hide  from  the  street 
the  strawberry  bed. 

THE  MISTRESS  OF  THE  HOUSE. 

Mrs.  Harrison  is  a model  hostess  and  has  th« 
fame  among  her  social  friends  here  as  a marvelous 
housekeeper.  She  is  the  same  age  as  her  hus- 
band. Her  father,  Dr.  Scott,  was  professor  of 
chemistry  in  Miami  University,  Ohio,  where  young 
Ben  Harrison  was  graduated  and  where  he  won  a 
greater  prize  than  his  degree  in  a bride  who  has 
always  been  a true  and  helpful  companion.  Dr. 
Scott  is  still  living  in  Washington,  and  is  a hale 
and  hearty  gentleman,  though  his  snow-white  hair 
and  beard  bear  testimony  to  his  age  of  88. 

Mrs.  Harrison,  matronly  of  look,  vivacious 
brown  eyes,  dark  hair  without  a line  of  gray, 


THOMAS  B.  REED. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


105 


comely  features  and  lips  that  smile  and  yet  are 
firm,  has  the  happy  gift  of  making  a guest  feel  at 
once  at  home.  She  moves  much  in  society  here 
and,  of  course,  the  society  which  welcomes  her  is 
of  the  best.  She  is  a great  favorite  among  other 
women,  and  has  a faculty  of  making  them  her 
warm  friends.  It  is  a common  saying  among  her 
Indianapolis  associates  that  she  would  make  as 
charming  a mistress  of  the  White  House  as  she  is 
the  delightful  matron  of  a quieter  home.  As  her 
girlhood  was  passed  in  a collegiate  atmosphere, 
both  by  opportunity  and  inclination  she  is  of 
intellectual  tastes.  She  is  a prominent  and  active 
member  of  a ladies’  literary  society  here,  and  her 
reading  is  wide  and  varied. 

While  fond  of  classical  literature,  she  is  always 
fully  informed  as  to  the  writings  of  contemporary 
authors.  But  she  is  especially  devoted  to  art.  A 
picture  gallery  has  more  charms  for  her  than  fic- 
tion or  the  drama.  She  is  skilled  in  painting  on 
china,  as  the  decorated  pieces  which  fill  her  side- 
board and  adorn  her  parlor  attest,  and  she  has 
also  done  some  admirable  work  in  water-colors. 
She  is  active  in  charitable  work,  and  is  especially 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  Indianapolis  Or- 
phans’ Home.  Like  her  husband,  she  is  also 
active  in  church  work,  and  both  are  constant 
attendants  at  the  First  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Indianapolis. 


106 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


A CHURCH  WORKER. 

General  Harrison  for  many  years  taught  the 
Bible  class  and  Mrs.  Harrison  the  infant  class  in 
the  Sunday-school  of  this  church ; but  when  the 
General  was  elected  United  States  Senator  and 
took  his  family  to  Washington,  this  work  was 
necessarily  given  into  other  hands. 

The  visitor  to  General  Harrison’s  house  will 
scarcely  have  crossed  the  threshold  before  he  dis- 
covers another  trait  of  his  character.  As  the 
ostensible  master  of  the  house  walks  through  the 
hall  the  real  king  of  the  establishment  appears — 
Benjamin  McKee,  the  General’s  grandson,  whose 
experience  of  this  life  spans  only  fifteen  months. 
The  baby  crows  when  he  sees  his  grandfather,  and 
every  trace  of  the  busy  lawyer  and  dignified  states- 
man disappears  in  an  instant  as  the  child  is  lifted 
in  his  welcoming  arms.  Then  there  is  a romp 
with  the  baby  for  half  an  hour. 

The  General’s  fondness  for  children  is  not  lim- 
ited to  his  own  descendant.  Every  boy  and  girl 
in  the  neighborhood  knows  him  and  loves  him,  as 
he  knows  and  loves  them  all.  There  is  something 
in  the  sweet  innocence  and  unconscious  trust  of 
childhood  that  has  a peculiar  charm  for  this  hus- 
band and  father.  There  is  something  in  his 
kindly  way  and  protecting  manner  that  must  have 
a peculiar  charm  for  childhood.  Mrs.  McKee,  the 
young  mother  of  this  petted  grandson,  is  a tall, 
slender,  graceful  lady,  with  dark  hair  and  eyes 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


107 


and  a social  charm  that  it  would  be  difficult  to 

describe. 

HIS  HONORABLE  POVERTY. 

The  fact  that  General  Harrison  is  not  rich,  with 
his  leadership  of  the  Indiana  bar  and  consequent 
large  and  lucrative  practice,  has  been  explained 
to  me  in  but  one  way  by  a dozen  people.  He  was 
early  hampered  in  the  race  for  wealth  by  the  war. 
Just  as  he  was  beginning  to  win  clients  he  was 
called  to  his  country’s  service  and  he  promptly 
responded.  Since  that  time  his  career  has  been 
interrupted  several  times  by  politics,  and  notably 
his  six  years’  term  in  the  Senate.  But  beside  all 
this,  his  friends  say  that  General  Harrison’s  gen- 
erosity to  others  knows  no  stint.  He  seems  to 
find  more  happiness  in  giving  than  in  receiving. 
And  yet  he  is  as  reserved  and  quiet  about  his  phi- 
lanthropy as  he  is  about  his  religion.  Though  a 
man  of  strong  religious  convictions  and  deep 
piety,  he  is  silent  upon  sacred  subjects,  and  in 
charity  he  lets  not  his  right  hand  know  the  deeds 
of  his  left. 

Says  a visitor : General  Harrison  himself  told 
me  an  interesting  anecdote  during  an  afternoon 
drive  that  serves  to  illustrate  the  sharp  poverty  of 
his  earliest  days  of  professional  struggle. 

THAT  LITTLE  OLD  HOUSE. 

It  was  proposed  that  the  carriage  pass  by  the 
house  where  the  General  lived  with  his  young 


108 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


bride  when  he  first  came  to  Indianapolis  from  Ohio. 
The  carriage  presently  drew  up  before  this  early 
home.  It  stands  to-day  just  as  it  stood  then,  only 
in  those  days  it  was  in  the  outskirts  of  Indianapolis, 
while  now  houses  stretch  many  blocks  beyond  it. 
The  house  is  a little  one-story  frame  structure, 
containing  but  three  rooms,  but  the  lawyer  and  his 
bride  when  they  settled  there  in  1854  were  as 
happy  as  youthful  hope  and  love  could  make 
them. 

As  we  sat  in  the  carriage  looking  at  this  humble 
abode  General  Harrison  was  moved  to  tell  a story, 
which  I shall  repeat  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  his 
own  words : 

“ Right  in  front  of  that  door,”  he  said,  “ I re- 
ceived my  first  lawyer’s  fee.  It  was  the  first  Sun- 
day in  our  new  home,  and  I had  walked  out  on 
the  sidewalk  in  the  afternoon,  and  was  standing 
there  looking  with  some  pride  at  the  front  of  the 
house,  when  a man  clattered  up  on  horseback.  He 
quickly  made  known  his  errand.  A man  had  been 
arrested  at  Clermont,  about  eight  miles  from  here, 
on  the  charge  of  obtaining  money  under  false  pre- 
tences. The  rider  wished  me  to  appear  before  the 
justice  of  the  peace  there  for  the  prosecution.  I 
agreed  to  do  so,  and  he  handed  me  a five-dollar 
gold  piece.  It  was  not  an  enormous  fee,  but  I was 
glad  to  have  it.  The  sum  was  hardly  large  enough 
to  warrant  a buggy,  so  the  next  morning  I rode  to 
Clermont  on  the  back  of  a pony  that  I hired  at  a 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


109 


%table.  I came  back  home  that  night  pretty  well 
shafed,  but  I had  succeeded  in  what  I went  for.” 

PRESENT  RESIDENCE. 

The  parlors  of  General  Harrison’s  house  are 
tastefully  but  not  ornately  furnished.  Handsome 
Hungarian  vases  adorn  the  mantelpieces.  On  the 
wall  at  the  back  part  of  the  parlor  hangs  an  oil 
portrait  of  President  William  Henry  Harrison,  the 
hero  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  On  the  wall  of 
the  library  is  a portrait  of  Benjamin  Harrison,  who 
was  Governor  of  Virginia  in  the  colonial  period. 
This  Governor  Harrison  was  the  great-grandfather 
of  the  present  Benjamin  Harrison.  The  library 
vdso  contains  a fac-simile  of  the  warrant  for  the 
execution  of  King  Charles  I.  of  England. 

ANECDOTES  FROM  THE  ARMY. 

General  Harrison  is,  of  course,  a member  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  of  the  Loyal 
Legion.  There  are  hundreds  of  old  soldiers  in 
Indianapolis  and  scattered  through  the  State  who 
fought  in  his  brigade,  and  who  remember  well  his 
bravery,  his  care  for  his  men,  and  his  unselfish 
patriotism.  If  one  meets  a one-armed  veteran  in 
the  street  here  the  simplest  question  will  call  out 
a eulogy  of  Harrison.  The  old  soldiers  remember 
him  vividly  for  his  tenacious  care  for  their  rights. 
When  he  was  a colonel  he  saw  to  it  that  his  regb 
ment  received  all  the  allowances  of  every  kind  to 
which  it  was  entitled,  and  when  he  led  a brigade 


110 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 


every  individual  soldier  felt  that  he  had  a friend 
in  his  commander,  strict  disciplinarian  though  he 
was,  and  always  insisting  upon  obedience  to  orders. 

An  old  soldier  relates  this  anecdote : “ In  the 
battle  of  Peach  Tree  Creek,  one  of  the  fights  before 
Atlanta,  the  surgeon  of  Harrison’s  brigade  was  lost. 
No  one  knew  where  he  was,  but  he.  had  disap- 
peared My  recollection  is,  that  in  the  rapidly 
changing  movements  the  surgeon  and  his  assistants 
had  become  tangled  with  another  brigade,  and  were 
so  overwhelmed  with  duty  there  that  they  couldn’t 
get  back  to  their  own  command.  However  that 
may  be,  when  the  fight  was  over  our  field-hospital 
was  full  of  wounded,  and  there  was  no  one  to  attend 
them. 

“ The  General  just  threw  off  his  coat,  tore  his 
own  tent  into  strips,  and  went  about  bandaging 
wounds.  He  even  tore  his  shirt  off  his  back  and 
used  it  up  in  bandaging  the  boys’  wounds.  When 
surgical  help  arrived  I remember  what  a sight  the 
General  was.  Both  his  arms  were  bare,  and  they 
were  covered  with  hlood  from  shoulders  to  finger- 
tips. He  was  the  friend  of  the  soldier.” 

ALWAYS  KEEPING  HIS  WORD. 

“ The  men  most  fond  of  the  General  are  the  men 
who  know  him  best.”  That  is  the  pithy  sentence 
in  which  one  of  his  oldest  friends  sums  up  his 
opinion  of  General  Harrison’s  personal  character. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  General,  on  which 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


Ill 


his  friends  like  to  dwell,  is  that  his  word  is  as  good 
as  his  bond.  He  never  made  a promise  that  he 
did  not  keep.  It  goes  without  saying,  in  this  con- 
nection, that  he  is  not  an  easy  man  to  obtain 
promises  from.  Every  one  knows  that  there  are 
many  public  men,  of  high  and  low  degree,  of  whom 
this  is  not  true. 

In  all  that  has  been  written  about  General  Har- 
rison but  scant  tribute  lias  been  paid  to  his  quali- 
ties as  a lawyer.  He  is  regarded  by  his  fellow- 
members  of  the  Indiana  bar,  irrespective  of  party, 
as  a judicious  counsellor,  an  able  advocate,  a keen 
cross-examiner,  and  a man  of  indefatigable  industry. 
He  is  full  of  resource.  He  never  says  anything 
imprudent  himself,  but  he  is  quick  as  lightning  to 
catch  at  the  imprudence  of  an  opponent.  Yet, 
with  all  his  skill,  he  has  never  been  accused  of  un- 
fairness. Said  ex-Governor  Porter,  once  his  part- 
ner: •“  He  is  in  every  respect  a complete  lawyer.” 
The  most  complete  analysis  of  his  legal  ability  and 
acquirements  is  given  by  his  present  partner,  Mr. 
Miller,  who  said  of  him:  General  Harrison  is 
always  cool  and  level-headed.  He  never  loses  his 
balance.  He  is  always,  under  the  most  trying  cir- 
cumstances, self-possessed  and  of  unshaken  poise. 
He  is  most  thorough  in  his  preparation,  always 
making  himself  complete  master  of  a case.  He  is 
a most  searching  and  efficient  cross-examiner,  and 
yet  he  is  always  as  quiet  and  pleasant  as  if  in 
ordinary  conversation.  He  never  bulldozes,  and  I 


112 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


have  never  heard  of  a witness  who  called  him 
discourteous.” 

HOW  THE  NOMINATION  CAME. 

For  six  weeks  before  the  Chicago  Convention  the 
General  had  been  trying  an  important  will  case  in 
another  county  of  this  State.  His  duties  there 
prevented  his  attending  the  recent  session  of  the 
Presbyterian  General  Assembly  in  Philadelphia,  to 
which  he  was  a delegate.  His  enthusiasm  in  his 
work  is  shown  by  his  remark  on  his  return  to 
Indianapolis  soon  after  the  long  case  was  over. 
He  met  in  the  street  William  Wallace,  a brother 
of  General  Lew  Wallace,  and  his  partner  when  he 
first  began  practice.  Seizing  Wallace  by  both 
hands,  he  exclaimed:  “We  won  the  case,  Will, 
and  I’m  as  proud  and  happy  as  when  we  were  boys 
together.” 

General  Harrison  is  plain  and  neat  in  his  dress, 
as  becomes  a professional  gentleman.  His  clothing 
is  always  of  dark  hue,  his  linen  spotless  and 
devoid  of  jewelry. 

AN  IDEAL  POLITICIAN. 

As  a politician  he  has  always  been  the  furthest 
from  a boss.  When,  as  Senator  from  Indiana,  he 
influenced  not  a little  federal  patronage,  the  only 
fault  found  with  him  was  that  he  was  not  partial 
enough  to  his  personal  friends.  He  always  recom- 
mended men  who  were  good  Republicans  and  fit 
for  office,  but  these  recommendations  did  not  always 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


113 


fall  to  those  most  zealous  in  his  personal  interest. 
He  believes  with  Sir  Thomas  More,  who  first 
uttered  in  “Utopia”  the  saying  which  Grover 
Cleveland  has  plagiarized,  that  “ public  office  is  a 
public  trust.” 

With  the  possibility  of  a Presidential  nomination 
imminent,  one  might  expect  that  some  signs  of  per- 
turbation could  be  detected  in  the  daily  movements 
and  current  speech  of  this  captain  of  Indiana  Re- 
publicanism, but  General  Harrison  was  unruffled 
and  serene.  He  fulfils  the  every-day  duties  of 
home,  office,  and  society  as  tranquilly  as  though 
there  were  no  chance  of  their  interruption.  It  was 
remarked  to  him  that,  however  equable  his  tem- 
perament, it  was  hardly  possible  that  he  could 
think  of  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency  by  the 
Republicans  of  the  United  States  with  entire  calm- 
ness. He  replied  at  once  : 

“ I have  not  allowed  it  to  disturb  me  in  the 
least.  I have  seen  too  much  of  the  uncertainties 
of  political  life,  in  the  first  place;  and  in  the  next 
place,  I have  seen  not  a little  of  the  cares,  anxie- 
ties, responsibilities,  and  worries  that  surround  the 
Presidency.”  The  General  went  on  to  speak  of  how 
he  had  observed  and  appreciated  the  wearing  cares 
that  clouded  Garfield’s  brow,  and  added : “ I have 
never  spoken  or  written,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
any  living  man  a word  about  this  matter.  As  I 
have  often  told  my  friends,  there  was  never  but  one 
political  office  that  I wanted,  and  I wanted  that 
8 


114 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


because  I needed  it.  That  was  when  I was  a poor 
young  lawyer,  just  before  the  war,  with  a family. 
I really  wanted  then  the  position  of  Reporter  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  Since  then,  I can  truthfully  say 
that  I have  never  sought  for  myself  public  place.” 

A PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE. 

For  more  than  a year  the  Indiana  Republicans 
have  been  practically  unanimous  in  their  choice  of 
General  Harrison  as  a presidential  candidate.  He 
took  no  part  in  their  movement,  remaining  quietly 
at  his  home  in  Indianapolis  and  attending  to  his 
law  practice.  His  principal  public  appearance  in 
the  fifteen  months  that  elapsed  since  he  quitted 
the  Senate  was  made  at  the  Marquette  Club  ban- 
quet in  Chicago,  on  March  20,  1888,  when  he  de- 
livered an  address  ringing  with  the  best  Republi- 
can doctrine,  one  especially  pregnant  paragraph  on 
the  Free-trade  question  being  that  in  which  he 
said : 

“ I believe  that  it  is  true  to-day  that  we  have 
many  things  in  this  country  that  are  too  cheap, 
because,  whenever  it  is  proved  that  the  man  or 
woman  who  produces  any  article  cannot  get  a 
decent  living  out  of  it,  then  it  is  too  cheap.” 

General  Harrison  is  not  called  an  orator,  al- 
though he  is  a most  effective  and  forcible  speaker. 
His  greatest  successes  have  been  at  the  bar,  and 
have  been  won  by  learning  and  logic.  He  has  a 
remarkable  faculty  of  turning  his  mind  quickly 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


115 


from  one  matter  to  another.  While  in  the  Senate 
he  used  to  come  from  his  work  in  Washington, 
drive  straight  from  the  train  to  the  law  office  and 
almost  with  his  first  words  inquire  of  his  partner 
what  there  was  he  could  do.  “ Often,”  says  his 
law  partner,  Mr.  Elam,  “ he  has  taken  the  tran- 
script of  a case  on  the  evening  of  his  arrival  from 
Washington  and  studied  it  that  night,  then  going 
into  court  next  morning  master  of  all  the  details 
and  able  to  make  a powerful  argument. 

“ It  has  been  the  same  way  with  his  campaigns. 
He  leaves  the  arduous  work  of  stumping  and  takes 
up  his  office  work  without  a moment  of  rest  or  in- 
termission, and  goes  along,  even  when  defeated, 
just  as  if  nothing  had  happened.  In  the  Senate 
he  was  noted  for  his  application  and  faithfulness 
in  the  committee  room  rather  than  for  brilliancy 
on  the  floor,  and  his  reports  were  models  of  thor- 
oughness and  painstaking.” 

WHAT  WORK  CAN  DO. 

Application  has  counted  tremendously  with  Gen- 
eral Harrison.  His  readiness  of  retort  in  debate 
issues  from  his  habit  of  mastering  thoroughly 
whatever  he  undertakes.  He  equips  himself 
thoroughly,  and  this  is  shown  in  nothing  better 
than  in  his  knowledge  of  Indiana  politics.  He  has 
made  a study  of  the  party  organization  in  that 
State,  until  there  is  no  one  better  acquainted  than 
he  with  the  character  of  every  voting  precinct. 


116 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


Whether  it  be  the  carrying  of  a Legislature  or  of 
a ward  in  Indianapolis,  he  can  seize  every  feature 
of  the  situation  in  an  instant. 

One  of  his  characteristics  is  a peculiar  one  for  a 
public  man.  He  does  not  care  to  shake  hands, 
and  he  has  a poor  memory  for  names  and  faces. 

In  spite  of  the  large  income  which  General 
Harrison  has  for  many  years  received  from  his 
practice,  his  friends  assert  that  he  is  not  a man  of 
wealth,  or  even  of  anything  beyond  a modest  com- 
petence. He  is  a liberal  giver,  it  is  explained, 
and  has  a large  family  of  relatives  that  look  to  him 
constantly,  and  not  in  vain,  for  assistance.  He 
has  paid  for  the  education,  it  is  said,  of  several 
nephews  and  nieces.  He  also  gives  liberally  to 
his  church,  the  First  Presbyterian.  In  this  church 
General  Harrison  has  been  for  many  years  an 
elder.  It  is  also  said  that  the  General  is  a con- 
sistent as  well  as  a liberal  Christian.  He  is  not  a 
Prohibitionist  in  principle,  but  is  nearly  a total 
abstainer  in  practice.  He  does  not  have  wine  on 
his  table. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

GENERAL  HARRISON’S  RECORD  ON  THE  LABOR 
QUESTION. 

Prompt  Attack  by  the  Opposing  Party — Devotion  to  Lav 
and  Order — True  Story  of  the  Stormy  Scenes  of  1 877 — 
Harrison’s  Part  in  the  Great  Railroad  Strike — Mob 
Violence — A Cm7  at  the  Mercy  of  the  Crowd— Stirring 
Proclamation  by  the  Mayor — Large  Public  Meeting — 
Friend  of  the  Workingman— General  Harrison's  Views 
of  the  Situation— The  Governor’s  Proclamation — Gen- 
eral Harrison  Asked  to  Command  the  Troops — Reasons 
for  Declining  to  Lead  the  Military — Characteristic 
Saying— “I  Don’t  Propose  to  Shoot  Down  my  Neigh- 
bors'’— Stories  Told  by  the  General. 

The  enthusiasm  over  Harrison’s  nomination 
swept  so  many  men  into  open  allegiance  to  the 
Republican  ticket  that  desperate  efforts  have  been 
made  to  stay  the  tide.  Deprived  of  all  chance  to 
assail  General  Harrison’s  private  character,  the 
local  Democratic  organ  in  Indianapolis  opened  its 
columns  to  an  attack  upon  Harrison’s  record  in 
labor  matters.  The  basis  of  the  attack  is  his  ac- 
tion and  his  utterances  during  the  great  railroad 
strikes  of  1877.  Instead  of  harming  General 
Harrison,  the  attack  helped  him,  and  at  the  same 
time  it  offended  Democrats,  because  by  implication 

it  was  also  an  attack  upon  such  time-honored 

(117) 


118 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


names  in  their  party  as  ex- Senator  Joe  McDonald 
and  ex-Governor  “ Blue  Jeans”  Williams. 

So  far  as  it  concerned  Harrison  the  article  only 
served  to  bring  into  prominence  one  of  the  brightest 
chapters  of  his  history,  and  to  show  in  one  breath 
his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  law  and  order  and  his 
earnest  readiness  to  aid  the  workingman  to  obtain 
the  highest  possible  reward  for  his  labor.  In 
brief,  General  Harrison  was  arraigned  for  doing  his 
duty  as  a citizen  by  responding  to  a call  by  the 
Democratic  Governor  Williams,  who  had  been 
elected  the  previous  year  over  Harrison,  for  volun- 
teer militia  to  protect  property  from  the  violence 
of  the  strikers.  The  story  of  General  Harrison’s 
conduct  at  this  time  sheds  added  lustre  on  his 
career,  and  shows  the  true  nature  of  the  man. 

THE  TRUE  STORY  OF  1877. 

The  great  railroad  strike  of  1877  had  swept 
westward  from  Maryland  into  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio.  The  mob  of  strikers  in  Pittsburg  had 
burned  $4, 000, 000  worth  of  property  on  Sunday, 
July  22,  and  on  Monday,  July  23,  the  strike 
spread  to  the  Vandalia  route  and  the  St.  Louis  and 
Indianapolis  Railroad.  On  July  24  no  trains  left 
Indianapolis,  the  Union  Station  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  strikers  and  Mayor  Caven  Avas  helpless. 
In  the  city  was  a United  States  armory  containing 
300,000  stand  of  arms,  large  supplies  of  ammuni- 
tion and  several  batteries  of  cannon. 

There  were  only  twenty  soldiers  to  protect  these 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


119 


supplies,  which  were  scattered  through  several 
buildings.  If  the  mob,  which  hourly  grew  more 
threatening,  should  attack  the  armory  there  was 
practically  nothing  to  prevent  the  strikers  from 
forming  themselves  into  a force  that  could  destroy 
more  millions  of  property  and  that  would  require 
an  army  to  put  it  down. 

LOUD  CALL  FROM  THE  MAYOR. 

The  situation  was  perilous,  and  the  Mayor,  on 
the  24th,  issued  the  following  proclamation : 

To  the  law-abiding  citizens  of  Indianapolis : 
You  are  requested  to  meet  en  masse  in  front  of  the 
New  Court-House,  on  Washington  street,  this 
evening  at  7.30  to  consult  as  to  measures  for  pub- 
lic safety.  Let  your  numbers  be  so  large  and  the 
addresses  of  such  a character  that  it  will  be 
demonstrated  that  the  people  of  this  city  are 
largely  on  the  side  of  law  and  order.  Measures 
for  organization  for  the  protection  of  life  and  prop- 
erty will  also  be  adopted. 

The  attendance  at  this  meeting  included  nearly 
every  citizen  of  influence  in  Indianapolis.  A 
committee  of  public  safety,  composed  of  one  mem- 
ber from  each  ward,  was  the  practical  result  of 
the  assemblage.  Democrats  and  Republicans  alike 
joined  in  the  movement,  and  the  committee  wms 
composed  of  men  of  both  parties.  One  of  its 
members  was  the  Democratic  United  States  Sena-* 
tor  McDonald.  Senator  McDonald,  at  a meeting 
of  the  committee  held  immediately  after  the  mass 


120 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


meeting,  declared  “ this  city  must  be  protected 
from  mob  violence  by  thorough  organization.” 

IN  THE  WORKINGMEN’S  INTEREST. 

But  the  mass  meeting  in  front  of  the  court- 
house took  action  looking  not  only  to  the  protec- 
tion of  property,  but  to  the  settlement  of  the 
strike.  On  motion  of  Franklin  Landers,  who  was 
afterward  the  unsuccessful  Democratic  candidate 
for  Governor  against  Albert  G.  Porter,  a committee 
of  ten  was  appointed  “of  the  most  prudent  men 
that  could  be  selected  to  confer  with  the  committee 
of  the  strikers  in  a friendly  spirit  and  ascertain 
just  what  their  demands  are  and  what  they  pro- 
pose to  do;  also  to  consult  with  officials  of  the 
various  railroads  and  see  what  their  determination 
is.”  The  purpose  of  this  committee  was  to  see 
whether  concessions  might  not  be  made  on  both 
sides  and  the  strike  peaceably  settled.  When  the 
Committee  of  Mediation  met  on  the  next  day  the 
railway  employees  were  represented  by  W.  H. 
Sayre,  Grand  Secretary  of  the  Brotherhood  of 
Locomotive  Engineers.  Here  is  an  extract  from 
the  report  of  the  meeting  published  at  the  time  in 
the  Indianapolis  Journal: 

General  Harrison  counseled  obedience  to  the 
law,  but  at  the  same  time  very  strongly  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  wages  were  too  low  and  de- 
sired very  much  that  they  should  be  raised.  He 
was  willing  to  use  his  influence  with  those  in 
authority  in  favor  of  this  desired  increase. 


WM.  B.  ALLISON. 


nON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


121 


Meantime  all  railroad  traffic  continued  to  be 
blocked.  The  merchants  of  the  city  could  do  no 
trade,  and  there  were  daily  scenes  of  violence  at 
the  Union  Station.  The  fear  of  destruction  of 
property  was  growing.  With  this  terror  upon  the 
city  a meeting  of  leading  citizens  was  held  on  July 
26,  in  the  United  States  Court-room,  in  the  posh 
office  building,  to  take  immediate  action. 

PROMPT  ACTION  DEMANDED. 

General  Coburn,  who  presided,  declared  that  a 
reign  of  terror  prevailed;  that  there  was  the 
greatest  apprehension  of  danger  to  property  and 
personal  safety,  and  that  riots  must  be  prevented. 
Remarks  in  like  strain  were  made  by  Judge  New- 
comb, Judge  Gresham,  Major  Gordon  and  others, 
and  on  the  motion  of  Judge  Gresham  a committee 
was  appointed  to  confer  with  the  committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  public  mass  meeting.  The  result 
of  this  conference  was  the  appointment  of  the 
following  Committee  of  Public  Safety  : Joseph  E. 
McDonald,  General  Benjamin  Harrison,  Hon.  Con- 
rad Baker,  General  John  Love,  General  T.  A.  Mor- 
ris, General  Daniel  Macauley  and  General  W.  Q. 
Gresham. 

Nearly  every  one  of  those  present  at  the  first 
meeting  of  this  committee  enrolled  their  names  as 
volunteer  militiamen  in  response  to  Governor  Wil- 
liams’ proclamation,  which  had  just  been  issued. 
'1  he  ••  Blue  Jeans”  Governor  had  been  a thorough 


122 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


demagogue  when  a candidate  for  office  in  the 
previous  year,  and  he  had  been  very  dilatory  in 
taking  any  action  to  suppress  the  rioting  in  the 
capital,  but  at  last  the  threatening  situation  com- 
pelled him  to  move. 

A RINGING  PROCLAMATION. 

The  proclamation  itself  shows  the  peril  of  the 
hour.  It  follows : 

f The  State  of  Indiana, 

[ Executive  Department. 

A proclamation  by  the  Governor  relative  to  certain 
disturbances  of  the  peace  by  striking  employees  of 
railroad  companies. 

To  the  People  of  Indiana. — Many  disaffected 
employees  of  railroad  companies  doing  business  in 
this  State  have  renounced  their  employments  be- 
cause of  alleged  grievances  and  have  conspired  to 
enforce  their  demands  by  detaining  trains  of  their 
late  employers,  seizing  and  controlling  their  prop- 
erty, intimidating  the  managers,  prohibiting  by 
violence  their  attempts  to  conduct  their  business 
and  driving  away  passengers  and  freight  offered 
for  transportation.  The  peace  of  the  community 
is  seriously  disturbed  by  these  lawless  acts. 
Every  class  of  society  is  made  to  suffer.  The  com- 
fort and  happiness  of  many  families  not  parties  to 
the  grievances  are  sacrificed.  A controversy, 
which  belongs  to  our  courts  or  to  the  province  of 
peaceful  arbitration  or  negotiation,  is  made  the  ex- 
cuse for  an  obstruction  of  trade  and  travel  over  the 
chartered  commercial  highways  of  our  State,  the 
commerce  of  the  entire  country  is  interfered  with 
and  the  reputation  of  our  community  is  threatened 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


123 


with  dishonor  among  our  neighbors.  This  disre- 
gard of  law  and  the  rights  and  privileges  of  our 
citizens  and  those  of  sister  States  cannot  be  toler- 
ated. The  machinery  provided  bj'  law  for  the  ad- 
justment of  private  grievances  must  be  used,  as 
the  only  resort  against  debtors,  individual  or  cor- 
porate, the  process  of  the  courts  is  deemed  suffi- 
cient for  the  enforcement  of  civil  remedies  as  well 
as  the  penalties  of  the  criminal  code,  and  must  be 
executed  equally  in  each  case. 

To  the  end  that  the  existing  combination  be 
dissolved  and  destroyed  in  its  lawless  form,  I in- 
voke the  aid  of  all  the  law-abiding  citizens  of  our 
State.  I ask  that  they  denounce  and  condemn 
this  infraction  of  public  order  and  endeavor  to  dis- 
suade those  offenders  against  the  peace  and  dignity 
of  our  State  from  further  acts  of  lawlessness.  To 
the  judiciary  I appeal  for  the  prompt  and  rigid  ad- 
ministration of  justice  in  proceedings  of  this  nature. 
To  the  sheriffs  of  the  several  counties  I command 
a careful  study  of  the  duties  imposed  upon  them 
by  statute,  which  they  have  sworn  to  discharge. 
I admonish  each  to  use  the  full  power  of  his  county 
in  the  preservation  of  order  and  the  suppression 
of  breaches  of  the  peace,  assuring  them  of  my 
hearty  co-operation  and  the  power  of  the  State  at 
my  command  when  satisfied  that  the  occasion  re- 
quires its  exercite. 

To  those  who  have  arrayed  themselves  against 
the  Government  and  are  subvertino;  law  and  order 
and  the  best  interests  of  societj^  by  the  waste  and 
destruction  of  property,  the  derangement  of  trains 
and  the  ruin  of  all  classes  of  labor,  I appeal  for  an 
immediate  abandonment  of  their  unwise  and  un- 
lawful confederation.  I convey  to  them  the  voice 


124 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


of  the  law,  which  they  cannot  afford  to  disregard. 
I trust  that  this  admonition  may  be  so  promptly 
heeded  that  a resort  to  extreme  measures  will  be 
unnecessary,  and  that  the  authority  of  the  law  and 
the  dignity  of  the  State,  against  which  they  have 
so  grievously  offended,  may  be  restored  and  duly 
respected  hereafter. 

HARRISON  ASKED  TO  COMMAND. 

After  issuing  this  proclamation  Governor  Wil- 
liams decided  to  appoint  a commander  of  the 
volunteer  militia,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  selected  General 
Benjamin  Harrison,  the  present  Republican  candi- 
date for  President,  as  that  commander.  The  fol- 
lowing letter  was  accordingly  sent  to  General 
Harrison  : 

State  of  Indiana,  Executive  Department. 

Indianapolis,  July  26, 1877. 

Dear  Sir : I have  to  request  that  you  will  assume 
command  of  all  the  military  forces  organized  and 
to  be  organized  at  the  capital  for  the  preservation 
of  order  and  the  protection  of  life  and  property 
during  the  existing  emergency. 

James  D.  Williams,  Governor. 

# 

In  reply  General  Harrison  declined  the  commis- 
sion with  thanks,  as  he  was  already  a captain  of 
the  volunteer  militia  companies,  organized  to  pre- 
vent rioting.  He  recommended,  however,  the 
appointment  of  General  Daniel  Macauley  to  com- 
mand the  militia,  he  to  serve  under  Macauley. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


125 


Governor  Williams  adopted  General  Harrison’s 
suggestion  and  issued  a commission  to  Macauley, 
which  points  vividly  the  emergency  which  Generals 
Harrison  and  Gresham  had  to  meet  when  they 
volunteered  to  lead  the  partly  organized  militia 
forces  under  General  Macauley.  Several  com- 
panies of  volunteers  were  at  once  formed. 

General  Harrison  commanded  Company  A,  and 
General  Gresham  another.  General  Harrison’s 
company,  which,  like  the  other,  was  organized 
under  a proclamation  by  General  Macauley  de- 
claring that  “ every  man  who  fails  to  answer  such 
a call  is  unworthy  the  citizenship  of  the  Republic,” 
was  assigned  to  protect  the  armory.  It  was  the 
key  to  the  situation.  There  alone  could  the 
rioters  obtain  arms,  and  it  must  be  defended  at  all 
hazards.  Preparations  were  at  once  commenced. 

A BOLD  REPLY. 

General  Harrison  at  once  put  the  buildings, 
which  were  scattered  over  several  acres  of  ground 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  in  a complete  state  of 
defense.  While  thus  engaged  in  military  duty,  he 
did  not  cease  exerting  all  his  influence  to  bring 
about  peace.  He  was  urged  to  attack  the  strikers 
and  compel  them  to  disperse.  His  reply,  prompt 
and  stern,  has  been  preserved  in  its  very  words. 
It  was : 

“I  don’t  propose  to  go  out  and  shoot  down  my 

NEIGHBORS  UNLESS  IT  IS  POSITIVELY  NECESSARY  TO  DO 
SO  IN  ORDER  TO  UPHOLD  THE  LAW.” 


126 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Not  many  days  afterward  the  strike  was  over. 
Two  hundred  of  the  strikers  had  been  arrested  by 
order  of  Judge  Drummond,  of  the  United  States 
Court,  for  interfering  with  the  operations  of  the 
Ohio  and  Mississippi  Railroad,  then  in  the  hands  of 
receivers.  These  misguided  men  were  all  sent  to 
prison  for  ninety  days.  Thereupon  General  Har- 
rison voluntarily  made  a plea  in  their  behalf.  He 
represented  to  Judge  Drummond  that  the  object 
of  their  prosecution  had  been  accomplished ; they 
had  been  taught  that  they  were,  like  all  other  citi- 
zens, subject  to  the  law,  and  General  Harrison  ex- 
pressed his  belief  that  they  would  heed  the  lesson 
if  released.  Judge  Drummond  granted  the  plea, 
and  as  the  prisoners  filed  out  to  freedom  many  of 
them  grasped  General  Harrison’s  hand  and  thanked 
him  for  his  interference  in  their  behalf. 

That  is  the  whole  tale  of  General  Harrison’s 
conduct  during  the  railroad  strikes  of  ’77. 

TWO  OF  THE  GENERAL’S  STORIES. 

General  Harrison  himself  has  nothing  to  say 
about  that  stormy  time,  but  he  told  the  following 
story  to  a circle  of  friends  that  serves  to  show 
his  disposition  to  lighten  serious  recollections  with 
humor.  “ We  had  some  curious  experiences,”  he 
said,  “ during  our  stay  at  the  arsenal.  The  first 
evening  we  were  there  I remember  the  good  wife 
of  one  of  our  men  drove  up  in  a carriage.  She 
was  dreadfully  worried  about  her  husband’s  sup- 
posed danger  and  hardships,  and  she  had  brought 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


127 


out  to  him  a pillow,  a night  shirt  and  a few  other 
luxuries  of  house  life.  As  she  began  to  take  these 
articles  out  of  the  carriage  he  hurriedly  checked 
her.  4 For  goodness  sake,  woman,’  he  exclaimed, 
4 don’t  let  anybody  see  those  things,  or  I shall  be 
the  laughing-stock  of  the  town.’ 

44  It  was  the  same  evening,”  continued  the  Gen- 
eral, 44  when  I had  posted  a guard  at  a certain  point 
on  the  grounds.  It  was  raining  in  torrents  and 
the  guard  took  his  stand  under  a tree.  Presently 
a patrol  approached  of  two  of  the  United  States 
troops  stationed  at  the  arsenal.  They  wanted  to 
know  what  the  man  was  doing  there.  He  ex- 
plained that  he  was  on  guard.  They  asked  him 
who  placed  him  there  and  he  told  them  I had. 
4 Well,  we  don’t  know  anything  about  General 
Harrison,’  said  the  regular  patrol ; 4 you’ll  have  to 
go  back.’  The  man  said  he  was  afraid  to  do  so 
because  I had  ordered  him  to  stay  there.  The 
patrol  insisted  that  he  couldn’t  stay  there.  He 
must  go  to  the  guard-house.  4 Well,’  said  the  vol- 
unteer guard,  4 1 don’t  propose  to  enter  into  any 
serious  argument  with  you  gentlemen  about  stand- 
ing under  this  tree  in  the  rain.  I’ll  surrender  very 
willingly.’  ” 

RECORD  IN  THE  SENATE. 

Every  attempt  to  prove  that  General  Harrison 
is  not  the  friend  of  labor  and  of  laboring  men  will 
recoil  on  its  authors  as  this  has  done.  The  cause 
of  honest  labor  and  the  interests  of  American 


128 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


workingmen  have  no  better  friend  than  he.  His 
record  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  shows 
that  he  never  omitted  an  opportunity  to  do  them 
a service.  We  cite  some  instances  taken  from  the 
Congressional  Record  : 

March  8,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  said  : “I  present 
a resolution  adopted  by  the  Fair-play  Assembly  of 
Knights  of  Labor,  of  Goshen,  Ind.,  not  formally 
addressed  to  the  Senate,  but  evidently  intended  for 
its  consideration,  in  relation  to  Chinese  immigration 
and  other  bills  pending  in  Congress  affecting  the 
laboring  classes.  I ask  that  the  paper  be  received 
and  referred  to  the  committee  on  foreign  rela- 
tions.”— Rec.,  p.  2982. 

March  31,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a 
memorial  of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Wabash,  Ind., 
remonstrating  against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill,  which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 
merce.— Rec.,  p.  2,900. 

April  1,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Andrews,  Ind.,  re- 
monstrating against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill,  which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 
merce, and  said : “ I present  certain  resolutions, 
certified  by  the  recording  secretary  and  under  the 
seal  of  the  assembly  of  Wabash  Assembly,  No. 
2281,  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  of  Terre  Haute, 
Ind.,  praying  Congress  to  pass  a law  prohibiting 
aliens  or  their  agents  from  securing  vast  tracts  of 
the  public  domain.  I believe  this  subject  is  under 


HOX.  REXJAMIX  HARRISON. 


129 


consideration  by  tire  committee  on  public  lands  at 
this  time,  and  I will  ask  tlie  reference  of  the  reso- 
lutions to  that  committee.” 

Mr.  Dolph. — A bill  on  the  subject  has  been  re- 
ported. 

Mr.  Harrison. — I am  advised  by  the  Senator 
from  Oregon  that  the  bill  has  been  reported.  I 
ask  leave  to  say  at  this  time  that  I know  of  few 
measures  of  greater  importance  than  this.  I 
noticed  recently  in  one  of  the  Chicago  papers  the 
results  of  some  inquiry  upon  this  subject,  and  it 
seemed  to  indicate  that  vast  tracts  of  our  domain, 
not  simply  the  public  domain  on  the  frontier,  but 
in  some  of  our  newer  States,  are  passing  into  the 
hands  of  wealthy  foreigners.  It  seems  that  the 
land  reforms  in  Ireland,  and  the  movement  in 
England  in  favor  of  the  reduction  of  large  estates 
and  the  distribution  of  the  lands  among  persons 
who  will  cultivate  them  for  their  own  use,  are  dis- 
turbing the  investments  of  some  Englishmen,  and 
that  some  of  them  are  looking  to  this  country  for 
the  acquisition  of  vast  tracts  of  land  which  may 
be  held  by  them  and  let  out  to  tenants,  out  of  the 
rents  of  which  they  may  live  abroad.  I think 
this  evil  requires  early  attention,  and  that  Congress 
should,  by  law,  restrain  the  acquisition  of  such 
tracts  of  land  by  aliens.  Our  policy  should  be 
small  farms,  worked  by  the  men  who  own  them. 
As  the  bill  has  been  reported,  I move  that  the 
resolutions  lie  on  the  table. — Rec.,  p.  2982. 

9 


130 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


April  6,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  jiresented  memo- 
rials of  Knights  of  Labor,  of  Elkhart,  Jefferson- 
ville and  Carbon,  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  remon- 
strating against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship  bill, 
which  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 
merce. 

He  also  presented  a petition  of  Knights  of  Labor 
of  Jeffersonville,  Ind.,  praying  that  liberal  appro- 
priations be  made  for  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment, and  especially  for  the  construction  of  the 
Hennepin  canal,  which  was  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  commerce. 

He  also  presented  a petition  of  Knights  of  Labor 
of  Carbon,  Ind.,  praying  that  liberal  appropriations 
be  made  for  public  works,  and  especially  for  the 
construction  of  a harbor  of  refuge  at  Sandy  bay, 
Rockport,  Mass.,  which  was  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee on  commerce. 

He  also  presented  a memorial  of  Knights  of 
Labor  at  Carbon,  Ind. — Rec.,  p.  3136. 

April  7,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  memo- 
rials of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Frankfort  and 
South  Bend,  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  remonstrating 
against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship  bill,  which 
were  referred  to  the  committee  on  commerce. — 
Rec.,  p.  3175. 

April  10,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Cardonia,  Ind.,  re- 
monstrating against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill,  which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


131 


merce.  He  said : “ I present  also  the  petition  of 
C.  Id.  Buthenbender  and  ten  other  officers  and 
members  of  the  three  local  assemblies  of  Knights 
of  Labor  at  Fort  Wayne,  Ind.,  praying  for  the 
speedy  passage  of  the  bill  providing  for  the  arbi- 
tration of  all  labor  disputes.  The  House  hill  on 
this  subject,  I understand,  lias  been  reported 
favorably  by  our  committee  on  education  and  labor 
and  is  now  upon  the  calendar.  The  petition  will, 
therefore,  under  the  rules,  lie  upon  the  table.” 

Mr.  Cullom. — There  is  another  bill  on  the  same 
subject  which  was  referred  to  the  select  committee 
on  interstate  commerce,  and  has  not  yet  been 
reported ; but  probably  the  petition  may  as  well 
lie  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Harrison. — As  the  petition  relates  especially 
to  the  House  bill  I have  referred  to,  I suggest  that 
it  lie  upon  the  table.  I do  not  desire  to  anticipate 
the  discussion  of  that  measure,  which  will  soon 
come  before  the  Senate,  but  the  startling  occur- 
rences of  which  we  have  accounts  from  day  to  day 
in  the  newspapers  are  turning  the  attention  of  all 
lovers  of  good  order  and  of  the  prosperity  of  the 
country  to  the  necessity  of  providing  some  method 
of  harmonizing  the  interests  of  the  working  classes 
and  of  the  employers  of  labor.  Arbitration  is  the 
only  method  that  seems  to  be  open  for  the  peaceful, 
and  speedy,  and  just  settlement  of  such  disputes. 
Arbitration,  of  course,  must  precede  strikes.  It 
implies  calmness,  and  that  is  not  to  be  found  when 


132 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


tlie  contest  is  once  inaugurated  and  passions  are 
aroused.  I think  so  far  as  we  can  contribute  by 
any  congressional  legislation  to  securing  the  just 
settlement  by  arbitration  of  all  labor  troubles,  we 
shall  contribute  greatly  to  the  peace  and  happiness 
of  the  country. — Rec.,  p.  3349. 

April  15,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  me- 
morials of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Fort  Wayne  and 
Muncie,  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  remonstrating 
against  the  free-ship  bill,  which  were  referred  to 
the  committee  on  commerce. 

He  also  presented  a memorial  of  Knights  of 
Labor  of  Muncie,  Ind.,  remonstrating  against 
the  employment  of  prison  contract  labor ; which 
was  referred  to  the  committee  on  education  and 
-<abor. — Rec.,  p.  3504. 

April  19,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Snoddy’s  Mill,  Ind., 
remonstrating  against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill ; which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 
merce. 

He  also  presented  a memorial  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor  of  South  Bend,  Ind.,  remonstrating  against 
the  employment  of  convict  labor  on  public  works ; 
which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  education 
and  labor. — Rec.,  p.  3598. 1 

April  21,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Elkhart,  Ind., 
remonstrating  against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill ; which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 


merce. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


133 


He  also  presented  a memorial  of  Kniglits  of 
Labor  of  Elkhart,  Ind.,  remonstrating  against  the 
employment  of  convict  labor  on  public  works; 
which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  education 
and  labor. — Rec.,  p.  3659. 

April  22,  1886. — Air.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Logansport,  Ind., 
remonstrating  against  the  passage  of  the  free-ship 
bill ; which  was  referred  to  the  committee  on  com- 
merce.— Rec.,  p.  3713. 

April  30,  1886. — Mr.  Harrison  presented  a me- 
morial of  Knights  of  Labor  of  Indianapolis,  Ind., 
remonstrating  against  the  employment  on  public 
works  of  prison-contract  labor ; which  was  referred 
to  the  committee  on  education  and  labor. — Rec.,  p. 
3999. 

SHIP-BUILDING. 

In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  memorial 
from  the  Knights  of  Labor  assemblies,  Senator 
Harrison  took  occasion  to  exjiress  his  concurrence 
in  the  opinion  expressed  in  the  memorials,  that 
American  ships  should  be  built  by  American  work- 
men, as  appears  in  the  above  record.  And  in  re- 
sponse, received  from  some  of  the  assemblies  a 
resolution  of  thanks.  He  also  supported  the  bill, 
now  become  a law,  prohibiting  the  importation  of 
foreign  laborers  under  contracts  made  abroad  to 
render  service  in  this  country.  This  measure  was 
one  that  attracted  the  widest  interest  among  the 
labor  organizations  in  this  country. 


134 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


The  fact  is,  no  part  of  General  Harrison’s  record 
is  more  consistent  and  more  invulnerable  than  his 
record  on  the  labor  question.  It  is  not  that  of  a 
demagogue,  or  of  a man  seeking  to  make  votes  or 
win  applause,  but  that  of  a man  of  sincere  convic- 
tions and  friendly  feelings  for  the  cause.  General 
Harrison  has  been  all  his  life  a hard  worker. 
While  in  college  he  toiled  during  vacations  to  earn 
money  to  pay  his  way. 

A SON  OF  TOIL. 

As  a young  lawyer  he  began  life  as  poor  as  the 
poorest,  without  a dollar  of  patrimony,  and  nothing 
but  his  head  and  hands  and  brave  heart  to  depend 
upon.  He  knows  what  it  is  to  struggle  against 
adverse  circumstances.  He  knows  what  it  is  to 
strive  hard  to  make  both  ends  meet  on  a slow  and 
uncertain  income.  He  knows  what  it  is  to  labor 
assiduously,  early  and  late,  to  meet  the  necessary 
expenses  of  a young  and  growing  family.  He  was 
not  bom  with  a silver  spoon  in  his  mouth,  though 
he  inherited  that  which  is  infinitely  better — a 
mental  and  moral  equipment  that  have  enabled 
him  to  make  himself  a man  among  men.  If  he 
had  started  in  life  as  a locomotive  engineer,  a 
molder,  a type-setter,  or  a day-laborer,  he  would 
have  taken  the  head  of  the  class  and  kept  it,  just 
as  he  has  in  the  law.  The  same  qualities  of  char- 
acter, and  the  same  persistent,  hard,  untiring  labor 
that  have  carried  him  to  the  front  in  the  legal 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


135 


profession  would  have  done  so  in  any  other  calling 
or  trade.  Do  American  workmen  despise  a man 
because  lie  rises  by  liis  own  honest,  unaided  efforts  ? 
Do  they  think  less  of  a man  because  he  fairly' 
achieves  distinction  in  his  chosen  profession  ? It 
is  an  insult  to  American  workingmen  to  impute 
such  mean  and  groveling  motives  to  them.  Gen- 
eral Harrison’s  record  on  the  labor  question  is  hon- 
orable alike  to  him  and  the  cause  of  American 
industry.  It  does  not  contain  a single  act,  utter- 
ance, or  expression  that  he  or  his  friends  should 
wish  changed. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


SPEECHES  ON  QUESTIONS  OF  THE  DAY. 

Always  a Republican — Position  During  the  War— Views  on 
the  Tariff  Question — A Plea  for  Education — Land  Grants 
— Labor  Immigration — Friendly  to  the  Admission  of  Dakota 
— Advocating  Pensions  for  Soldiers — Disposition  of  the 
Surplus — Bold  Utterances  on  the  Suffrage— Not  Afraid 
of  Being  Accused  of  Waving  the  “Bloody  Shirt” — Ameri- 
can Industries — Cheap  Clothing  and  Cheaper  Men  and 
Women. 

The  views  of  any  man  are  best  reflected  in  his 
own  utterances.  General  Harrison  has  the  happy 
faculty  of  being  able  to  say  what  he  thinks,  and 
in  such  a way  as  to  be  distinctly  understood.  He 
has  thought  much  upon  the  issues  of  the  campaign, 
and  has  come  to  conclusions  for  which  he  is  able 
to  give  his  reasons. 

We  can  render  no  better  service  to  the  reader 
than  to  present  General  Harrison’s  political  faith 
in  his  own  words. 

A LOYAL  REPUBLICAN. 

I have  never  known  any  political  allegiance 
than  that  to  the  Republican  party.  [Convention 
speech,  September  3,  1886.] 

HIS  POSITION  IN  THE  WAR. 

I was  at  Bowling  Green,  Ky.,  and  the  fugitive 
slaves  were  continually  coming  into  our  camp  and 
(136) 


ROBERT  T.  LINCOLN. 


HOIST.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


137 


their  masters  after  them.  I recollect  receiving 
from  post  head-quarters  an  order  to  deliver  over  to 
a certain  white  man  a negro  man  who  was  in  my 
camp  and  the  proud  satisfaction  with  which  I en- 
dorsed upon  the  order  of  my  commanding  general — 
“ I decline  to  obey  this  order.”  [Campaign  speech, 
September  25,  1884.] 

EXTRACTS  FROM  SPEECHES  ON  THE  TARIFF  QUESTION. 

I believe  the  Republican  party  is  pledged  and 
ought  to  be  pledged  to  the  doctrine  of  the  protection 
of  American  industries  and  American  labor.  I be- 
lieve that  in  so  far  as  our  native  inventive  genius, 
which  seems  to  have  no  limit,  our  jiroductive  forces, 
can  supply  the  American  market,  we  ought  to  keep 
it  for  ourselves.  And  yet  this  new  captain  on  the 
bridge  seems  to  congratulate  himself  on  the  fact 
that  the  voyage  is  still  prosperous,  notwithstanding 
the  change  of  commanders ; who  seems  to  forget 
that  the  reason  that  the  voyage  is  still  prosperous 
is  because  the  course  of  the  ship  was  marked  out 
before  he  went  on  the  bridge  and  the  rudder  tied 
down.  He  lias  attempted  to  take  a new  direction 
since  he  has  been  in  command,  with  a view  of 
changing  the  sailing  course  of  the  old  craft,  but  it 
has  seemed  to  me  that  he  has  made  the  error 
of  mistaking  the  flashlight  of  some  British  light- 
house for  the  light,  of  day.  [Speech  at  Chicago, 
March  20,  1888.] 

I believe  the  principle  of  the  protection  of  Ameri- 


138 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


can  industry  is  well  established  and  well  defended 
by  tlie  principles  of  political  economy  and  by  the 
duties  of  patriotism.  There  are  one  or  two  things 
that  in  some  respects  are  working  against  it,  and 
one  is  this  abominable  and  un-American  system 
which  is  recently  developed,  called  trusts.  This 
thing  is  running  too  far.  It  is  un-American  ; it  is 
un-patriotic,  in  my  judgment,  and  you  will  notice 
that  those  who  are  attacking  our  tariff  system  take 
their  position  behind  these  facts  and  use  them  as 
the  ground  of  their  assault.  We  must  find  some 
way  to  stop  such  combinations.  [Speech  at  Dan- 
ville, Ind.,  November  26,  1887.] 

I am  one  of  those  uninstructed  political  econo- 
mists that  have  an  impression  that  some  things  may 
be  too  cheap  ; that  I cannot  find  myself  in  full  sym- 
pathy with  this  demand  for  cheaper  coats,  which 
seems  to  me  necessarily  to  involve  a cheaper  man 
and  woman  under  the  coat.  I believe  it  is  true  to- 
day that  we  have  many  things  in  this  country  that 
are  too  cheap,  because  every  man  should  be  able 
to  live  by  his  honest  labor,  and  when  he  cannot  do 
this  the  product  of  his  hands  is  sold  too  low. 
[Speech  at  Chicago,  March  20,  1888.] 

The  simple  fact  is,  gentlemen,  many  things  are 
made  and  sold  now  too  cheap,  for  I hold  it  to  be 
true  that  whenever  the  market  price  is  so  low  that 
the  man  or  the  woman  who  makes  it  cannot  get  a 
fair  living  out  of  the  making  of  it,  it  is  too  low. 
And  I think  our  workingmen  will  wake  up  to  the 


THE  HOUSE  IN  WHICH  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  WAS  WRITTEN, 


CARPENTER’S  HALL — WHERE  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  MET. 

(139) 


140 


LIFE  AND  PUELIC  SERVICES  OF 


fact  that  reduction  in  their  wages,  which  every 
candid  advocate  of  free  trade  or  revenue  reform 
admits,  must  come  with  the  adoption  of  his  theories 
— a reduction  variously  estimated  at  from  10  to  25 
per  cent. — is  poorly  compensated  by  the  cheaper 
coat  he  is  promised.  This  bull-in-the-china-shop 
sort  of  work  that  our  Democratic  friends  want  to 
make  of  the  tariff  will  not  do.  [Speech  at  In- 
dianapolis, December  20,  1887.] 

FEDERAL  AID  TO  STATE  EDUCATION. 

I am  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  proposi- 
tion that  the  general  government  shall  out  of  the 
general  revenue  extend  its  hand  to  aid  the  States 
that  are  not  able  to  inaugurate  and  perfect  a school 
system  that  will  give  an  opportunity  to  all  the 
children,  white  and  black,  to  acquire  the  elements 
of  education.  [Senate,  March  25,  1884.] 

The  only  permanent  reliance  for  the  education 
of  the  masses  must  be  upon  local  taxation  in  the 
States.  [Senate,  March  25,  1884.] 

ON  THE  ALIEN  LAND  ACT. 

Congress  should  by  law  restrain  the  acquisition 
of  tracts  of  land  by  aliens.  Our  policy  should  be 
small  farms  worked  by  the  men  who  own  them. 
[Senate,  April  1,  1886.] 

SENATORS  AND  LAND  GRANT  ROADS. 

I,  for  one,  am  in  favor  of  the  bill.  Senate,  June 
25,  1886.  [The  bill  prohibiting  senators  from 
being  attorneys  for  land  grant  roads.] 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


141 


OX  WITHDRAWING  LAND  GRANTS. 

For  one,  I am  ready  to  vote  for  the  forfeiture  of 
any  land  grant  appurtenant  to  any  part  of  a rail- 
road that  is  now  unfinished.  [Senate,  May  28, 
1886.] 

ON  CONTRACT  LABOR  IMMIGRATION. 

If  I understand  the  evil  sought  to  be  guarded 
against  by  this  bill,  it  is  that  men  living  in  foreign 
countries  where  the  rate  of  wages  and  the  condi- 
tions of  labor  are  so  different  from  what  they  are 
in  this  country  shall  not  there,  under  the  strain 
that  is  upon  them,  make  a contract  which,  of 
course,  is  governed  by  rates  of  wages  there  that 
put  them  in  the  power  of  the  person  furnishing 
the  money  when  they  come  to  this  country,  and 
have  a tendency  to  import  the  rates  of  foreign 
labor  and  establish  them  here.  [Speech  in  the 
Senate.] 

GENERAL  HARRISON’S  ATTITUDE  ON  THE  ADMISSION 
OF  DAKOTA. 

Up  here  in  the  Northwest  is  a fair  Territory, 
enormous  in  extent,  the  one-half  of  it  applying  for 
admission  to  the  Union  as  a State>  more  than  twice 
as  large  as  the  State  of  Indiana,  having  a popula- 
tion of  nearly  a half-million  of  souls  at  this  time, 
kept  out  of  the  Union  of  States  ; was  kept  out  in 
1884,  will  be  kept  out  and  not  allowed  to  cast  an 
electoral  vote  in  1888.  Why?  Simply  because  a 
majority  of  the  people  in  that  Territory  are 
Republicans.  That,  and  nothing  more.  For  the 


142 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


whole  period  of  my  term  in  tlie  Senate,  as  a mem- 
ber of  tlie  Committee  on  Territories,  I fought  with 
such  ability  as  I could  ; I pleaded  with  such  power 
as  I could,  with  these  Democratic  Southern  sen- 
ators and  members  to  allow  these  free  people  of 
Dakota  the  common  rights  of  American  citizen- 
ship. In  1884,  to  placate,  if  I could,  their  oppo- 
sition to  the  admission  of  that  State,  I put  a clause 
in  the  bill  that  the  Constitutional  Convention 
should  not  assemble  until  after  the  presidential 
election  of  that  year.  But  now  four  years  more 
have  gone  around ; again  a President  is  to  be 
elected,  and  still  that  young  State,  peopled  with 
the  best  blood  of  all  the  States,  full  of  the  veterans 
of  the  late  war,  loyal  to  the  Government  and  the 
Constitution,  ready  to  share  the  perils  and  burdens 
of  our  national  life,  is  being,  will  be,  kept  out  of 
the  Union,  will  be  denied  any  right  to  cast  an 
electoral  vote  for  President  by  the  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives  at  Washington,  solely 
because  a majority  of  her  people  hold  the  political 
sentiments  which  we  hold. — [Speech  at  Danville, 
Ind.,  November  26,  1887.] 

soldiers’  pensions. 

The  veto  messages  of  Mr.  Cleveland  sent  in 
during  the  last  Congress  were,  many  of  them, 
tipped  with  poisoned  arrows.  He  vetoed  what  is 
called  the  Dependent  Pension  bill.  I believe  that 
the  first  bill  introduced  in  Congress  embodying 
the  principle  of  that  bill  was  introduced  by  me. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


143 


It  was  prepared  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Congress 
was  being  overwhelmed  with  private  pension  bills 
for  men  now  disabled  and  unable  to  maintain 
themselves,  who  could  not,  by  proof,  connect  their 
disability  with  their  army  service.  I said,  let  us 
make  the  limitation  of  the  pension  law  wider,  and 
instead  of  taking  m these  men  one  at  a time,  let 
us  take  the  whole  class  in  at  once,  and  hence  this 
bill.  Some  men  sneered  at  it ; said  I was  simply 
trying  a buncombe  game  with  the  soldiersr  But, 
gentlemen,  the  general  principles  of  that  bill  have 
cnne  to  stay.  It  has,  with  slight  modifications, 
received  now  the  vote,  almost  unanimous,  of  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  That  will  be  laid 
before  Congress  at  its  approaching  session.  What 
is  the  principle  of  it  ? Why,  it  is  something  like 
the  old  rule  we  had  in  the  army ; as  long  as  a. 
man  was  able  he  marched  and  carried  his  own 
gun  and  knapsack,  but  when  he  got  hurt  or  sick 
and  fell  out,  we  had  an  ambulance  to  put  him  in, 
and  that  is  the  principle  embodied  in  this  bill  that 
we,  the  survivors  of  the  late  war,  as  long  as  God 
wives  us  strength  and  health,  will  march  in  this 
column  of  civil  life,  making  our  own  living  and 
carrying  our  own  burden ; but  here  is  a comrade 
falling  by  the  way,  sickness,  casualty — not  his  own 
fault — and  he  has  to  fall  out ; we  want,  the  great 
national  ambulance  to  take  him  up. — [Speech  at 
Danville,  Ind.,  November  26,  1887.]  _ 


144 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  CF 


WHAT  TO  DO  WITH  TIIE  SURPLUS. 

Ill  connection  with  this  surplus  of  about  one 
hundred  millions  a year  there  is  danger  ; there  are 
dangers  of  profligacy  of  expenditure,  and  others 
that  require  us  to  address  ourselves  promptly  and 
intelligently  to  the  question  of  a reduction  of  our 
revenue.  I have  said  before,  as  your  resolutions 
say,  I would  like  to  have  that  work  done  with 
reference  to  some  great  questions  connected  with 
the  use  of  revenue,  about  which  I cannot  trust  my 
Democratic  friends.  I would  like  to  have  our 
coast  defenses  made  secure ; I would  like  to  have 
our  navy  made  respectable,  so  that  an  American 
naval  officer,  as  he  trod  the  deck  of  the  ship  bear- 
ing the  starry  banner  at  its  head  in  any  port 
throughout  the  world  and  looked  about  upon  her 
equipment  and  armament,  might  feel  that  she  was 
a match  for  the  proudest  ship  that  walked  the  sea 
under  any  other  flag.  I would  like  to  feel  that 
no  third-rate  power,  aye,  no  first-rate  power  could 
sail  into  our  defenseless  harbors  and  lay  our  great 
cities  under  tribute.  I would  like  to  feel  that  the 
just  claims  of  the  survivors  of  the  Union  army  of 
the  war  were  made  secure  and  safe.  Therefore, 
I have  a strong  preference  that  this  work  of  the 
reduction  of  our  revenue,  internal  and  external, 
shall  be  conducted  by  Republicans. — [Speech  at 
Indianapolis,  December  20,  1887.] 

PLAIN  TALK  ON  LIVING  QUESTIONS. 

The  Marquette  Club,  of  Chicago,  is  a Republi- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


145 


can  organization  less  than  two  years  old.  It  con- 
sists of  about  100  young  men,  and  it  occupies  a 
rented  house  in  the  residence  district  of  the  North 
Side.  In  order  to  make  the  club  known  to  the 
public  they  decided  to  give  a big  banquet  and 
invite  some  well-known  Republican  and  possible 
presidential  candidate  as  the  chief  guest  and 
speaker  of  the  evening.  The  club  was  fortunate. 
Senator  Ben  Harrison  was  chosen  and  invited. 
The  invitation  was  accepted.  The  banquet  was 
on  March  20th,  and  Senator  Harrison  delivered  a 
carefully  prepared  political  oration.  He  gave  a 
glowing  history  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
added  : 

What  questions  are  we  to  grapple  with  ? 
What  unfinished  work  remains  to  be  done  ? It 
seems  to  me  that  the  work  that  is  unfinished  is  to 
make  that  constitutional  grant  of  citizenship,  the 
franchise  to  the  colored  men  of  the  South,  a prac- 
tical and  living  reality.  The  condition  of  things 
is  such  in  this  country — a government  by  consti- 
tutional majority — that  whenever  the  people  be- 
come convinced  that  an  administration  or  a law 
does  not  represent  the  will  of  the  majority  of  our 
qualified  electors,  then  that  administration  ceases 
to  challenge  the  respect  of  our  people,  and  the 
law  ceases  to  command  their  willing  obedience. 

This  is  a republican  government,  a government 
by  majority,  the  majority  to  be  ascertained  by  a 
fair  count,  and  each  elector  expressing  his  will  at 
the  ballot-box.  I know  of  no  reason  why  any 
law  should  yield  respect  to  any  executive  officer 
10 


146 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


whose  title  is  not  based  upon  a majority  vote  of 
the  qualified  electors  of  this  country.  What  is 
the  condition  of  things  in  the  Southern  States 
to-day  ? 

ROBBING  MEN  OF  THEIR  SUFFRAGE. 

The  Republican  vote  is  absolutely  suppressed. 
Elections  in  many  of  those  States  have  become  a 
farce.  In  the  last  Congressional  election  in  the 
State  of  Alabama  there  were  several  Congressional 
districts  where  the  entire  vote  for  members  of 
Congress  did  not  reach  2,000,  whereas  in  most  of 
the  districts  of  the  North  the  vote  cast  at  our  Con- 
gressional elections  goes  from  30,000  to  50,000.  I 
had  occasion  to  say  a day  or  two  ago  that  in  a 
single  Congressional  district  in  the  State  of  Ne- 
braska there  were  more  votes  cast  to  elect  one 
Congressman  than  were  cast  in  the  State  of  Ala- 
bama at  the  same  election  to  elect  their  whole 
delegation.  Out  of  what  does  this  come?  The 
suppression  of  the  Republican  vote ; the  under- 
standing among  our  Democratic  friends  that  it  is 
not  necessary  that  they  should  vote  because  their 
opponents  are  not  allowed  to  vote. 

But  some  one  will  suggest : “ Is  there  a remedy 
for  this  ? ” I do  not  know,  my  fellow-citizens,  how 
far  there  is  a legal  remedy  under  our  Constitution, 
but  it  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  an  adequate  an- 
swer. It  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  conclusive 
against  the  agitation  of  this  question  even  if  we 
should  be  compelled  to  respond  to  the  arrogant 
question  that  is  asked  us : “ What  are  you  going 
to  do  about  it  ? ” Even  if  we  should  be  compelled 
to  answer : “We  can  do  nothing  but  protest,”  is  it 
not  worth  while  here,  and  in  relation  to  this 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


147 


American  question,  that  we  should  at  least  lift  up 
our  protest,  that  we  should  at  least  denounce  the 
wrong,  that  we  should  at  least  deprive  the  perpe- 
trators of  what  we  used  to  call  the  usufructs  of  the 
crime  ? 

AN  INDIGNANT  PROTEST. 

If  you  cannot  prevent  a burglar  from  breaking 
into  your  house,  you  will  do  a great  deal  toward 
discouraging  burglary  if  you  prevent  him  from 
carrying  oft’  anything,  and  so  it  seems  to  me  that 
if  we  can,  upon  this  question,  arouse  the  indig- 
nant protest  of  the  North  and  unite  our  efforts  in 
a determination  that  those  who  perpetrate  these 
wrongs  against  popular  suffrage  shall  not  by  means 
of  those  wrongs  seat  a President  at  Washington  to 
secure  the  Federal  patronage  in  a State,  we  shall 
have  done  much  to  bring  this  wrong  to  an  end. 
But  at  least  while  we  are  protesting  by  represent- 
atives from  our  State  Department  at  Washington 
against  wrongs  perpetrated  in  Russia  against  the 
Jew,  and  in  popular  assemblies  here  against  the 
wrongs  which  England  has  inflicted  upon  Ireland, 
shall  we  not  at  least  in  reference  to  this  gigantic 
and  intolerable  wrong  in  our  own  country,  as  a 
party,  lift  up  a stalwart  and  determined  protest 
against  it  ? 

But  some  of  these  independent  journalists, 
about  which  our  friend  Macmillan  taught,  call  this 
the  “ bloody  shirt.”  They  say  we  are  trying  to  re- 
vive the  strife  of  the  war,  to  rake  over  the  extinct 
embers,  to  kindle  the  fire  again.  I want  it  under- 
stood that  for  one  I have  no  quarrel  with  the  South 
for  what  took  place  between  1861  and  1865.  I 
am  willing  to  forget  that  they  were  rebels,  at  least 
as  soon  as  they  are  willing  to  forget  it  themselves, 


148 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


and  that  time  does  not  seem  to  have  come  yet  to 
them.  But  our  complaint  is  against  what  was 
done  in  1884,  not  against  what  was  done  during 
the  war.  Our  complaint  is  against  what  will  be 
done  this  year,  not  what  was  done  between  1861 
and  1865.  No  bloody  shirt — though  that  cry 
never  had  any  terror  for  me.  I believe  we  greatly 
underestimate  the  importance  of  bringing  the  issue 
to  the  front,  and  with  that  ofttime  Republican 
courage  and  outspoken  fidelity  to  truth  denouncing 
it  the  land  over.  If  we  cannot  do  anything  else, 
we  can  either  make  these  people  ashamed  of  this 
outrage  against  the  ballot  or  make  the  world 
ashamed  of  them. 

SOUND  VIEWS  ON  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIES. 

There  is  another  question  to  which  the  Re- 
publican party  has  committed  itself,  and  on  the 
line  of  which  it  has  accomplished,  as  I believe, 
much  for  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  I believe 
the  Republican  party  is  pledged  and  ought  to  be 
pledged  to  the  doctrine  of  the  protection  to  Ameri- 
can industries  and  American  labor.  I believe  that 
in  so  far  as  our  native  inventive  genius — which 
seems  to  have  no  limit — our  productive  forces  can 
supply  the  American  market,  ive  ought  to  keep  it 
for  ourselves.  And  yet  this  new  captain  on  the 
bridge  seems  to  congratulate  himself  on  the  fact 
that  the  voyage  is  still  prosperous  notwithstanding 
the  change  of  commanders;  who  seems  to  forget 
that  the  reason  that  the  voyage  is  still  prosperous 
is  because  the  course  of  the  ship  was  marked  out 
before  he  went  on  the  bridge  and  the  rudder  tied 
down.  He  has  attempted  to  take  a new  direction 
since  he  has  been  in  command  with  a view  of 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON._‘ 


149 


changing  the  sailing  course  of  the  old  craft,  but  it 
has  seemed  to  me  that  he  has  made  the  error  of 
mistaking  the  flash  glare  of  some  British  light- 
house for  the  light  of  day. 

I do  not  intend  here  to-night,  in  this  presence, 
to  discuss  this  tariff  question  in  any  detail.  I only 
want. to  say  that  in  the  passage  of  what  is  now  so 
flippantly  called  the  war  tariff,  to  raise  revenue  to 
carry  on  the  war  out  of  the  protective  duties 
which  were  then  levied,  there  has  come  to  this 
country  a prosperity  and  development  which  would 
have  been  impossible  without  it,  and  that  a re- 
versal of  this  policy  now,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr. 
Cleveland,  according  to  the  line  of  the  blind  states- 
man from  Texas  (Mills),  would  be  to  stay  and  in- 
terrupt this  march  of  prosperity  on  which  we  have 
entered.  I am  one  of  those  uninstructed  political 
economists  that  have  an  impression  that  some 
things  may  be  too  cheap ; and  I cannot  find  my- 
self in  full  sympathy  with  this  demand  for  cheaper 
coats,  which  seem  to  me  necessarily  to  iji,mlve  a 
cheaper  man  and  woman  under  the  coat 


CHAPTER  IX. 


GENERAL  HARRISON’S  NOMINATION  IN  THE  CONVEN- 
TION OF  1888. 

Governor  Porter,  op  Indiana,  Takes  the  Platform — A 
State  Ready  for  the  Struggle — Republican  Masses 
Aroused — Sketch  of  Harrison’s  Life — A Sourer  of 
Distinction — Rewards  for  Faithful  Service — Orator- 
ical Triumphs— A Long  Line  of  Illustrious  Statesmen 
— A Historic  Ancestry — Harrison’s  Name  Received  with 
Plaudits — Terrill,  of  Texas,  Seconds  the  Nomination — 
Leader  of  the  Indiana  Bar — Unquestioned  Ability — 
Winning  Qualities — New  Hampshire’s  Indorsement — Il- 
lustrious Names — Harrison’s  Record— Serious  Ques- 
tions Involved  in  the  Great  Political  Contest — New 
England  Greets  the  Hooker  State— Rousing  Demon- 
stration when  Harrison  was  Nominated. 

The  delegation  from  Indiana  to  the  Republican 
Convention  at  Chicago  had  no  trouble  in  deciding 
whose  name  to  present  as  their  choice  for  the  pres- 
idential nomination.  There  was  cordial  unanimity 
on  Mr.  Harrison. 

When  the  secretary  of  the  Convention  called 
“ Indiana,”  ex-Governor  Porter  passed  to  the  plat- 
form, accompanied  by  the  cheers  of  many  of  his 
delegates  and  most  of  the  audience.  He  addressed 
the  Convention  as  follows  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : When,  in  1880, 

(150} 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


151 


Roscoe  Conkling  visited  Indiana  to  take  part  in 
the  memorable  campaign  of  that  year,  he  was  asked 
on  every  hand,  “ How  will  New  York  go  at  the 
presidential  election  ? ” “ Tell  me,”  replied  the 

great  orator,  “ how  Indiana  will  go  in  October,  and 
then  I can  tell  you  how  New  York  will  go  in  No- 
vember.” In  October  Indiana’s  majority  of  nearly 
7,000  for  the  Republican  candidate  for  Governor- 
informed  the  country  how  she  would  go,  and  in 
November  New  York  and  the  nation  echoed  her 
October  vote.  Indiana  is  no  longer  an  October 
State,  yet  in  1880,  as  now  in  1888,  she  seemed 
largely  to  hold  the  key  of  the  position.  She  is 
always  regarded  as  being  a close  State,  but  when 
the  Republican  party  is  thoroughly  organized ; 
when  it  has  the  preliminary  work  of  the  canvass 
done,  and  when  its  spirit  is  kindled  into  flame,  In- 
diana seldom  fails  to  elect  the  Republican  candi- 
dates. 

INDIANA  EQUIPPED  AND  READY. 

She  has  never  been  better  organized  for  a suc- 
cessful Republican  contest  than  now ; the  prepara- 
tory work  has  never  been  more  complete  and 
thorough ; and  the  Republican  masses  seem  never 
to  have  been  more  highly  roused  and  eager  for  the 
struggle.  Give  General  Benjamin  Harrison  your 
commission  to  lead  them  and  they  will  immedi- 
ately fall  into  line  and  press  forward  with  enthu- 
siastic confidence  to  victory. 

The  Convention  that  lately  met  at  St.  Louis 
disappointed  the  Democracy  of  Indiana  by  refusing 
to  place  an  Indiana  candidate  on  their  ticket. 
There  is  a tide  in  the  affairs  of  parties,  as  well  as 
of  men,  which  taken  at  the  flood  leads  on  to  for- 
tune. The  present  condition  of  Indiana  is  the 


152 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Republican  party’s  opportunity.  Why  risk  ship- 
wreck on  any  shallows  when  the  full  and  welcom- 
ing sea  invites  your  sails  ? 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

came  to  Indiana  in  1854,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one. 
He  came  poor  in  purse,  but  rich  in  resolution.  No 
one  ever  heard  him  make  a reference  to  his  ances- 
tors. Self-reliant,  he  mounted  the  back  of  pros- 
perity without  the  aid  of  a stirrup.  The  hospi- 
tality of  his  ancestors  had  given  their  property  to 
those  whom  they  had  served.  The  core  had  gone 
to  the  people,  the  rind  only  to  them  and  their 
families.  He  received,  indeed,  something  from 
their  talents,  their  integrity,  their  fitness  for  public 
trusts.  And — what  to  some  persons  would  have 
seemed  a misfortune,  but  to  a heart  so  stout  as  his 
was,  the  highest  good  fortune — he  received  from 
them  the  inestimable  legacy  of  penury.  Upon  his 
arrival  in  the  State  he  entered  at  once  upon  the 
practice  of  law,  and  immediately  achieved  success. 
Amplitude  of  preparation,  a large  view  of  questions, 
a mind  marvelously  prompt  in  yielding  up  its  stores 
and  so  exhaustive  in  its  power  of  reasoning  that  no 
argument  that  would  help  his  cause  was  ever  found 
to  have  been  omitted — these  gave  him  rank  at  once 
in  his  profession.  In  union  with  these  was  found 
a fairness  that  sought  no  mean  advantage,  and  an 
integrity  that  never  could  be  shaken.  The  young 
lawyer  leaned  on  nobody’s  arm  for  help.  Modest, 
but  self-confident,  his  manner  seemed  to  say : “ I 
am  an  honest  tub,  standing  on  its  own  bottom.”  It 
was  perceived  from  the  start  that  in  web  and  woof 
he  was  of  heroic  stuff.  While  he  was  engaged  in 
the  practice  of  the  law,  and  was  rapidly  rising  to 


CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


153 


distinction,  the  great  rebellion  raised  its  hand  to 
strike  down  the  Union.  Relinquishing  his  pro- 
fession— its  emoluments  and  the  fame  to  which  it 
was  beckoning  him — he  yielded  to  the  imperative 
demand  of  duty, 

RAISING  A REGIMENT, 

and  receiving  from  Morton  the  commission  of  a 
Colonel.  He  marched  with  Sherman  to  the  sea. 
He  was  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  at  Resaca  and 
Atlanta,  and  his  gallantry  and  the  efficiency  of  his 
well-disciplined  command  were  so  conspicuous  on 
those  fields  as  to  draw  from  the  heroic  Hooker,  in 
a letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  highest  pos- 
sible commendation  of  his  industry  as  a discipli- 
narian, and  skill  and  intrepidity  as  a soldier.  He 
was  not  unknown  to  the  people  of  Indiana  before 
he  entered  the  army.  At  a State  election  i hey  had 
chosen  him  to  the  office  of  Reporter  of  the  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  His  opponents  took  the 
office  from  him  while  he  was  serving  as  a soldier  in 
the  field.  The  people,  while  he  was  yet  in  the 
field,  re-elected  him,  and  on  returning  home  on  the 
disbandment  of  Sherman’s  forces  he  received  his 
commission. 

PUBLIC  SERVICES  IN  THE  NATION’S  CAUSE. 

On  account  of  his  eloquence  as  a speaker  and 
his  extraordinary  power  as  a debater,  General  Har- 
rison was  called  upon  at  an  uncommonly  early  age 
to  take  part  in  the  public  discussion  of  the  mighty 
questions  that  had  begun  to  agitate  the  country, 
and  he  was  early  matched  against  some  of  the  most 
eminent  speakers  of  the  Democratic  party.  None 
who  ever  felt  the  point  of  his  blade  desired  to  en- 
gage with  him  igain.  Possessing  oratorical  powers 


154 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


of  a high  order,  he  has  never  spoken  for  mere 
rhetorical  effect.  He  seems  to  have  remembered 
the  saying  of  the  great  Irish  orator  and  patriot, 
O’Connell,  that  a good  speech  is  a good  thing,  but 
that  the  verdict  is  the  thing.  Pie  therefore  pierced 
the  core  of  every  question  he  discussed,  and  fought 
to  win  in  every  contest  in  which  he  engaged.  He 
has  taken  part,  as  a public  speaker,  in  every  Pres- 
idential campaign  since  he  came  into  Indiana, 
except  the  one  that  occurred  during  his  service  in 
the  army,  and  he  threw  his  sword  into  that. 

In  recognition  of  his  services  in  the  ardent  and 
prolonged  struggles  of  the  Republican  party  for 
the  rights  of  man  and  for  the  restoration  and 

INTEGRITY  OF  THE  UNION 

the  Republicans  in  the  Legislature  of  1881  chose 
him  to  be  a Senator  of  the  United  States.  I have 
not  time  to  enter  into  any  detailed  narration  of 
his  services  in  the  Senate.  His  rank  was  among 
the  highest.  The  delegates  from  Dakota  will  bear 
witness  to  the  unremitting  energy  of  his  efforts  to 
have  the  Territory  admitted  as  a State  into  the 
Union  when,  for  the  crime  of  being  faithful  to  Re- 
publican principles,  the  Democratic  party  resolved 
to  keep  it  out.  Everybody  will  recall  his  complete 
exposure  of  the  civil  service  reform  sham  in  In- 
diana under  the  present  administration.  He  pos- 
sesses all  that  you  should  desire  in  a President — 
soundness  in  Republican  doctrine,  a comprehensive 
grasp  of  mind,  a calm  judgment,  firm  principles, 
unquailing  courage  and  a pure  character. 

The  eloquent  gentleman  from  Illinois  has  com- 
mended to  your  favor  another  distinguished  citizen 
of  Indiana.  A State’s  place  in  civilization  is  de- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


155 


noted  by  the  manner  in  which  she  treats  those  who 
have  served  her  faithfully.  I have  always  hon- 
ored old  historic  Massachusetts  for  the  manner  in 
which  she  cherishes  the  fame  of  those  who,  in 
whatever  department  of  service,  have  reflected 
honor  upon  the  commonwealth  ; how  she  calls  the 
roll  with  pride  ; how  impatient  she  becomes  when 
their  names  are  unjustly  aspersed  or  disparaged. 
I have  not  come  here  to  disparage  that  honorable 
gentleman,  brave  and  just  judge  and  heroic  soldier 
whom  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  has  commended. 

ONE  OF  AN  ARMY  OF  HEROES. 

If  the  roll  of  all  of  Indiana’s  sons  were  called 
who  led  in  the  battle  or  carried  the  knapsack  she 
would  bid  me  honor  them  all.  There  is  no  need 
that  I should  strive  tc  dwarf  others  in  order  that 
General  Benjamin  Harrison  may  stand  conspicuous. 
He  stands  breast  to  breast  with  the  foremost  of 
Indiana’s  soldiers;  distinguished  also  in  civic  trusts; 
heroically  faithful  tc  public  duty  ; skilful  in  mar- 
shaling men,  to  the  sound  of  whose  bugle  they 
quickly  rally  and  fall  intc  ranks  ; whom  they  have 
followed  in  tierce  canvasses  more  than  once  to  the 
desperate  charge  crowned  with  victory. 

Standing  here  on  behalf  of  a man  who,  disdain- 
ing all  adventitious  helps,  has  risen  to  distinction 
by  the  force  of  his  own  merits,  I should  regard 
myself  unchivalric  did  I not  recall,  at  least  in 
brief  review,  some  of  the  worthy  public  achieve- 
ments of  his  ancestors.  Whatever  tends  to  show 
that  a life  which  has  been  strong  and  useful  has  a 
foundation  in  traits  that  have  long  clung  to  the 
stock  from  which  the  man  sprung  is  in  the  nature 
of  a guaranty  that  he  may  be  trusted  under  all 


156 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


trials.  It  is  something  that  the  public,  who  are 
interested  in  being  faithfully  served,  are  entitled 
to  know. 

AN  HONORED  NAME. 

We  stand  here  to-day  in  the  imperial  city  of  the 
Northwest.  The  name  of  no  family  has  ever  been 
more  identified  with  the  Northwest  than  the  family 
of  General  Benjamin  Harrison.  It  is  woven  into 
the  very  fabric  of  the  history  of  her  people.  I 
need  only  give  a passing  reference  to  that  sturdy 
Ben  Harrison  from  whom  he  takes  his  name — a 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He 
was  Governor  of  Virginia  when  the  possessions  of 
Virginia  embraced  the  whole  of  the  Northwest. 

When  the  Northwest  was  formed  by  Congress 
into  a Territory  William  Henry  Harrison  was  first 
its  Secretary  and  afterward  its  delegate  to  Con- 
gress. When  the  Indiana  Territory  was  formed, 
embracing  all  the  territory  of  the  Northwest,  ex- 
cept Ohio  and  part  of  Michigan,  he  was  appointed 
its  first  Governor.  He  held  commissions  as  Gover- 
nor successively  from  Adams,  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son. He  was  a man  of  deeds.  While  a delegate 
in  Congress  he  obtained  the  passage  of  a law  re- 
quiring the  sales  of  the  public  lands  to  be  made  in 
smaller  sub-divisions  than  had  ever  been  allowed 
before,  so  that  for  the  first  time  a man  of  humble 
means  might  now  buy  from  the  government  a 
home. 

The  historian,  McMaster,  in  his  admirable  his- 
tory of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  has  said 
with  reference  to  this  measure  that  it  did  far  more 
for  the  good  of  the  country  than  even  his  great 
victory  over  the  Prophet  at  Tippecanoe,  or  his  de- 
feat of  Tecumseh  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


157 


He  negotiated  treaties  with  the  Indians  while 
Governor,  by  which  their  title  to  70.000,000  acres 
of  land  was  extinguished  and  the  land  was  thus 
opened  for  settlement.  In  a single  one  of  these 
treaties  the  Indians  relinquished  lands  which  em- 
brace a third  of  Illinois  and  a vast  region  in 
Southern  Wisconsin.  He  fought  the 

BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE 

and,  defeating  the  plans  of  the  great  statesman  and 
warrior,  Tecumseh,  kept  the  portals  of  the  West 
open  for  the  admission  of  the  immigrant.  And 
what,  though  less  shining,  was  not  less  welcome  to 
the  settlers  of  the  Territory,  scanty  in  means  and 
struggling  with  difficulties,  he  procured  the  passage 
of  laws  that  made  the  burden  of  taxes  lighter  upon 
the  poor.  The  tongue  of  the  farm  and  the  prac- 
tice of  hospitality  were  native  to  him.  After  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe,  when  parting  with  a regi- 
ment of  his  soldiers,  he  said  : “ If  you  ever  come 
to  Vincennes  you  will  find  a plate  and  a knife  and 
fork  at  my  table,  and  I assure  you  that  you  will 
never  find  my  door  shut  and  the  string  of  the 
latch  pulled  in.”  And  what  he  promised  he  faith- 
fully lived  up  to.  We  hear  of  civil  service  reform 
as  if  it  were  some  quite  new  suggestion.  But 
President  Harrison,  in  the  single  month  that  he 
held  office,  directed  the  heads  of  the  several  de- 
partments to  give  information  to  all  their  officers 
and  agents  that  partisan  interference  by  them  in 
the  popular  elections,  whether  of  State  officers  or 
of  officers  of  the  Federal  government,  or  the  pay- 
ment of  any  contributions  or  assessment  on  salaries 
of  official  compensation  for  party  election  pur- 
poses, would  be  regarded  by  him  as  cause  for  re- 
moval. 


158 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


THE  SOLDIER-STATESMAN. 

The  old  war  Governor,  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe, 
having  left  Indiana  in  1813  to  enter  a larger  field 
of  activity,  the  people  did  not  forget  the  inestim- 
able services  he  had  given  them,  and  when,  twenty- 
seven  years  afterward,  he  was  a candidate  for 
President  of  the  United  States,  Indiana,  though  a 
Democratic  State,  gave  him  a majority  of  nearly 
14,000  votes.  He  died  in  a month  after  he  entered 
upon  his  great  office,  but  not  the  memory  of  his 
services,  which  will  ever  remain  fresh  and  imper- 
ishable. 

And  now  to-day  in  Indiana,  among  a people  es- 
timating highly  the  character  and  services  of  Gen- 
eral Benjamin  Harrison,  and  holding  in  affection 
the  memory  of  “old  Tippecanoe,”  the  latch-strings 
of  the  people  are  hospitably  out  to  you,  and  their 
doors  are  waiting  to  fly  open  at  your  touch  to  let 
in  the  joyful  air  that  shall  bear  upon  its  wings  the 
message  that  Benjamin  Harrison,  their  soldier 
statesman,  has  been  nominated  for  President  of  the 
United  States. 

During  Governor  Porter’s  speech  he  was  liberally 
applauded  with  loud  cheering,  the  Indiana  and 
California  delegations  being  especially  demonstra- 
tive. 

The  Chair  again  called  for  seconds  to  the  nom- 
ination of  General  Harrison,  and  Mr.  Terrill,  of 
Texas,  stepped  to  the  platform  and  addressed  the 
Convention  as  follows : 

TERRILL  SPEAKS  FOR  HARRISON. 

As  one  of  the  members  of  the  Texas  delegation, 


HOF.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


159 


supporting  the  candidacy  of  General  Harrison  [ap- 
plause], the  high  distinction  has  been  accorded  me 
of  briefly  seconding  his  nomination.  Indiana  is  the 
great  pivotal  State  in  the  coming  contest,  and  the 
supreme  importance  of  her  fifteen  electoral  votes 
must  not  be  ignored  by  this  Convention.  The  dis- 
tinguished soldier  and  statesman  named  here  by 
the  Indiana  delegation  as  the  choice  of  their  peo- 
ple, and  as  the  man  who  of  all  others  can  abso- 
lutely secure  the  support  of  that  State  in  the  ap- 
proaching campaign,  is  one  whose  past  career  has 
been  an  honor  and  a glory  to  the  illustrious  name 
which  he  bears.  [Applause.] 

The  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Indiana  bar,  he 
has  adorned  it  by  his  learning  and  eloquence  and 
honored  it  by  its  noble  character.  A full  term  in 
the  United  States  Senate  has  given  him  a grasp  of 
public  issues  and  fitted  him  for  the  highest  duties 
of  statesmanship.  On  the  great  political  and  eco- 
nomic questions  now  under  discussion  his  views 
are  clear  and  comprehensive  and  in  full  accord 
with  the  principles  which  have  been  enunciated  by 
this  Convention.  Strong  in  debate,  forcible  in  ex- 
pression, incisive  in  logic,  fearless  in  his  convic- 
tions, his  voice  has  been  heard  in  every  political 
contest  for  thirty  years.  [Applause.] 

A SUCCESSFUL  LEADER. 

Time  and  again  has  he  demonstrated  the  highest 
qualities  of  leadership,  and  the  firm  regard  in 
which  he  is  held  by  the  people  of  Indiana,  the 
great  State  that  gave  Garfield  a plurality  of  60,000, 
will  cause  that  State  to  honor  her  own  illustrious 
citizen  with  a majority  twice  as  large.  [Applause.] 
In  the  prime  and  vigor  of  manhood,  free  from  the 


160 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


entanglements  of  faction,  he  voted  for  the  inter- 
ests and  principles  of  his  party..  Of  unquestioned 
ability,  untiring  industry  and  inflexible  moral 
courage,  he  stands  the  peer  of  any  man  mentioned 
for  the  high  office  of  President.  [Applause.]  He 
will  receive  the  enthusiastic  support  of  his  party 
in  every  State  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  President  and  gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion, General  Benjamin  Harrison  is  a man  that  any 
delegation  in  this  hall  may  feel  proud  to  support. 
Bearing  a name  that  has  been  honorably  identified 
with  the  civil  and  military  history  of  the  Govern- 
ment from  its  very  first,  conspicuous  in  his  own 
gallant  record  as  a soldier,  combining  intellectual 
force  with  moral  integrity,  eminent  at  the  bar,  ex- 
perienced in  constructive  statesmanship,  and  ac- 
complished in  the  art  of  government,  harmonious 
in  his  relations  with  the  elements  of  the  party, 
and,  moreover,  possessing  exceptional  popular 
strength  in  the  State  whose  support  is  absolutely 
essential  to  success,  it  seems  to  me,  fellow  Republi- 
cans, that  the  hand  of  destiny  has  pointed  him  out 
as  the  man  to  lead  us  on  to  victory.  [Applause.] 
Republicans  whose  party  zeal  has  been  true  as 
tempered  steel,  and  whose  hard-earned  victory  in 
the  past  has  shed  lustre  and  renown  on  the  Re- 
publican party,  ask  that  he  be  made  the  choice  of 
this  Convention.  Responding  to  my  own  deep 
sentiments  I beg  to  join  in  that  request,  and  most 
heartily  indorse  and  second  the  nomination  of 
General  Harrison.  [Great  applause.] 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  INDORSES  THE  NOMINATION. 

Mr.  Gallinger,  of  New  Hampshire : 

Mr.  President,  after  the  fitting  and  eloquent 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


161 


words  of  the  distinguished  ex-Governor  of  Indiana, 
in  advocacy  of  the  candidate  of  my  choice  before 
this  convention,  it  is  not  necessary  that  I should 
detain  you  very  long.  I will  say  this,  that  I shall 
deserve,  whether  I receive  it  or  not,  the  plaudits 
of  the  galleries  by  endeavoring  to  observe  the 
time-honored  five- minute  rule  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  [Applause.]  We  are  here,  gen- 
tlemen, in  friendly  rivalry  to  nominate  not  only 
the  candidates  for  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency 
of  the  United  States,  but  to  nominate  the  next 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
[Great  applause.]  We  are  here,  so  far  I know, 
with  no  acrimonious  feelings,  with  no  word  of  un- 
kindness toward  any  of  the  distinguished  men 
whose  names  will  be  presented  to  this  Convention. 
We  are  here  in.  a spirit  of  harmony,  of  good  feel- 
ing and  of  determination  to  carry  the  banner  of 
the  Republican  party  to  a glorious  victory  in  No- 
vember next.  [Applause.]  Gentlemen,  the  little 
State  which  I in  part  represent  was  one  of  the 
original  States  of  this  Union.  New  Hampshire 
has  no  favored  son  to  present  to  this  Convention. 

A LITTLE  STATE  RICH  IN  GREAT  MEN. 

True,  New  Hampshire  has  a score  of  men  who, 
in  point  of  public  experience,  in  point  of  the  cul- 
ture and  the  strength  that  education  gives,  would 
make  an  infinitely  better  President  than  the  man 
who  occupies  the  executive  chair  to-day.  [Cheers.] 
New  Hampshire  is  content  to  let  her  past  speak 
for  itself.  She  recalls  before  this  magnificent 
presence  the  fact  that  she  gave  to  this  nation  of 
ours  a Levi  Woodbury,  a John  Stark,  a Daniel 
Webster  [cheers],  a Salmon  P.  Chase,  a Horace 
11 


162 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Greeley,  a John  P.  Hale,  a William  Pitt  Fessen- 
den, a John  Dix,  a Nathaniel  Baker,  and  a Zach- 
ariah  Chandler  [cheers]  ; and  although,  gentlemen, 
Massachusetts  claimed  in  his  later  years  the  peerless 
Webster  as  her  own  son,  although  the  great  State 
of  Ohio  took  to  her  arms  that  magnificent  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  a native  of  New  Hampshire 
(S.  P.  Chase),  although  New  York  claimed  Horace 
Greeley,  although  Iowa  bid  honor  to  Baker  of 
illustrious  memory  [cheers],  and  although  the 
great  imperial  State  of  Michigan  claimed  that 
magnificent  man  who  led  the  Republican  hosts  to 
victory  on  many  a hard-fought  battle-field,  Zach- 
ariah  Chandler  [cheers],  yet  the  little  State  of 
New  Hampshire  feels  that  she  has  the  right,  before 
the  assembled  intelligence  of  the  Republican  party 
of  this  country,  to  point  with  pride  to  the  fact 
that  the  little  rock-ribbed  State  gave  to  the  nation 
the  peerless  men  whose  names  I haVe  mentioned 
at  this  moment.  [Loud  applause.] 

ALWAYS  A REPUBLICAN  STATE. 

New  Hampshire  gave  her  electoral  vote  in  1856, 
in  common  with  all  the  other  New  England  States, 
to  that  grand  man  and  intrepid  leader  whose  voice 
you  have  heard  from  this  platform  a few  days  ago 
— General  John  C.  Fremont.  [Loud  applause.] 
And  in  every  quadrennial  contest  since,  when  the 
fate  of  the  Republican  party  and  the  fate  of  the 
United  States  has  trembled  in  the  balance,  New 
Hampshire  has  been  true  to  the  principles  and 
policies  of  the  Republican  party.  We  come  here 
to-day  to  join  hands  with  you  men  representing 
other  States,  to  select  from  among  the  illustrious 
nen  whose  names  are  presented  to  this  Convention 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


163 


n.  standard-bearer  for  the  campaign  of  1888. 
[Loud  applause.] 

And  I say  to  you  here  now,  that  no  matter  who 
is  nominated  by  this  Convention,  that  every  Re- 
publican in  the  little  State  of  New  Hampshire, 
true  to  the  party,  and  true  to  the  principles  of 
justice  and  equality  and  of  liberty,  will  rally  to 
the  polls  to  help  elect  that  man  President  of  the 
United  States.  [Loud  applause.]  But,  gentle- 
men, New  Hampshire  is  a close  and  a doubtful 
State.  The  vote  of  the  little  State  stands  trem- 
bling in  the  balance  to-day,  with  the  whole  power 
of  the  Federal  administration  and  with  the  whole 
power  of  the  patronage  of  that  administration 
used  against  the  Republican  party  in  that  State, 
and  its  margin  so  small  that  it  can  scarcely  be 
estimated  ; with  two  United  States  Senators  to  be 
elected  by  the  legislature  that  is  to  be  elected  in 
November — you  must  not  wonder  that  I stand  here 
to-day  and  say  to  you  that  it  is  your  duty,  so  far 
as  that  little  State  of  mine  is  concerned,  to  give  to 
the  country  the  strongest  man  that  can  possibly  be 
presented  for  the  suffrage  of  the  people.  [Loud 
applause.] 

Just  one  word  more.  Projecting  myself  into 
the  future,  I see  in  November  next  the  battle  of 
the  ballots  in  the  country.  As  silently  as  the 
snowflakes  fall  in  New  England  on  a winter’s  day, 
so  silently  will  you  find  the  ballots  deposited  for 
us  in  the  ballot-box  in  a few  months  if  you  give 
us  that  grand  man  that  Indiana  has  presented;  if 
you  give  us  that  grand  leader  on  the  field  of  battle, 
that  man  who  has  done  credit  to  himself  and  his 
State  and  his  country  in  the  halls  of  the  Con- 
gress ; that  man  whose  public  and  private  life  is 


164 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


unspotted  and  without  blemish — General  Benjamin 
Harrison,  of  Indiana  [applause] — we  promise  to 
the  Republican  party  of  this  nation  the  electoral 
vote  of  that  State  in  the  far  North. 

GRAVE  ISSUES  IN  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I have  but  a word  more,  and 
I say  this  is  a contest  unparalleled,  in  my  judg- 
ment, in  the  history  of  this  country.  We  are  face 
to  face  with  our  ancient  foe,  the  Democratic  party. 
We  have  to  fight  corruption,  we  have  to  fight, 
every  possible  species  of  bad  politics  at  the  ballot- 
box  in  November  next;  and  I say  to  you  that  if 
we  are  true  to  the  principles  of  our  party,  if  we 
are  true  to  the  spirit  that  animated  the  Republican 
party  when  it  nominated  Fremont  in  1856  and 
Lincoln  in  1860,  we  will  not  fail  to  achieve  a 
magnificent  triumph  in  November  next.  Why, 
look  at  this  grand  party  of  ours.  Look  at  its 
magnificent  leaders.  Look  at  the  men  who  have 
carried  it  to  victory  in  the  past — the  party  of 
Fremont,  of  Lincoln,  of  Grant,  of  Sherman,  of 
Sheridan ; the  party  of  Sumner,  of  Phillips,  of 
Garfield ; the  party  of  equality,  of  justice,  of  pro- 
tection, of  liberty,  and  of  law ; the  party  that  res- 
cued our  government  from  bankruptcy  in  1860,  the 
party  that  beat  back  that  gigantic  rebellion,  the 
party  that  lifted  up  its  strong  arms  and  placed 
them  under  four  million  of  slaves,  and  lifted  them 
up  to  the  plane  of  manhood  and  citizenship.  Tell 
me  that  that  party  can  be  defeated  in  the  coming 
contest?  I answer  you,  no;  and  when  the  ver- 
dict is  rendered  at  the  polls  in  November,  it  will 
be  found  that  my  prophecy  has  not  been  without 
truth. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HAERISON. 


165 


I say  to  you  Iiere  to-day  to  give  us  tliat  grand 
man  that  Indiana  presents ; give  to  us  General 
Benjamin  Harrison  as  our  standard-bearer  [cheers 
from  the  Indiana  delegation],  and  the  Republican 
hosts  who  never  have  flinched  in  battle  before, 
will  go  forward  with  a determination,  with  an 
energy,  with  a zeal  that  will  carry  everything 
before  them.  [Prolonged  cheers.] 

THE  PLATFORM  OF  1888. 

After  music  by  the  band,  Mr.  McKinley,  of 
Ohio,  stepped  forward  to  read  the  platform.  The 
cheers  were  deafening,  but  in  a moment,  from  all 
over  the  hall,  came  the  sound,  “ Sh,  sh,”  which 
speedily  quieted  the  demonstration,  every  one 
being  anxious  to  catch  every  word  uttered  by  Mr. 
McKinley,  and  in  a loud  tone  of  voice  the  dis- 
tinguished protectionist  from  Ohio  read  the  follow- 
ing declaration  of  principles : 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled 
by  their  delegates  in  National  Convention,  pause 
on  the  threshold  of  their  proceedings  to  honor  the 
memory  of  their  first  great  leader,  the  immortal 
champion  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the  people — 
Abraham  Lincoln  ; and  to  cover  also  with  wreaths 
of  imperishable  remembrance  and  gratitude  the 
heroic  names  of  our  later  leaders  who  have  more 
recently  been  called  away  from  our  councils — 
Grant,  Garfield,  Arthur,  Logan,  Conkling.  May 
their  memories  be  faithfully  cherished.  We  who 


I 66  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 

recall  with  our  greetings,  and  with  prayer  for  his 
recovery,  the  name  of  one  of  our  living  heroes, 
whose  memory  will  be  treasured  in  the  history 
both  of  Republicans  and  of  the  Republic — the 
name  of  that  noble  soldier  and  favorite  child  of 
victory,  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 

In  the  spirit  of  those  great  leaders,  and  of  our 
own  devotion  to  human  liberty,  and  with  that 
hostility  to  all  forms  of  despotism  and  oppression 
which  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  Republican 
party,  we  send  fraternal  congratulations  to  our  fel- 
low-Americans  of  Brazil  upon  their  great  act  of 
emancipation,  which  completed  the  abolition  of 
slavery  throughout  the  two  American  continents. 
We  earnestly  hope  that  we  may  soon  congratulate 
our  fellow-citizens  of  Irish  birth  upon  the  peaceful 
recovery  of  home  rule  for  Ireland. 

FREE  SUFFRAGE. 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the  Ua- 
tional  Constitution  and  to  the  indissoluble  union 
of  the  States ; to  the  autonomy  reserved  to  the 
States  under  the  Constitution ; to  the  personal 
rights  and  liberties  of  citizens  in  all  the  States  and 
Territories  in  the  Union,  and  especially  to  the 
supreme  and  sovereign  right  of  every  lawful  citi- 
zen, rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  born,  white 
or  black,  to  cast  one  free  ballot  in  public  elections 
and  to  have  that  ballot  duly  counted.  We  hold 
the  free  and  honest  popular  ballot  and  the  just 
and  equal  representation  of  all  the  people  to  be 
the  foundation  of  our  Republican  Government, 
and  demand  effective  legislation  to  secure  the  in- 
tegrity  and  purity  of  elections,  which  are  the 
fountains  of  all  public  authority.  We  charge  that 
the  present  Administration  and  the  Democratic 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888.  1 67 

majority  in  Congress  owe  their  existence  to  the 
suppression  of  the  ballot  by  a criminal  nullifica- 
tion of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States. 

PROTECTION  TO  AMERICAN  INDUSTRIES. 

We  are  uncompromisingly  in  favor  of  the  Amer- 
ican system  of  protection;  we  protest  against  its 
destruction  as  proposed  by  the  President  and  his 
party.  They  serve  the  interests  of  Europe;  we 
will  support  the  interests  of  America.  We  accept 
the  issue  and  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  for 
their  judgment.  The  protective  system  must  be 
maintained.  Its  abandonment  has  always  been 
followed  by  general  disaster  to  all  interests  except 
those  of  the  usurer  and  the  sheriff.  We  denounce 
the  Mills  bill  as  destructive  to  the  general  busi- 
ness, the  labor  and  the  farming  interests  of  the 
country,  and  we  heartily  indorse  the  consistent 
and  patriotic  action  of  the  Republican  Represent- 
atives in  Congress  in  opposing  its  passage. 

OPPOSED  TO  FREE  WOOL. 

We  condemn  the  proposition  of  the  Democratic 
party  to  place  wool  on  the  free  list,  and  we  insist 
that  the  duties  thereon  shall  be  adjusted  and 
maintained  so  as  to  furnish  full  and  adequate  pro- 
tection to  that  industry. 

REDUCE  INTERNAL  REVENUE. 

The  Republican  party  would  effect  all  needed 
reduction  of  the  national  revenue  by  repealing  the 
taxes  upon  tobacco,  which  are  an  annoyance  and 
burden  to  agriculture,  and  the  tax  upon  spirits 
list'd  in  the  arts  and  for  mechanical  purposes,  and 
hy  (such  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will  tend  to 


1 68  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 

check  imports  of  such  articles  as  are  produced  by 
our  people,  the  production  of  which  gives  employ- 
ment to  our  labor,  and  release  from  import  duties 
those  articles  of  foreign  production  (except  lux- 
uries) the  like  of  which  cannot  be  produced  at 
home.  If  there  shall  still  remain  a larger  revenue 
than  is  requisite  for  the  wants  of  the  Government, 
we  favor  the  entire  repeal  of  internal  taxes  rather 
than  the  surrender  of  any  part  of  our  protective 
system  at  the  joint  behests  of  the  whiskey  trusts 
and  the  agents  of  foreign  manufactures. 

FOREIGN  CONTRACT  LABOR. 

We  declare  our  hostility  to  the  introduction  into 
this  country  of  foreign  contract  labor  and  of  Chi- 
nese labor,  alien  to  our  civilization  and  our  Con- 
stitution, and  we  demand  the  rigid  enforcement 
of  the  existing  laws  against  it,  and  favor  such  im- 
mediate legislation  as  will  exclude  such  labor  from 
our  shores. 

TRUSTS  CONDEMNED. 

We  declare  our  opposition  to  all  combinations 
of  capital,  organized  in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to  con- 
trol arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among  our 
citizens;  and  we  recommend  to  Congress  and  the 
State  legislatures,  in  their  respective  jurisdictions, 
such  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  execution  of 
all  schemes  to  oppress  the  people  by  undue  charges 
on  their  supplies,  or  by  unjust  rates  for  the  trans- 
portation of  their  products  to  market.  We  ap- 
prove the  legislation  by  Congress  to  prevent  alike 
unjust  burdens  and  unfair  discriminations  between 
the  States. 

HOMES  FOR  THE  PEOPLE. 

We  reaffirm  the  policy  of  appropriating  the 


THE  CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888.  1 69 

public  lands  of  the  United  States  to  be  homesteads 
for  American  citizens  and  settlers,  not  aliens, 
which  the  Republican  party  established  in  1862, 
against  the  persistent  opposition  of  the  Democrats 
in  Congress,  and  which  has  brought  our  great 
Western  domain  into  such  magnificent  develop- 
ment. The  restoration  of  unearned  railroad  land 
grants  to  the  public  domain  for  the  use  of  actual 
settlers,  which  was  begun  under  the  administra- 
tion of  President  Arthur,  should  be  continued. 
We  deny  that  the  Democratic  party  has  ever 
restored  one  acre  to  the  people,  but  declare  that 
by  the  joint  action  of  the  Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats about  50,000,000  of  acres  of  unearned  lands 
originally  granted  for  the  construction  of  railroads 
have  been  restored  to  the  public  domain,  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  conditions  inserted  by  the  Republican 
party  in  the  original  grants.  We  charge  the  Dem- 
ocratic administration  with  failure  to  execute  the 
laws  securing  to  settlers  titles  to  their  homesteads, 
and  with  using  appropriations  made  for  that  pur- 
pose to  harass  innocent  settlers  with  spies  and 
prosecutions  under  the  false  pretence  of  exposing 
frauds  and  vindicating  the  law. 

HOME  RULE  IN  TERRITORIES. 

The  government  by  Congress  of  the  Territories 
is  based  upon  necessity  only,  to  the  end  that  they 
may  become  States  in  the  Union  ; therefore,  when- 
ever the  conditions  of  population,  material  re- 
sources, public  intelligence  and  morality  are  such 
as  to  insure  a stable  local  government  therein,  the 
people  of  such  Territories  should  be  permitted,  as 
a right  inherent  in  them,  the  right  to  form  for 
themselves  constitutions  and  State  governments 


170  the  contention  of  1888. 

and  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  Pending  the 
preparation  for  Statehood,  all  officers  thereof  should 
be  selected  from  the  bona-fide  residents  and  cit- 
izens of  the  Territory  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

ADMIT  SOUTH  DAKOTA. 

South  Dakota  should  of  right  be  immediately  ad- 
mitted as  a State  into  the  Union,  under  the  consti- 
tution framed  and  adopted  by  her  people,  and  we 
heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  Republican  Senate 
in  twice  passing  bills  for  her  admission.  The  re- 
fusal of  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives, 
for  partisan  purposes,  to  favorably  consider  these 
bills,  is  a wilful,  violation  of  the  sacred  American 
principle  of  local  self-government,  and  merits  the 
condemnation  of  all  just  men.  The  pending  bills 
in  the  Senate  for  acts  to  enable  Hie  people  of 
Washington,  North  Dakota  and  Montana  Terri- 
tories to  form  constitutions  and  establish  State 
governments,  should  be  passed  without  unneces- 
sary delay.  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself 
to  do  all  in  its  power  to  facilitate  the  admission 
of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Wyoming, 
Idaho  and  Arizona  to  the  enjoyment  of  self-gov- 
ernment as  States,  such  of  them  as  are  now  qual- 
ified, as  soon  as  possible,  and  the  others  as  soon  as 
they  may  become  so. 

MORMONISM. 

The  political  power  of  the  Mormon  Church  in 
fhe  Territories,  as  exercised  in  the  past,  is  a men- 
ace to  free  institutions,  a danger  no  longer  to  be 
suffered.  Therefore  we  pledge  the  Republican 
party  to  appropriate  legislation  asserting  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  nation  in  all  Territories  where  the 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888.  I71 

same  is  questioned,  and  in  furtherance  of  that  end 
to  place  upon  the  statute  books  legislation  stringent 
enough  to  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesias- 
tical power,  and  thus  stamp  out  the  attendant 
wickedness  of  polygamy . 

BI-METALLISM. 

The  Kepublican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
both  gold  and  silver  as  money  and  condemns  the 
policy  of  the  Democratic  administration  in  its 
efforts  to  demonetize  silver. 

We  demand  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to 
one  cent  per  ounce. 

In  a republic  like  ours,  where  the  citizen  is  the 
sovereign  and  the  official  the  servant,  where  no 
power  is  exercised  except  by  the  will  of  the 
people,  it  is  important  that  the  .sovereign — the 
people  — should  possess  intelligence.  The  free 
school  is  the  promoter  of  that  intelligence  which 
is  to  preserve  us  a free  nation  ; therefore  the  State 
or  nation,  or  both  combined,  should  support  free 
institutions  of  learning  sufficient  to  afford  to  every 
child  growing  up  in  the  land  the  opportunity  of  a 
good  common-school  education. 

ARMY,  NAVY  AND  FORTIFICATIONS. 

We  earnestly  recommend  that  prompt  action  be 
taken  by  Congress  in  the  enactment  of  such  legis- 
lation as  will  best  secure  the  rehabilitation  of  our 
American  merchant  marine,  and  we  protest  against 
the  passage  by  Congress  of  a free-ship  bill,  as  cal- 
culated to  work  injustice  to  labor  by  lessening  the 
wages  of  those  engaged  in  preparing  materials  as 
well  as  those  directly  employed  in  our  shipyards. 
We  demand  appropriations  for  the  early  rebuilding 


172 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 


of  our  navy ; for  the  construction  of  coast  fortifi- 
cations and  modern  ordnance  and  other  approved 
modern  means  of  defence  for  the  protection  of  our 
defenceless  harbors  and  cities ; for  the  payment 
of  just  pensions  to  our  soldiers;  for  the  necessary 
works  of  national  importance  in  the  improvement 
of  harbors  and  the  channels  of  internal,  coastwise 
and  foreign  commerce ; for  the  encouragement  of 
the  shipping  interests  of  the  Atlantic,  Gulf  and 
Pacific  States,  as  well  as  for  the  payment  of  the 
maturing  public  debt.  This  policy  will  give  em- 
ployment to  our  labor,  activity  to  our  various 
industries,  increase  the  security  of  our  country, 
promote  trade,  open  new  and  direct  markets  for 
our  produce  and  cheapen  the  cost  of  transporta- 
tion. We  affirm  this  to  be  far  better  for  our  coun- 
try than  the  Democratic  policy  of  loaning  the 
Government’s  money  without  interest  to  “ pet 
banks.” 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

The  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  by  the  present 
Administration  has  been  distinguished  by  its 
inefficiency  and  its  cowardice.  Having  withdrawn 
from  the  Senate  all  pending  treaties  effected  by 
Republican  Administrations  for  the  removal  of 
foreign  burdens  and  restrictions  upon  our  com- 
merce and  for  its  extension  into  better  markets, 
it  has  neither  effected  nor  proposed  any  others  in 
their  stead.  Professing  adherence  to  the  Monroe 
doctrine,  it  has  seen  with  idle  complacency  the 
extension  of  foreign  influence  in  Central  America 
and  of  foreign  trade  everywhere  among  our  neigh- 
bors. It  has  refused  to  charter,  sanction,  or  en- 
courage any  American  organization  for  construct- 
ing the  Nicaragua  Canal,  a work  of  vital  impor- 


THE  CONTENTION  OF  1888. 


J73 


tance  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
and  of  our  national  influence  in  Central  and  South 
America;  and  necessary  for  the  development  of 
trade  with  our  Pacific  territory,  with  South  Amer- 
ica, and  with  the  islands  and  farther  coasts  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean. 

THE  PROTECTION  OF  OUR  FISHERIES. 

We  arraign  the  present  Democratic  Aininistra- 
tion  for  its  weak  and  unpatriotic  treatment  of  the 
fisheries  question,  and  its  pusillanimous  surrender 
of  the  essential  privileges  to  which  our  fishing 
vessels  are  entitled  in  Canadian  ports  under  the 
treaty  of  1818,  the  reciprocal  maritime  legislation 
of  1830  and  the  comity  of  nations,  and  which  Cana- 
dian fishing  vessels  receive  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States.  We  condemn  the  policy  of  the 
present  Administration  and  the  Democratic  ma- 
jority in  Congress  towards  our  fisheries  as  un- 
friendly and  conspicuously  unpatriotic,  and  as 
tending  to  destroy  a valuable  National  industry 
and  an  indispensable  resource  of  defence  against  a 
foreign  enemy. 

The  name  of  American  applies  alike  to  all  citi- 
zens of  the  Republic  and  imposes  upon  all  alike 
the  same  obligation  of  obedience  to  the  laws.  At 
the  same  time  that  citizenship  is  and  must  be  the 
panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it,  and 
protects  him,  whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor, 
in  all  his  civil  rights.  It  should  and  must  afford  him 
protection  at  home,  and  follow  and  protect  him  abroad 
in  whatever  land  he  may  be  on  a lawful  errand. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM. 

The  men  who  abandoned  the  Republican  party 
in  1884  and  continue  to  adhere  to  the  Democratic 


174 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 


party  have  deserted  not  only  the  cause  of  honest 
government,  of  sound  finance,  of  freedom,  of 
purity  of  the  ballot,  but  especially  have  deserted 
the  cause  of  reform  in  the  Civil  Service.  We  will 
not  fail  to  keep  our  pledges  because  they  have 
broken  theirs  or  because  their  candidate  has  broken 
his.  We  therefore  repeat  our  declaration  of  1884, 
to  wit : “ The  reform  of  the  Civil  Service,  auspi- 
ciously begun  under  the  Republican  Administra- 
tion, should  be  completed  by  the  further  extension 
of  the  reform  system  already  established  by  law 
to  all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  ap- 
plicable. The  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform 
should  be  observed  in  all  Executive  appointments, 
and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the  object  of  exist- 
ing reform  legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the 
end  that  the  dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk 
in  the  power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely 
and  effectually  avoided. 

PENSIONS  FOR  THE  SOLDIERS. 

The  gratitude  of  the  Nation  to  the  defenders  of 
the  Union  cannot  be  measured  by  laws.  The  leg- 
islation of  Congress  should  conform  to  the  pledge 
made  by  a loyal  people,  and  be  so  enlarged  and 
extended  as  to  provide  against  the  possibility  that 
any  man  who  honorably  wore  the  Federal  uniform 
should  become  the  inmate  of  an  almshouse,  or  de- 
pendent upon  private  charity.  In  the  presence  of 
an  overflowing  Treasury  it  would  be  a public 
scandal  to  do  less  for  those  whose  valorous  service 
preserved  the  Government.  We  denounce  the 
hostile  spirit  of  President  Cleveland  in  his  numer- 
ous vetoes  of  measures  for  pension  relief,  and  the 
action  of  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1888. 


175 


in  refusing  even  a consideration  of  general  pension 
legislation. 

In  support  of  the  principles  herewith  enunci- 
ated, we  invite  the  co-operation  of  patriotic  men 
of  all  parties,  and  especially  of  all  workingmen, 
whose  prosperity  is  seriously  threatened  by  the 
free-trade  policy  of  the  present  Administration. 

The  following  table  shows  how  the  vote  stood 
on  the  various  ballots  for  Presidential  nominee  : 


1st 

2d 

3rd 

4th 

5th 

6th 

7th 

8th  ' 

Nominees. 

Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot.  Ballot. 

Blaine 

35 

33 

35 

42 

48 

40 

15 

5 

Harrison 

80 

91 

94 

217 

213 

231 

278 

544 

Sherman 

229 

249 

244 

235 

224 

244 

231 

118 

Depew 

S9 

99 

91 

Gresham 

111 

108 

123 

98 

87 

91 

91 

59 

Alger 

84 

116 

122 

135 

142 

137 

120 

100 

Allison 

72 

75 

88 

88 

99 

73 

76 

Hawley 

13 

Phelps 

25 

18 

5 

Busk 

25 

20 

16 

Fitter 

24 

Lincoln 

3 

2 

2 

1 

2 

Ingalls 

28 

16 

McKinley 

2 

2 

8 

11 

14 

12 

16 

4 

Miller 

Foraker 

2 

1 

1 

1 

Douglass 

F.  D.  Grant 

1 

1 

C.  Haymond  1 

On  the  eighth  ballot' there  was  a great  break  for 
Harrison,  and  immediately  upon  the  announce- 
ment the  Convention  made  the  nomination  unani- 
mous, amidst  great  excitement  and  cheering. 


CHAPTER  X. 

PRESS  COMMENTS  ON  PRESIDENT  HARRISON’S 
NOMINATION. 

Brains  Tell — A Self-Made  Man — Determined  to  Have  an 
Education — The  Best  Reward — A Democratic  Paper  on 
the  Domination— Winning  Ticket— Eulogy  on  Harrison 
— Graphic  Biographical  Sketch — Comments  from  Many 
Journals — A Proud  Position — Curiosities  of  the  Cam- 
paign-Specimen Songs— 

One  reason  why  Mr.  Harrison’s  nomination  has 
been  so  cordially  received  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
he  is  a self-made  man.  This  country  honors  man- 
hood. It  makes  little  account  of  birth  or  patri- 
mony. It  takes  a man  for  what  he  is  in  himself. 
We  adore  brains.  We  throw  up  our  hats  for  the 
plucky  man  who  shows  there  is  something  in  him, 
and  who  makes  himself  felt.  We  have  no  place 
for  nonentities  or  weaklings ; we  laugh  at  dunces, 
dudes  and  Dundrearies,  even  though  well  dressed. 

In  nominating  Benjamin  Harrison  the  Repub- 
lican party  again  bestowed  its  highest  honors  upon 
a man  ivho  has  worked  his  way  unaided  from  the 
foot  of  the  ladder  to  the  top.  In  so  doing  it  has 
been  true  to  the  precedent  established  in  the. early 
years  of  its  history. 

1 76 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


1 77 


Fremont  had  been  a poor  boy ; Lincoln,  Grant 
and  Garfield  were  born  in  log-cabins,  and  lived 
until  manhood  in  the  primitive  simplicity  and 
amid  the  privations  which  accompany  log-cabin 
life.  One  began  his  career  to  fame  by  toiling  as  a 
rail-splitter,  one  was  a tanner’s  apprentice,  one  a 
canal-boy.  Harrison,  like  the  others,  was  a poor 
man’s  son,  and  was  compelled  to  make  his  own 
way.  There  were  no  nights  of  study  by  the  light 
of  pine-knots  in  his  case,  perhaps,  but  there  was 
the  struggle  for  education  such  as  few  boys  know 
in  these  days  of  free  high-schools,  but  which  was 
then  the  lot  of  all  ambitious  youths  whose  thirst 
for  knowledge  outran  the  length  of  their  own  and 
their  parents’  purses.  A farm  boy  until  sixteen 
years  of  age,  he  led  the  laborious  life  that  all  sons 
of  hard-working  farmers  know,  and  with  few  of 
the  pleasures  which  are  within  the  reach  of  the 
poorest  in  the  community  in  these  days.  Buoyed 
up  with  the  hope  that  is  the  salvation  of  youth, 
and  with  the  determination  of  his  earnest  nature, 
he  fixed  his  mind  upon  an  education,  and  with  his 
little  savings  entered  college  and  there  spent  two 
years,  leaving  it  when  he  was  not  eighteen. 

EARLY  STRUGGLES. 

After  that  he  “taught”  himself  through  a legal 

course,  and  that  completed  began  his  professional 

career  without  a dollar  from  outside  sources  to  aid 

him.  Since  that  time  his  life  has  been  one  of  hard 

work  and  close  attention  to  business.  Through  it 
12 


i/8 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERYICES  OF 


all  he  has  been  animated  by  the  highest  principles 
of  honor,  honesty  and  integrity.  Unmoved  by 
hope  of  gain  or  other  temptation,  he  has  pursued 
the  course  that  seemed  to  him  right  and  best.  The 
pecuniary  reward  of  these  thirty  years  of  honest 
toil  and  unswerving  rectitude  is  not  great. 

A REWARD  GREATER  THAN  RICHES. 

He  has  not  accumulated  enough  wealth  upon 
which  to  retire  and  live  in  comfort  for  the  rest  of 
his  days,  should  he  wish  to  do  so.  A greater  re- 
ward, however,  is  the  honor  bestowed  upon  him 
by  the  people.  Those  who  were  nearest  him  knew 
him  best,  and  aided  him  into  prominence.  Every 
place  which  he  was  called  upon  to  fill  in  public 
life  he  occupied  with  credit,  and  those  who  were 
confident  that  his  ability  would  prove  equal  to 
demands  in  minor  positions  are  equally  sure  that 
he  will  fulfil  all  the  requirements  in  the  highest 
office  the  American  people  can  bestow. 

The  chosen  standard-bearer  of  the  Republican 
party  has  always  occupied  a proud  position,  and 
one  of  the  greatest  glories  of  it  is  that  it  is  an 
honor  attainable  by  one  who  has  risen  from  the 
ranks.  It  is  a condition  of  affairs  which  cannot 
exist  in  any  other  country  in  the  world.  General 
Harrison’s  case  is  another  of  the  many  known  to 
history,  showing  the  United  States  to  be  the  home 
of  all  others  for  the  poor  boy. 

We  append  representative  comments  by  the 
press,  showing  the  drift  of  public  sentiment. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


I 79 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CANDIDATE. 

The  long  struggle  at  Chicago  resulted  yesterday 
in  the  nomination  of  a candidate  whose  capacity 
cannot  be  denied  and  whose  public  record  is  free 
from  reproach.  Ex-Senator  Benjamin  Harrison 
has  neither  the  positive  political  strength  nor  the 
positive  political  weakness  of  either  Blaine  or 
Sherman  ; but  this  may  prove  to  be  in  his  favor 
rather  than  to  his  disadvantage  in  the  present  con- 
test. 

It  will  be  said  of  Mr.  Harrison  that  he  is  nomi- 
nated for  his  name;  that  if  his  grandfather  had 
not  been  President  of  the  United  States  and  his 
great-grandfather  a signer  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence  he  would  not  have  been  the  candidate. 
But  this  is  idle  talk.  Mr.  Harrison  is  available 
without  reference  to  the  honorable  positions  occu- 
pied by  his  ancestors.  In  the  first  place,  he  is  a 
prominent  citizen  of  a doubtful  State  and  he  had 
the  support  of  its  delegates  all  but  unanimously. 
He  has  a good  soldier  record,  having  gone  into  the 
war  a Second  Lieutenant  of  volunteers  and  having 
come  out  of  it  a brevet  Brigadier-General.  He  is 
a thoroughly  equipped  lawyer  and  he  has  experi- 
ence as  a statesman,  having  served  creditably  for  six 
years  in  the  United  States  Senate.  He  has  always 
acted  as  a straight  party  man,  and  his  honesty  has 
never  been  questioned.  Moreover,  he  has  always 
been  a practical  Civil-Service  Beformer  and  an  ex- 
treme Protectionist,  and  when  in  Congress  he 
favored  tax  reduction  by  the  abolition  of  internal- 
revenue  duties. 

With  these  qualifications  on  his  side  it  is  evi- 
dent that  Mr.  Harrison  did  not  owe  his  nomina- 


i8o 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


tion  entirely  to  his  name,  and  while  his  success 
may  have  been  due  to  the  anger  of  the  Blaine  dele- 
gates at  the  obstinate  refusal  of  Mr.  Sherman  to 
retire  in  favor  of  their  chosen  candidate,  he  is  cer- 
tainly as  available  as  any  other  person  named  in 
the  Convention.  It  is  in  his  favor  that  he  is  not 
much  known  among  the  politicians  and  that  he 
has  succeeded  in  harmonizing  the  local  jealousies 
in  his  own  State. 

Mr.  Harrison’s  nomination  has  excited  no  en- 
thusiasm. It  was  received  with  remarkable  in- 
difference, if  not  with  absolute  disappointment, 
among  the  Republican  politicians  of  this  city. 
Yet  it  is  one  which  all  the  warring  Republican 
factions  in  New  York  can  support  without  heart- 
burning. There  are  two  reasons  why  his  can- 
didacy is  fortunate.  It  leaves  the  issue  of  extreme 
Protection  against  Tariff  Revision  clear-cut  and 
distinct,  and  it  removes  all  danger  of  personalities 
in  the  campaign.  Mr.  Harrison  has  been  all  his 
life  a High  Protectionist,  and  there  is  no  room  for 
personal  attacks  on  his  character.  He  has  associ- 
ated with  him  upon  the  ticket  Mr.  Levi  P.  Morton, 
an  eminent  New  York  financier,  who  is  personally 
unobjectionable  and  who  has  long  been  recognized 
as  a faithful  follower  of  the  Protection  banner. — 
New  York  World. 

A GREAT  TICKET  AND  A WINNER. 

We  congratulate  the  Republican  party.  We 
congratulate  the  country.  We  congratulate  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  we  overflow  with  congratulation  to 
Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana,  and  Levi  P.  Mor- 
ton, of  New  York. 

It  is  a great  ticket  and  a winner.  No  better 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  l8l 

men  could  have  been  nominated,  no  better  com- 
bination made.  It  pins  the  four  doubtful  States  to 
the  Republican  column.  It  secures  Indiana  and 
makes  New  York  secure.  It  unites  every  wing 
and  every  interest  of  the  Republican  party,  and 
rallies  to  its  ranks  every  man  who  seeks  good  gov- 
ernment and  the  highest  good  of  a great  country, 
however  he  may  have  differed  from  the  party  in 
the  past.  There  is  politics  in  it  and  of  the  best. 
There  is  principle  in  it  and  of  the  highest.  It  is 
a soldiers’  ticket  and  a business  ticket.  It  means 
enthusiasm  in  the  ranks  and  support  from  the 
leaders.  It  will  poll  the  soldiers’  last  vote  and 
call  out  all  the  support  organized  industry  can 
give.  It  will  summon  labor  and  capital  to  the 
support  of  Protection  and  unite  both  in  the  advo- 
cacy of  a ticket  of  self-made  leaders  of  men.  The 
past  speaks  in  the  ticket,  and  the  present  and 
future  are  known  in  it.  Politically  it  is  a great 
ticket  and  personally  a greater,  and  greatest  of  all 
for  the  principles  it  supports  and  speaks  for. 

We  repeat — we  congratulate  the  party  and  the 
country,  we  wish  both  exceeding  great  joy  and  a 
sure  return  to  Republican  rule.  And  the  cause 
of  Protection,  on  which  hangs  the  wage  of  labor 
and  the  schooling  of  children,  the  prosperity  of  to- 
day and  the  happiness  of  the  future — it,  also,  we 
congratulate,  for  it  stands  secure  and  will  mightily 
prevail  with  its  great  leader,  Blaine,  in  the 
fore-front  of  the  battle  for  American  industry. — 
Philadelphia  Press. 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  has  done 
more  than  nominate  the  Republican  candidate  for 


182 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


the  presidency,  it  has  named  the  next  American 
President.  This  lay  in  its  power,  if  it  acted  well 
and  wisely  in  its  selection,  and  it  has  acted  wisely 
and  well  in  placing  Benjamin  Harrison  at  the 
head  of  the  Republican  ticket.  With  the  best  of 
the  party  to  choose  from,  the  Convention  has 
chosen  the  best  candidate  named  before  it ; with 
many  political  paths  to  follow  it  has  selected  the 
safest. 

Politically,  the  Convention  has  made  Indiana 
secure  by  picking  its  candidate  from  a State  neg- 
lected by  the  Democratic  party.  It  has  forced  the 
battle  at  the  weakest  point  of  the  enemy’s  line. 
It  begins  the  great  campaign  for  the  presidency  by 
laying  hold  of  the  fifteen  electoral  votes  of  Indi- 
ana, and  it  clinches  this  achievement  by  placing 
on  the  ticket  Levi  P.  Morton  and  contesting  the 
Empire  State.  Nominated  in  1876  to  lead  a for- 
lorn hope,  Benjamin  Harrison  carried  his  party  to 
the  very  threshold  of  victory.  His  brilliant  lead- 
ership swept  the  State  in  1880,  elected  Garfield 
and  placed  himself  in  the  Senate.  In  1886  he 
carried  the  State  again  on  the  popular  vote,  and 
lost  the  Legislature  only  when  the  continuing 
fraud  of  a gerrymander  was  supplemented  by  a 
corrupt  election  and  the  reckless  and  illegal  vio- 
lence of  a Democratic  Senate.  He  enters  another 
canvass  with  this  injustice  to  avenge.  His  nomi- 
nation places  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  cam- 
paign in  Indiana  the  successor  of  Morton,  the  best 
political  organizer  of  the  State  and  its  most  dis- 
tinguished citizen.  It  gives  the  Republican  canvass 
the  enormous  and  preponderating  advantage  of  a 
candidate  identified  and  in  harmony  with  the 
political  machinery,  which  in  a closely  contested 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  ^3 

State  decides  the  battle  by  polling  the  last  doubt- 
ful vote. 

Personally,  the  National  Republican  Convention 
has  placed  before  the  country  a man  of  clean  life 
and  high  ambition,  a brave  soldier  and  an  able 
senator  who  has  been  right  on  every  public  ques- 
tion because  he  has  brought  principle  to  bear  on 
every  public  issue.  His  life  as  a man  is  stainless 
in  all  its  relations  from  his  youth  up ; his  career 
as  a soldier  owed  its  every  promotion  to  brave  and 
honorable  service ; his  position  as  a lawyer  places 
him  in  the  forefront  of  the  bar  of  his  State,  and 
his  record  as  a public  man  and  a senator  shows  an 
equal  attention  to  the  practical  work  of  politics 
and  to  the  painstaking  and  sedulous  discharge  of 
public  duties. 

Benjamin  Harrison  is  no  discovery  of  a day,  no 
invention  of  a campaign.  He  is  neither  the 
product  of  a caucus  nor  the  offspring  of  a machine. 
Nor  has  he  stood  among  those  useless  men  who 
share  the  advantages  of  a free  Government  with- 
out discharging  its  duties,  and  whose  sole  political 
activity  is  shown  in  criticising  the  work  of  those 
who  do  discharge  them.  He  is  a politician  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  word.  He  understands  the  busi- 
ness of  politics  as  a part  of  the  business  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  business  of  government  he  has 
learned  in  the  best  of  schools — the  United  States 
Senate.  He  has  been  lifted  to  the  front  on  no 
chance  tidal  wave  of  sentimental  reform  and  he 
owes  nothing  to  the  accidents  of  politics  and  is 
under  no  obligations  to  the  poverty  or  the  despair 
of  his  party.  There  are  no  accidents  in  his  life. 
There  are  no  surprises  in  his  career.  Both  are 
the  fit  fruits  and  sure  results  of  industry,  ability, 


182 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


the  presidency,  it  has  named  the  next  American 
President.  This  lay  in  its  power,  if  it  acted  well 
and  wisely  in  its  selection,  and  it  has  acted  wisely 
and  well  in  placing  Benjamin  Harrison  at  the 
head  of  the  Republican  ticket.  With  the  best  of 
the  party  to  choose  from,  the  Convention  has 
chosen  the  best  candidate  named  before  it ; with 
many  political  paths  to  follow  it  has  selected  the 
safest. 

Politically,  the  Convention  has  made  Indiana 
secure  by  picking  its  candidate  from  a State  neg- 
lected by  the  Democratic  party.  It  has  forced  the 
battle  at  the  weakest  point  of  the  enemy’s  line. 
It  begins  the  great  campaign  for  the  presidency  by 
laying  hold  of  the  fifteen  electoral  votes  of  Indi- 
ana, and  it  clinches  this  achievement  by  placing 
on  the  ticket  Levi  P.  Morton  and  contesting  the 
Empire  State.  Nominated  in  1876  to  lead  a for- 
lorn hope,  Benjamin  Harrison  carried  his  party  to 
the  very  threshold  of  victory.  His  brilliant  lead- 
ership swept  the  State  in  1880,  elected  Garfield 
and  placed  himself  in  the  Senate.  In  1886  he 
carried  the  State  again  on  the  popular  vote,  and 
lost  the  Legislature  only  when  the  continuing 
fraud  of  a gerrymander  was  supplemented  by  a 
corrupt  election  and  the  reckless  and  illegal  vio- 
lence of  a Democratic  Senate.  He  enters  another 
canvass  with  this  injustice  to  avenge.  His  nomi- 
nation places  at  the  head  of  the  Republican  cam- 
paign in  Indiana  the  successor  of  Morton,  the  best 
political  organizer  of  the  State  and  its  most  dis- 
tinguished citizen.  It  gives  the  Republican  canvass 
the  enormous  and  preponderating  advantage  of  a 
candidate  identified  and  in  harmony  with  the 
political  machinery,  which  in  a closely  contested 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  ^3 

State  decides  the  battle  by  polling  the  last  doubt- 
ful vote. 

Personally,  the  National  Republican  Convention 
has  placed  before  the  country  a man  of  clean  life 
and  high  ambition,  a brave  soldier  and  an  able 
senator  who  has  been  right  on  every  public  ques- 
tion because  he  has  brought  principle  to  bear  on 
every  public  issue.  His  life  as  a man  is  stainless 
in  all  its  relations  from  bis  youth  up ; his  career 
as  a soldier  owed  its  every  promotion  to  brave  and 
honorable  service ; his  position  as  a lawyer  places 
him  in  the  forefront  of  the  bar  of  his  State,  and 
his  record  as  a public  man  and  a senator  shows  an 
equal  attention  to  the  practical  work  of  politics 
and  to  the  painstaking  and  sedulous  discharge  of 
public  duties. 

Benjamin  Harrison  is  no  discovery  of  a day,  no 
invention  of  a campaign.  He  is  neither  the 
product  of  a caucus  nor  the  offspring  of  a machine. 
Nor  has  he  stood  among  those  useless  men  who 
share  the  advantages  of  a free  Government  with- 
out discharging  its  duties,  and  whose  sole  political 
activity  is  shown  in  criticising  the  work  of  those 
who  do  discharge  them.  He  is  a politician  in  the 
best  sense  of  the  word.  He  understands  the  busi- 
ness of  politics  as  a part  of  the  business  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  business  of  government  he  has 
learned  in  the  best  of  schools — the  United  States 
Senate.  He  has  been  lifted  to  the  front  on  no 
chance  tidal  wave  of  sentimental  reform  and  he 
owes  nothing  to  the  accidents  of  politics  and  is 
under  no  obligations  to  the  poverty  or  the  despair 
of  his  party.  There  are  no  accidents  in  his  life. 
There  are  no  surprises  in  his  career.  Both  are 
the  fit  fruits  and  sure  results  of  industry,  ability, 


i86 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


tection  and  all  that  protection  means.  He  stands 
squarely  on  the  great  platform  of  the  party,  and 
he  strengthens  it  by  standing  there.  With  Harri- 
son and  Morton  the  party  moves  on  to  assured 
victory. — Philadelphia  Press. 

In  Benjamin  Harrison  the  Republicans  have  a 
leader  whom  they  can  rely  upon  as  growing 
stronger  the  more  his  record  is  scrutinized,  and 
there  will  not  be  the  opportunity  for  mud-throw- 
ing which  recent  campaigns  have  been  noted  for. 
Harrison  will  grow  in  favor  day  by  day  until 
elected. — Providence,  It.  Z,  Dispatch. 

The  country  is  to  be  congratulated  that  we 
have  escaped  another  personal  canvass,  and  this 
leaves  the  way  measurably  open  for  a return  to 
their  old  party  allegiance  of  such  Republican 
independents  as  are  convinced  that  they  can  do 
nothing  in  the  Democratic  party  for  the  cause  of 
civil-service  reform  they  hold  so  dear. — Boston 
Transcript  (Mug.) 

The  Republican  position  is  no  longer  one  of  de- 
fense. They  have  lost  possession  of  the  works. 
They  must  regain  control  of  the  government. 
They  must  act  on  the  aggressive.  They  need  a 
captain  who  can  lead  a charge  with  boldness  and 
success.  General  Harrison  has  been  doing  just 
that  sort  of  thing  for  years  in  Indiana,  and  he  is 
not  likely  to  fail  now.- — Minneapolis  Journal. 

Although  there  is  plenty  of  chance  for  sentiment, 
music,  poetry  and  romance  in  the  approaching 
campaign  for  “ Young  Tippecanoe  and  Morton 
too,”  the  real  strength  of  the  whole  ticket  is  that 
General  Harrison  and  Mr.  Morton  are  both  men 
with  well  and  worthily  won  national  reputations, 
who  command  the  confidence  of  all  classes,  whose 


r 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  1 87 

abilities  have  stood  many  tests  and  been  proved 
equal  to  every  emergency,  and  whose  characters 
inspire  universal  respect. — New  York  Mail  and 
Express . 

The  party  accepts  General  Harrison’s  leader- 
ship, and  will  give  him  its  united  and  loyal  sup- 
port. There  is  that  in  his  candidacy  which  is 
calculated  to  heal  any  past  differences,  and  that 
in  his  character  which  will  certainly  win  the  con- 
fidence of  voters  of  conscience,  intelligence  and 
genuine  independence.  The  Republican  party 
enters  this  campaign  not  underestimating  its 
difficulties,  but  strong,  harmonious  and  courageous, 
confident  in  its  cause  and  the  justice  of  its  princi- 
ples, and  hoping  and  expecting  success. — Boston 
Journal. 

The  nomination  of  Benjamin  Harrison  is  per- 
fectly satisfactory.  He  will  be  a splendid  candi- 
date, not  vaunting  himself,  not  disturbed.  He 
will  be  the  leader  of  the  canvass,  as  he  has  led 
the  Republicans  of  Indiana  in  many  a hard  fight 
to  their  entire  satisfaction.  That  he  will  carry 
his  own  State  is  apparently  beyond  dispute,  and 
that  he  will  harmonize  all  differences  elsewhere  we 
believe  to  be  sure.  With  no  apologies,  no  evasions, 
110  hesitations,  General  Harrison  will  step  to  the 
fron  t . — Bos  ton  Advertiser. 

The  Republican  party  and  the  people  of  the 
nation  no  less  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the 
fortunate  outcome  of  the  hotly  contested  fight  at 
Chicago.  It  has  resulted  as  all  thoughtful  and 
patriotic  men  believed  it  would — in  the  selection 
of  a presidential  candidate  who  is  so  armored  in 
purity  that  even  Democratic  mud  can  make  no 
stain  upon  him,  and  when  he  shall  enter  the  White 


1 88 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OP 


House  as  successor  to  the  present  incumbent,  the 
nation  will  start  anew  upon  an  era  of  substantial 
prosperity  and  growth  which  we  believe  will  con- 
tinue indefinitely. — Minneapolis  Tribune. 

Harrison  will  be  elected  for  what  he  is  in  him- 
self. He  will  be  elected  for  the  sake  of  the  issue 
of  American  protection  he  is  to  represent.  He 
will  be  elected  because  the  business  and  political 
interests  of  the  country  need  a Republican  triumph. 
In  the  ticket,  “ Harrison  and  Morton,”  the  winners 
have  been  named.  The  convention  has  done  well. 
It  has  done  the  best  possible.  Let  each  Republi- 
can who  believes  this  confirm  his  belief  by  his 
vote,  and  there  need  be  no  anxiety  as  to  the  out- 
come of  the  struggle  in  November. — Evening  Wis- 
consin. 

The  Republican  convention  has  nominated  for 
President  a man  whose  honorable,  historic  name 
has  never  been  sullied,  whose  record  of  public 
service  is  creditable  if  not  conspicuous,  who  has  the 
cordial  good-will  of  the  peojfie  of  his  own  State, 
and  whose  personal  qualities,  so  far  as  they  are 
yet  known,  promise  no  derogation  from  the  dignity 
of  the  presidential  office  should  he  be  chosen  to  fill 
it.  He  has  never  shown  as  much  statesmanlike 
ability  as  Sherman  or  Allison,  nor  the  conspicuous 
independence  and  strength  of  Gresham.  But  in 
view  of  the  possibilities  before  the  convention,  we 
think  the  country  may  well  be  congratulated  upon 
the  result.  In  a party  sense  the  nomination  is 
probably  the  shrewdest  that  could  have  been  made. 
— Springfield  Republican  (Mugwump.) 

There  was  something  more  than  good  conscience, 
and  that  wisdom  born  of  it,  dictating  this  nomina- 
tion—-there  was  rare  shrewdness  in  it.  It  is  an 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


189 


expedient  nomination,  as  it  is  one  which  must 
bring  back  into  the  party’s  ranks  all  those  many 
thousand  sincere  Republicans  who  went  out  from 
them  in  1884,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
could  not,  with  respect  to  their  sense  of  duty  to 
themselves,  their  party  or  country,  elevate  their 
party’s  candidate  to  the  office  of  chief  magistrate. 
In  a campaign  led  by  General  Harrison  there  can 
be  no  independent  Republicans,  no  mugwumps,  no 
dissidents,  as  the  cause  which  created  them  no 
longer  exists.  Republicans  and  Democrats,  pro- 
tectionists and  free-traders,  there  will  be ; but  no 
honest,  loyal  Republican  of  another  name  having 
another  candidate.  Every  Republican  who  is  so 
in  fact  and  deed  will  loyally  work  and  vote  in 
1888  for  the  candidate  his  party  has  given  him. — 
Philadelphia  Telegraph. 

AN  HONORABLE  POSITION. 

The  Eagle  is  opposed  to  the  party  and  to  the 
principles  which  General  Harrison  believes  in,  and 
intends  by  honorable  argument  to  do  what  it  can 
to  prevent  his  election  and  to  make  President 
Cleveland  his  own  successor,  but  it  is  a pleasure  at 
the  outset  to  recognize  the  usefulness  and  sincerity 
of  the  life  of  the  Republican  candidate,  and  to 
stake  the  fight  squarely  upon  the  issues  which  his 
nomination  and  that  of  Mr.  Cleveland  bring  to 
the  front-— the  issue  of  revenue  reform  for  all  as 
opposed  to  protection  for  the  sake  of  the  protected 
few. 

Not  only  is  this  a pleasure,  but  it  is  a duty  to 
warn  Democrats  that  “they  must  fight  if  they 
would  reign.”  General  Harrison  is  not  an  imme- 
diately strong  candidate,  but  he  is  likely  to  become 


19°  life  and  public  services  of 

one.  There  is  no  reason  why  Republicans  should 
bolt  him.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  they  will 
not  unite  on  him.  There  is  nothing  to  be  gained 
by  urging  that  he  is  unfit  or  incompetent,  for  that 
would  be  a defeating  and  a dastardly  lie.  The 
inud-slinger  in  this  canvass  will  be  the  enemy  of 
the  side  he  affects  to  serve,  and  General  Harrison 
is  likely  to  be  hurt  by  slingers  of  Republican  mud 
at  Cleveland  and  Thurman,  just  as  they  are  likely 
to  be  hurt  by  Democrats  who  sling  mud  at  their 
opponents.  There  is  to  be  no  excuse  for  vilifica- 
tion in  1888.  It  will  be  due  to  the  dirtiness  of 
human  nature  and  to  the  swirl  of  political  passion 
and  prejudice  and  interest  if  it  occurs.  It  will 
not  be  justified  by  anything  in  the  careers  and 
character  of  the  candidates.— Brooklyn  Eagle. 

A GRAND  CANDIDATE. 

A splendid  candidate  has  been  selected.  He 
stands  upon  a sound  platform.  He  has  a clear, 
good  record  on  every  public  issue.  He  has  the 
prestige  of  victory  in  a State  where  the  Democracy 
is  strong. — Buffalo  Commercial  Advertiser. 

A CHANCE  FOR  SENTIMENT  AND  SENSE. 

Although  there  is  plenty  of  chance  for  senti- 
ment, music,  poetry  and  romance  in  the  approach- 
ing campaign  for  “ Young  Tippecanoe  and  Morton 
too,”  the  real  strength  of  the  whole  ticket  is  that 
General  Harrison  and  Mr.  Morton  are  both  men 
with  well  and  worthily  won  national  reputations, 
who  command  the  confidence  of  all  classes. — New 
York  Mail  and  Express. 

A FORTUNATE  COMBINATION. 

There  is  an  unprecedented  combination  of  for- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  19 1 

tunate  incidents  in  the  Republican  ticket  that  will 
consolidate  the  convictions  and  impulses  of  Repub- 
licans into  a supreme  endeavor  to  sustain  these 
admirable  nominations  by  a solid  array  if  every 
State  in  this  Union  has  a full  vote  and  a fair 
count. — Boston  Traveller. 

DEMOCRATS  CAN  FIND  NO  FLAWS. 

The  candidate  for  President  is  a man  of  fair 
talents,  excellent  character  and  austere  manners. 
The  candidate  for  Vice-President  is  a citizen  of 
high  business  standing,  has  been  a diligent  mem- 
ber of  Congress  and  was  an  acceptable  minister  to 
France. — Brooklyn  Eagle. 

PROTECTION  WILL  WIN. 

The  national  tickets  are  now  before  the  people. 
The  platforms  speak  for  themselves.  As  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  principle  of  American  Protec- 
tion, the  Republican  party  has  nothing  to  fear  in 
the  coming  campaign. — Columbus,  0.,  Journal. 

A DEMOCRATIC  TRIBUTE. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Republican  party, 
from  the  material  before  the  Chicago  Convention, 
could  have  made  a stronger  nomination,  and  it  is 
certain  that  it  might  have  made  one  much  weaker 
than  that  of  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana. — 
Buffalo  Courier. 

A CANDIDATE  TO  BE  PROUD  OF. 

Harrison  is  a candidate  of  which  the  party  and 
the  country  may  well  be  proud,  and  of  exceptional 
strength  in  the  doubtful  States,  as  amply  proved 
by  the  decided  drift  of  those  States  to  his  support 
in  the  Convention. — Hartford  Post. 


192 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


COULD  NOT  HAVE  BEEN  BETTER. 

Harrison  and  Morton  ! — Indiana  and  New  York  ! 
— the  two  very  men  to  carry  the  party  safely 
through  the  two  very  doubtful  States ! How,  on 
the  whole,  could  the  Chicago  Convention  have 
named  a better  ticket  ? — Buffalo  Express. 

THE  PROTECTION  ISSUE  MADE  CLEAR. 

The  nominations  of  the  Chicago  Convention, 
like  the  platform  upon  which  the  candidates  stand, 
make  strong  and  clear  the  issue  upon  which  the 
campaign  is  to  be  contested. — Springfield  (Mass.) 
Union. 

TWO  HONORED  NAMES. 

Harrison  and  Morton — it  is  a splendid  and  aus- 
picious conjunction  of  names,  than  which  there  are 
few  more  honored  in  the  annals  of  the  republic. — 
Brooklyn  Times. 

A CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  VETERANS. 

Harrison  will  sweep  through  the  country  with 
resistless  popularity.  He  will  command  the  de- 
voted and  loyal  support  of  all  Union  veterans. — 
Troy  Times. 

FOR  PATRIOTS  AND  BUSINESS  MEN. 

The  ticket,  as  a whole,  stands  for  the  patriotic 
sentiment  and  the  business  interests  of  the  United 
States. — Wilmington  (Del.)  News. 

A PATRIOT,  A SOLDIER  AND  A STATESMAN. 

Benjamin  Harrison  is  one  of  the  ablest  men  of 
the  West,  a patriot,  a soldier  and  a statesman. — 
Rochester  Democrat. 

CLEAN,  ABLE  AND  POPULAR. 

Every  Republican  can  work  and  vote  for  Har- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


19  3 


rison.  He  is  clean,  able  and  popular. — Cleveland 
Leader. 

THE  PARTY  UNITED  IN  ITS  SUPPORT. 

It  is  a nomination  that  unites  all  sincere  Repub- 
licans.— Newark  Advertiser. 

Among  the  conceits  of  the  campaign,  of  which 
we  always  have  so  many,  we  give  the  following  as 
a specimen.  It  is  a communication  from  a cor- 
respondent to  one  of  our  leading  journals. 

Sir  : — Benjamin  Harrison  will  be  the  next 
President.  The  States  that  were  loyal  to  the 
Union  during  the  dark  days  of  rebellion  will  prove 
themselves  still  true  next  November  to  the  cause 
of  protection  and  prosperity  and  will  unite  in 
driving  this  present  retrogressive  administration 
from  the  power  it  obtained  through  fraud  in  1884. 
Their  united  electoral  votes  are  more  than  enough 
to  elect  the  nominees  of  the  Chicago  Convention. 
Their  verdict  will  be  hailed  with  joy  by  all  good 
Republicans. 


NeBraska . . . 

OrEgon 

KaNsas 

New  Jersey 

MassAchusetts. 
New  HaMpshire . . 

Illinois 

MaiNe 


5 

3 
9 
9 

14 

4 
22 

6 


MicHigan 13 

NevAda 3 

CalifoBnia 8 

ColoRado 3 

Connecticut 6 

WisconSin 11 

YermOnt 4 

Minnesota 7 

13 


194 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


13 

6 
4 
30 

36 
23 
15 

254 

A crop  of  campaign  songs  has  been  harvested, 
and  the  indications  are  that  in  this  respect 
the  old  Tippecanoe  campaign  will  be  re-enacted. 
The  first  song  on  the  list  was  published  in  the 
New  York  Tribune  the  next  day  after"  General 
Harrison’s  nomination. 

HIP,  HIP,  HURRAH,  HARRISON 

Oh,  Cleveland,  you  must  face  defeat — 

Put  up  that  old  bandanna, 

You  cannot , cannot,  CANNOT  beat 
This  man  from  Indiana, 

That  flies  the  Union  banner ; 

With  Harrison  we’ll  win  the  day 
As  sure  as  comes  election. 

Down  with  the  wipe  that’s  stamped  Free  Trade— 

We’ll  give  it  no  protection  ! 

CHORUS. 

Put  up  the  old  bandanna, 

Put  up  the  red  bandanna, 

They  cannot , Cannot,  CANNOT  beat 
Brave  Ben  of  Indiana  ! 

When  treason  reared  her  horrid  head 
And  tried  to  trail  our  banner, 

Then,  by  his  love  of  country  led, 

This  man  from  Indiana 
Fought  for — no  red  bandanna ; 

He  fought  to  keep  the  starry  flag 


IoWa 

West  Virginia . 
Rhode  IsLand  . . 
PennsyL vania. . 

NeW  York. 

Ohio 

IndiaNa 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


195 


Proud  poised  the  Union  over, 

With  dauntless  heart  he  did  his  part, 

But  where,  0 where,  was  Grover  ? 

CHORUS. 

While  Ben  to  keep  the  starry  flag 
Proud  poised  the  Union  over 
Fought  valiantly  on  many  a field, 

Pray  where,  0 where,  was  Grover  ? 

The  West  shall  grandly  rally  round 
Brave  Ben  of  Indiana, 

'The  East  as  loyal  shall  he  found 
Beneath  his  starry  banner 
That  shames  that  old  bandanna ; 

Then  forward  march  ! we’ll  win  the  day 
As  sure  as  comes  election, 

Down  with  the  wipe  that’s  stamped  Free  Trade— 

We’ll  give  it  no  protection  ! 

CHORUS. 

Put  up  the  old  bandanna, 

Put  up  the  red  bandanna, 

They  cannot,  CANNOT,  CANNOT  beat 
Brave  Ben  of  Indiana. 

Later  the  same  journal  published  another  spirited 
cong,  which  will  be  interesting  to  the  reader. 

“there’s  no  use  o’  knocking  at  the  door.” 

Air,  “Maryland,  My  Maryland.” 

Free  trade  is  knocking  at  thy  door, 

Uncle  Sam  ! 

She  never  knocked  so  hard  before, 

' Uncle  Sam  ! 

And  flies  above  her  saucy  head 
The  sign  by  which  her  steps  are  led 
An  old  bandanna,  bloody  red, 

Uncle  Sam  ! My  Uncle  Sam  f 

0 h,  it  would  be  a shame  and  sin, 

Uncle  Sam ! 

To  ope  the  door  and  let  her  in. 

Uncle  Sam ! 


\ 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


From  East  far  on  to  Western  shore 
The  hosts  of  labor  loud  implore 
Thou  wilt  keep  shut  the  free  trade  door, 

Uncle  Sam  ! My  Uncle  Sam  ! 

John  Bull  emits  a fearful  groan, 

Uncle  Sam ! 

Protection  he  will  ne’er  condone, 

Uncle  Sam  ! 

He  loathes  protection  tire  and  hub, 

It  pains  his  pocket,  there’s  the  rub— 

Go  interview  the  Cobden  Club, 

Uncle  Sam  ! My  Uncle  Sam  ! 

When  cunning  Bourbon  leaders  claim, 

Uncle  Sam  ! 

Free  trade  is  really  not  their  aim, 

Uncle  Sam  ! 

Just  whisper  soft  to  Grover  C. , 

Small  difference  is  discerned  by  thee 
’Twixt  tweedledum  and  tweedledee, 

Uncle  Sam  ! My  Uncle  Sam  ! 

Well  thou  wilt  guard  the  country’s  well 
Uncle  Sam  ! 

Her  foes  shall  lie  beneath  thy  heel, 

Uncle  Sam  ! 

Fierce  let  the  Bourbons  rage  and  roar, 

While  England  cries,  “Encore,  encore,” 

Thou  wilt  not  ope  the  free  trade  door, 

Uncle  Sam ! My  Uncle  Sam  ! 

As  a specimen  of  the  humors  of  the  campaign 
the  following  is  worth  preserving : 

THE  FATE  OF  THE  RED  BANDANNA. 

The  red  bandanna 
As  the  Democratic  bannah 

Will  be  hailed  until  November  with  vociferous  hosanna 
Then  in  some  mysterious  mannah 
The  bearer  of  that  bannah 
Will  step  on  a banana 

And  on  will  sweep  the  standard  of  the  man  from  Indiana. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


TWO  VIEWS  OF  HARRISON. 

Religiously  Educated — First  Church  of  Indianapolis — 
Notable  Congregation  of  Public  Men — No  Proud  Humil- 
ity—Sunday-school  Teacher — Mrs.  Harrison’s  Active 
Service — General  Harrison  as  a Soldier — An  Old  Com- 
rade’s Testimony — Always  at  the  Front — Hard  Fighter 
— Sticking  Until  the  Close  of  the  War — Undaunted 
Bravery*— Care  for  his  Men — Vivid  Recollections  of  a 
Veteran— Who  Won  the  Battle  of  Peach  Tree  Creek  ? 

The  hearty  good  will  with  which  General  Harri- 
son’s nomination  has  been  received  is  what  might 
have  been  expected  from  the  estimate  placed  upon 
him  as  a citizen  and  soldier  by  those  who  best 
knew  him. 

Of  course,  since  his  name  has  gone  out  to  the 
American  people,  everything  of  interest  in  regard 
to  the  man  and  his  record  is  eagerly  caught  up. 
We  therefore  take  pleasure  in  showing  the  reader 
Mr.  Harrison  as  a devout  leader  in  the  church  he  at- 
tends, and  we  will  also  see  the  sterling  qualities  he 
exhibits  at  home  made  conspicuous  in  his  army 
life,  which  forms  so  bright  a page  in  his  biography. 

A,  newspaper  correspondent  writing  from  Indian- 
apolis soon  after  the  close  of  the  Chicago  Conven- 
tion furnishes  the  following  sketch  : 


197 


198 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


The  interest  of  a nation,  not  to  say  the  curios- 
ity of  the  world,  has  invaded  this  city  ever  since 
last  Monday  noon.  For  six  days  the  home  of  the 
Harrison  family  has  been  open  to  political  pilgrims 
from  near  and  from  far,  and  for  six  nights  its  plain 
brick  walls  and  its  framework  of  trees  and  grass 
have  been  flooded  with  the  glare  of  electricity. 

But  on  Sunday,  I venture  to  predict,  the  Harri- 
son abode  will  be  as  quiet  as  any  private  home  in 
the  land.  The  General  and  his  wife  will,  as  they 
have  done  for  years,  walk  quietly  to  church,  not  as 
a mere  form,  but  as  part  of  a service  to  a higher 
power,  which  they  recognize  in  one  way  or  an- 
other on  every  one  of  the  seven  days  of  the  week. 

A FAMOUS  CHURCH. 

Our  readers  will  like  to  learn  something  of  the 
churchly  side  of  the  next  President.  The  First 
Presbyterian  Church  of  Indianapolis,  in  which 
General  Harrison  has  been  an  elder  since  1866, 
stands  on  Pennsylvania  Street,  overlooking  an  open 
square,  shaded  by  trees  and  covered  with  green 
sod.  University  Square  this  open  space  is  called, 
and  the  land  is  itself  a portion  of  the  grant  given 
by  the  General  Government  to  the  State  for  the 
founding  of  educational  institutions.  The  church 
is  a large  but  plain  structure  of  brick,  with  Gothic 
entrances  and  windows,  about  which  ivy  clings. 
There  are  many  Presbyterians  in  Indiana,  and 
the  denomination  is  one  of  the  strongest  in  the 
State. 

A CHAT  WITH  THE  PASTOR. 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  L.  Haines,  the  pastor  of  this  church, 
has  filled  its  pulpit  for  a little  more  than  three 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


I99 


years.  His  own  residence  is  on  Pennsylvania 
Street  a few  squares  north  of  the  church,  and  faces 
the  open  grounds  surrounding  the  State  Blind 
Asylum.  Dr.  Haines  either  does  not  receive  an 
enormous  salary  or  he  devotes  much  of  his  income 
to  his  calling,  for  his  home  is  a very  modest  one, 
though  furnished  with  quiet  taste  and  complete- 
ness. When  he  came  down  from  his  study  to  his 
parlor  to-day  he  showed  traces  of  the  exultation 
which  had  carried  him  away  for  the  past  few  days 
in  common  with  all  the  members  of  his  flock,  as 
well  as  with  all  the  other  ministers  in  the  city. 
Dr.  Haines  is  a man  of  medium  height,  clad  like  a 
preacher,  in  black,  and  the  aggressiveness  of  his 
red  beard  is  tempered  by  the  kindly  expression  of 
his  eyes. 

PIETY  THAT  DOESN’T  BLOW  A HORN. 

“ I hardly  know  what  to  say  to  you,”  he  began, 
* about  General  Harrison  as  a church  member. 
You  must  remember  that  the  General  is  not  only 
a very  modest  man  about  wmrldly  things,  but  that 
he  is  especially  conservative  about  spiritual  mat- 
ters. He  is  known  so  well  and  loved  so  heartily 
by  all  of  us  that  we  can  know  no  limit  in  our 
praise  ; but  he  certainly  would  not  care  to  have  his 
customs  as  to  religious  matters  and  his  beliefs  as 
to  theology  paraded  before  the  public.” 

The  First  Presbyterian  Church  is  known  in 
Indianapolis  as  including  in  its  membership  many 
ex-judges  and  lawyers  of  more  than  local  repute. 
The  cause  of  its  having  so  many  retired  members 
of  the  bench  is  that  judicial  duties  bring  them  to 
the  State  capital,  and  when  their  terms  expire  most 
of  them  remain  here  in  active  legal  practice.  They 


200 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


are  both  Republican  and  Democratic,  but  most  of 
them  are  enthusiastic  for  the  election  to  the  presi- 
dency of  their  old  associate.  They  have  found 
him  a practical  Christian  and  an  honorable  gentle- 
man on  every  day  in  the  week  as  well  as  on  Sun- 
day, and  they  all  know  that  the  Harrison  religion 
is  not  a matter  of  holy  days,  but  of  every  day. 

PROMINENT  LAWYERS  WHO  ATTEND. 

The  attendance  at  this  church  also  includes 
many  of  the  leading  members  of  the  Indianapolis 
bar.  Among  them  are  William  Henderson,  brother- 
in-law  of  the  deceased  Vice-President  Hendricks. 
Mr.  Henderson  displayed  the  righteous  results  of 
his  good  Presbyterian  training  in  that  he  was  the 
only  Democrat  of  prominence  who  stood  out  here 
against  the  outrageous  Democratic  tally-sheet  frauds 
which  made  so  great  a sensation  at  the  time.  Other 
lawyer  members  of  the  church  are  Congressman 
Bynum,  the  present  national  representative  from 
this  district,  an  ardent  Democrat,  but  none  the  less 
a respecter  of  General  Harrison’s  personal  integ- 
rity and  political  weight ; General  William  J.  El- 
liot and  General  R.  S.  Foster,  both  of  them  Re- 
publicans of  prominence  in  the  State.;  John  A. 
Finch,  ex-mayor,  James  L.  Mitchell  and  D.  B. 
Jameson.. 

General  Harrison  is  a faithful  and  constant 
attendant  upon  the  services  of  his  church.  He  is 
always  in  his  family  pew  both  Sunday  morning 
and  evening.  He  is  punctilious  about  this  and 
even  makes  it  a special  point,  when  professional 
engagements  call  him  away,  to  return  to  Indianap- 
olis on  Saturday  afternoon  or  evening  so  as  to  be  in. 
ample  time  to  enjoy  his  quiet  Sabbath  at  home. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


201 


Even  in  hot  political  campaigns  he  has  persistently 
refused  to  address  meetings  on  Saturday  night  on 
account  of  this  feeling  that  he  must  be  at  his  own 
home  and  with  his  own  family  on  Sunday.  When 
he  has  been  pressed  to  address  one  of  these  Satur- 
day night  meetings  he  has  always  replied  : “I  am 
entirely  willing  to  speak  to  you  on  Saturday  night 
if  you  will  have  a locomotive  ready  to  carry  me  to 
Indianapolis  before  midnight.” 

A SKILFUL  TEACHER. 

This  insistence  upon  the  performance  of  his 
moral  duties  becomes  especially  clear  in  his  devo- 
tion to  his  Bible-class.  Even  before  he  entered 
the  army  he  was  superintendent  of  the  Sunday- 
school,  and  after  the  war  was  ended  and  he  returned 
to  his  law-office  he  took  charge  of  a class  of  young 
men,  students  and  clerks.  His  method  of  Bible- 
class  teaching  was  so  alive  with  interest  that  the 
class  speedily  swelled  in  numbers  and  its  ranks 
were  always  full.  His  skill  in  cross-examining 
witnesses  in  the  court-room  was  turned  to  good 
purpose  in  the  Bible-class,  where  his  method  of 
instruction  was  what  is  styled  catechetical,  con- 
sisting rather  of  questions  so  directed  as  to  draw 
out  the  knowledge  of  the  pupils  than  of  didactic 
lectures,  meant  to  drive  facts  or  theories  into  their 
heads.  Some  of  the  shelves  of  General  Harrison’s 
law  library  even  now  contain  rows  of  books  bound 
in  green,  blue,  gold  and  the  other  colors  to  which 
such  things  are  prone,  presented  to  him  at  various 
Christmas-tides  by  members  of  his  Bible-class. 

mrs.  harrison’s  work. 

Mrs.  Harrison  not  only  taught  the  infant  depart- 


202 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


ment  of  this  Sunday-school  during  several  succes- 
sive years,  but  she  has  been  active  in  caring  for 
the  welfare  of  the  Indianapolis  Home.  She  is  a 
leading  member  of  the  Ladies'  Missionary  Society 
of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
that  many  a dollar  which,  were  she  worldly  minded, 
would  be  spent  for  lace  and  bonnets  goes  to  further 
the  objects  of  that  society.  Her  interest  in  the 
civilization  of  the  Indians  and  her  practical  knowl- 
edge of  the  best  methods  of  aiding  them  are  already 
widely  known.  But  it  will  be  of  interest  to  every 
church  woman  to  learn  that  Mrs.  Harrison  is  a 
contributor  as  a member  of  this  society  to  the 
support  of  a missionary  at  Tabriz,  Persia,  who 
happens  to  be  Miss  Grette  Hollaway,  sister  of  the 
editor  of  the  Indianapolis  News ; of  two  native 
pupils  on  the  West  coast  of  Africa;  of  a girl  pupil 
in  Lebanon,  Syria,  and  of  another  pupil  near 
Naples. 

The  Harrisons  would  not  be  true  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  their  aneestry  were  they  not  Presby- 
terians. The  family  has  held  to  that  Church  ever 
since  the  days  of  General  Thomas  Harrison,  who 
signed  the  death-warrant  of  King  Charles  I.,  and 
who  was  afterward  hanged,  drawn  and  quartered 
to  satisfy  the  vengeance  of  Charles  II.  But  though 
thus  tied  to  the  Church  of  Calvin  by  bonds  of 
blood  and  of  family  associations,  General  Harrison 
is  no  narrow  sectarian.  His  religion  is  not  a 
matter  of  creed  but  is  broad  and  practical  humani- 
tarianism. 

HARRISON  AS  A SOLDIER. 

What  was  said  of  “ Stonewall”  Jackson  in  the 
Southern  army,  namely,  that  he  was  the  hardest 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


203 


“prayer”  and  the  hardest  fighter  on  the  field,  could 
with  equal  truth  be  said  of  General  Harrison. 
And  so  we  turn  from  peaceful  church  matters  to 
reminiscences  of  the  war,  and  will  recount  the 
recollections  of  one  of  the  soldiers  who  served  with 
him. 

Colonel  Samuel  Morrill,  of  Indianapolis,  who 
was  the  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  regiment  which 
General  Harrison  commanded  during  the  war,  was 
naturally  very  much  pleased  to  hear  of  the  honor 
that  had  come  to  his  old  commander.  He  con- 
sented to  tell  some  things  about  the  personal  char- 
acter and  army  record  of  the  nominee,  which  will 
be  very  interesting  as  coming  from  a man  who  has 
known  him  since  he  first  set  foot  in  Indianapolis, 
and  who  served  next  to  him  in  rank  in  the  army, 
and  who,  therefore,  speaks  from  what  may  be 
almost  termed  a lifelong  acquaintance.  The  Col- 
onel said : 

General  Harrison  came  to  Indianapolis  just  after 
he  had  finished  the  study  of  law,  when  he  was 
quite  young — he  could  not  have  been  twenty-five 
years  of  age — and  has  been  a growing  attorney 
ever  since.  He  has  of  late  years  always  been 
pitted  against  the  strongest  men  in  the  State,  such 
as  Senator  Joe  McDonald  and  the  late  Vice-Presi- 
dent T.  A.  Hendricks,  and  all  men  of  both  parties 
have  admitted  that  Harrison  was  their  superior  as 
a lawyer.  He  came  to  Indianapolis  a poor  man, 
entirely  dependent  upon  his  earnings  as  an  at- 
torney, and  he  is  a comparatively  poor  man  to-day. 


204 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


There  are  a large  number  of  persons  that  he  has 
been  looking  after  in  a benevolent  way,  and  al- 
though his  earnings  have  been  very  large,  yet,  as 
his  partner  once  remarked  to  me,  he  has  given 
away  a fortune  every  year  to  those  who  have 
relied  upon  him  for  support,  and  remains  a poor 
man  himself. 

A MAN  IN  DEMAND. 

When  the  war  broke  out  he  had  the  most  lu- 
crative office  in  the  State.  He  was  Reporter  of 
the  State  Supreme  Court,  to  which  office  he  was 
elected  by  the  popular  vote.  He  was  always  in 
demand  as  a stump  speaker ; everybody  delighted 
to  hear  him,  for  while  he  looked  so  boyish,  there 
was  no  one  in  the  State  who  was  his  equal  as  a 
speaker,  and  he  was  in  politics,  as  in  law,  pitted 
against  men  of  twice  his  age — the  prominent  men 
on  the  other  side.  He  was  nominated  for  the 
office  of  Reporter  by  the  State  Convention  and 
was  elected  for  a term  of  four  years.  That  was,  I 
think,  in  1860,  although  he  did  not  take  the  office 
until  1861. 

When  McClellan  was  driven  back  from  Rich- 
mond there  was  a call  for  more  troops,  and  it 
being  a time  when  married  men  went  into  the 
service,  Colonel  Harrison  raised  the  first  company 
there  under  that  call,  and  he  was  appointed  Col- 
onel of  the  Seventieth  Indiana  Regiment,  which 
was  a regiment  of  1,050  men.  It  left  for  the 
front  and  was  in  Kentucky  in  less  than  a month 
from  the  time  that  Harrison  was  appointed  Second 
Lieutenant  and  commenced  recruiting.  We  first 
marched  to  Bowling  Green.  Just  after  this  Buell’s 
army  passed  us  there,  falling  back  to  Louisville 
and  its  neighborhood. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


205 


CONDUCT  ON  THE  FIELD. 

You  will  remember,  perhaps,  that  there  was  a 
dash  made  by  Bragg  on  Louisville.  The  regi- 
ment took  part  in  no  battle,  although  there  was 
skirmishing  on  foot  with  Morgan’s  cavalry.  We 
had  some  skirmishes  and  killed  some  of  his  men, 
but  did  nothing  that  was  of  any  importance  at  all 
in  the  way  of  fighting  until  we  marched  for  At- 
lanta. We  had  been  with  Thomas,  but  Sherman 
took  command  there.  We  were  in  the  Twentieth 
Corps,  under  Howard.  The  troops  were  drawn  from 
the  East  and  brought  into  our  command  just  after 
the  battle  of  Chickamauga.  The  first  real  battle 
that  we  were  in,  where  we  lost  largely,  was  at 
Resaca  on  Sunday,  the  15th  of  May,  1864.  Har- 
rison had  command  of  the  whole  thing,  you  might 
say;  that  is,  he  led  the  charge  on  foot,  but  there 
was  what  was  called  a charge  by  the  regiment  en 
masse.  He  was  at  the  head  of  the  division  massed 
by  regiments.  The  Seventieth  Indiana  was  in 
the  battle  line,  and  the  rest  all  massed  right  be- 
hind it,  in  an  attempt  to  take  a fort  on  the  hill. 

HARRISON  LEADS  THE  CHARGE. 

It  was  quite  a heavy  fight ; we  fought  there  all 
the  afternoon,  finally  taking  the  *fort  and  cap- 
turing two  of  the  guns — two  brass  pieces,  which 
were  the  only  guns  that  were  captured  from  the 
enemy  in  all  that  campaign.  Harrison  led  the 
charge  himself,  in  front  of  the  regiment,  and  was, 
of  course,  in  front  of  the  division  behind  it.  There 
must  have  been  twelve  regiments  rushing  to  bat- 
tle one  after  the  other.  We  drove  things  right 
before  us  and,  as  I say,  took  the  fort.  Harrison 
was  promoted  there,  I believe,  or  at  least  bre- 


206 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


vetted  there  as  Brigadier-General.  That  charge 
broke  the  line  and  the  snemy  fell  back  that  night; 
they  would  have  been  driven  into  the  river  if  they 
had  not  fallen  back.  He  went  through  to  Atlanta 
and  took  part  in  the  fighting  of  that  campaign. 

We  had  other  battles  and  lost  a great  many 
men,  of  course,  before  this,  but  the  great  fight  was 
on  the  20th  of  July,  when  Hood  was  put  in  com- 
mand and  came  out  of  the  works  to  attack  our 
forces  as  they  were  crossing  Peach  Tree  Creek.  He 
commanded  the  brigade  there,  and  it  was  the  first 
opportunity  that  we  had  had  to  meet  the  enemy 
outside  of  their  works.  Hood  was  foolish  enough 
to  think  that  the  proper  thing  to  do  was  to  come 
out  and  whip  us,  and,  although  they  outnumbered 
us  five  to  one,  our  men  just  threw  up  their  hats, 
and  with  the  cry,  “ My  God,  boys,  they  are  out  of 
the  works!”  they  charged  them.  There  was  a 
charge  on  their  part,  and  a return  charge  on  our 
part,  and  we  drove  them  from  the  field. 

FIGHTING  TO  THE  LAST; 

After  the  battle  of  Atlanta,  when  the  time  for 
the  Presidential  election  arrived,  General  Harri- 
son, like  a gopd  many  other  officers,  went  home  to 
vote,  and  on  his  return  found  that  Sherman’s 
army  had  divided  from  Thomas’s,  Sherman  push- 
ing on  to  the  sea,  and  Thomas  remaining  behind 
at  Nashville,  to  fight  Hood,  and  there  he  joined 
Thomas’s  army,  was  put  in  command  of  one  of  his 
brigades,  and  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Nashville. 
After  the  defeat  of  Hood  he  hastened  to  North 
Carolina,  and  was  in  command  of  his  own  brigade 
when  Johnston  surrendered. 

In  the  army  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  care  for 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


207 


the  health  of  his  men,  and  took  pains  to  see  that 
they  were  clothed  and  that  they  were  not  imposed 
upon  ; his  men  all  honored  him  greatly.  Although 
they  did  not  like  his  discipline  they  liked  him  as 
a brigade  commander  in  a fight.  In  regard  to  his 
discipline  he  would  be  spoken  of  as  a strict  dis- 
ciplinarian. He  exercised  great  care  to  see  that 
his  men  were  supplied  with  clothing  and  food  and 
that  sanitary  laws  were  observed. 

While  other  States  had  influence  at  Washington 
and  were  pushing  their  officers  ahead  for  high  po- 
sitions, the  State  of  Indiana,  having  fewer  general 
officers  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  privates  than 
any  other  State  in  the  Union,  did  not  push  her 
officers  into  prominence,  and  the  result  was  that, 
although  General  Harrison  was  as  capable  of  com- 
manding a corps  as  any  of  the  corps  commanders, 
his  modesty  and  unwillingness  to  ask  for  anything 
for  himself  kept  him  from  taking  the  high  position 
to  which  he  was  entitled  and  for  which  he  was 
fitted.  General  Harrison  is  a member  of  George 
H.  Thomas  Post,  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Re- 
public. He  is  very  popular  among  the  soldiers  of 
his  own  State,  and  he  has  never  pushed  himself 
forward  in  the  Grand  Army  any  more  than  he  did 
in  the  field,  but  has  left  to  others  the  seeking  of 
official  position. 

BRAVE,  CONSIDERATE  AND  MERCIFUL. 

Although  General  Harrison’s  regiment  was 
marched  right  into  the  heart  of  rebeldom  its  most 
dangerous  enemies  were  at  home ; traitor  sympa- 
thizers, who  wrote  letters  to  the  soldiers  en- 
couraging disobedience  and  desertion.  It  took  a 
strong  man  to  overcome  this  spirit  of  insubordina- 


208 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


tion  and  mould  the  battalion  into  willing  subinis- 
siveness.  This  was  so  effectually  accomplished 
that  in  times  of  danger  every  soldier  was  delighted 
to  know  that  General  Harrison  was  in  command. 
As  time  progressed  this  feeling  deepened  until  no 
officer  stood  higher  in  the  estimation  of  his  men, 
and  there  was  no  commander  into  whose  hands 
his  soldiers  would  more  willingly  commit  their 
honor  and  their  lives. 

In  one  of  the  battles  in  sight  of  Atlanta,  when 
General  Sherman  sent  word  to  the  corps  engaged 
that  if  they  would  hold  their  ground  he  would 
take  the  city  before  night,  General  Harrison,  in- 
stead of  sending  the  command  by  his  aide,  rode 
along  the  line  among  the  flying  bullets,  and  him- 
self conveyed  the  order  to  the  regimental  com- 
manders. The  ground  was  held,  but  it  was  several 
nights  before  Atlanta  was  taken. 

In  the  march  he  was  merciful,  protesting  against 
unnecessary  haste.  Frequently  he  would  take 
the  guns  and  accoutrements  of  some  poor  worn- 
out  fellows  and  carry  them  before  him  on  the  sad- 
dle. Often  he  was  seen  to  dismount  and  walk 
while  a sick  soldier  occupied  his  place  on  the 
horse.  Those  who  were  ill  in  the  field  hospital 
testify  that  they  were  not  forgotten  by  their  kind 
commander,  but  that  he  was  deeply  interested  in 
their  recovery,  constantly  making  inquiries  as  to 
their  welfare  and  suggestions  for  their  comfort. 

LOOKING  OUT  FOE  HIS- MEN.  . 

He  protected  the  private  soldier  from  imposition 
by  those  in  authority,  as  a father  would  his  own 
children.  Once  when  his  men  had  been  cut  off 
from  supplies  for  a long  time  they  became  so  rag- 


SON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  209 

ged  that  it  was  pitiful  to  see  them.  At  last  a 
partial  stock  was  received  by  the  quartermaster. 
Some  of  the  officers  appropriated  the  pantaloons  to 
their  own  use.  As  soon  as  this  was  known  Gen- 
eral Harrison  compelled  these  lordly  fellows  to 
strip,  and  turn  this  clothing  over  to  the  rightful 
owners.  If  at  any  time  he  felt  that  he  had 
wronged  one,  his  sense  of  justice  gave  him  no  rest 
until  he  had  repaired  the  injury. 

He  did  not  have  a code  of  morals  to  be  observed 
at  home  and  neglected  abroad,  but  there  was  the 
same  purity  of  conduct  and  conversation  while  a 
soldier  in  the  field  as  when  a citizen  going  through 
his  daily  round  of  duties,  with  all  the  sweet  re- 
straints of  family  and  friends. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A SOLDIER  COMRADE. 

Captain  H.  A.  Ford  said : 

General  Harrison  was  a brigade  commander  in 
our  division  of  the  Twentieth  Army  Corps,  and  I 
came  to  know  him  well.  Indeed,  I was  indebted 
to  his  kind  offices  for  the  most  interesting  military 
association  I had  as  adjutant  and  chief-of-staff  to 
the  celebrated  Irish  refugee,  General  Thomas 
Francis  Meagher.  Harrison  was  a thoroughly 
kind  and  good  man,  very  popular  with  his  com- 
mand and  a large  army  acquaintance.  He  was  an 
able  and  courageous  officer,  and  I have  no  doubt 
that  his  prompt,  well-directed  action  saved  the 
day  at  Peach  Tree  Creek  at  a critical  moment  of 
the  Atlanta  campaign.  But  for  him  I think  our 
army  on  that  field  would  have  been  cut  in  two 
and  at  least  one  wing  of  it  rolled  up  and  badly 
shattered. 

14 


210 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


When  Wood  delivered  his  savage  attack  the 
Colonel  happened  to  be  away  from  his  brigade  at 
an  advanced  position  a little  to  the  right  held  by 
Eastern  troops.  General  Ward  had  been  returned 
to  the  head  of  the  division,  and  with  his  staff, 
upon  which  I was  then  serving,  was  resting,  unex- 
pectant, upon  a knoll  in  the  rear.  The  first  onset 
fell  where  Harrison  was,  and  he,  divining  at  once 
the  character  of  the  attack  and  the  need  of  imme- 
diate resistance,  came  dashing  down  the  hill  on  his 
splendid  charger,  riding  down  bodily  a partly 
barred  gate  as  he  flew,  and  without  an  instant’s 
hesitancy  for  orders  moved  his  brigade  to  the  top 
of  a short  but  sharp  slope,  at  whose  foot  it  had 
been  halted,  and  forward  until  the  enemy  was 
met,  as  he  was  almost  at  once.  Other  troops  con- 
nected speedily  on  the  right  and  left,  and  here  the 
impetuous  rebel  advance  was  stayed  once  for  all. 
But  I have  always  felt  that  if  it  had  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  a charge  down  that  slope  upon  our  un- 
prepared lines  they  would  have  been  driven  in 
hopeless  disorder  into  and  across  the  deep  stream 
in  our  rear,  and  the  battle  would,  in  all  probability, 
have  been  lost. 

WINNING  A BATTLE. 

Harrison  was  the  hero  of  Peach  Tree  Creek, 
which  made  him  a brigadier.  He  was  the  senior 
field  officer  in  the  brigade  at  the  previous  battle  of 
Resaca,  bore  himself  gallantly  in  one  of  the  most 
desperate  and  deadly  charges  , of  history,  that 
which  captured  the  redoubt  and  four  guns,  and 
took  command  of  the  force  after  General  Ward 
had  been  wounded  and  retired  from  the  field.  His 
service  throughout  was  honorable  and  efficient,  and 
would  have  advanced  him  to  a more  prominent  po- 


HON".  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


21 1 


sition  had  he  been  an  older  man.  I am  sure  no 
one  met  him  in  those  days  who  did  not  feel  his 
mental  and  moral  power  and  expect  of  him  great 
things  in  the  coming  days.  His  brief  speeches  at 
spontaneous  assemblies  of  the  troops,  as  in  front 
of  Raleigh  when  news  of  the  death  of  Lincoln  was 
received,  were  remarkably  well  put  and  often  rose 
to  eloquence.  I have  heard  him  since  in  political 
speeches  to  throngs  of  Hoosiers,  whose  popular  idol 
he  is,  and  thus  have  personal  evidence  that  he  has 
nobly  answered  the  promise  of  his  earlier  man- 
hood. He  is  a thoroughly  good  and  true  man  of 
old  Presbyterian  stock,  to  whose  traditions  he  has 
been  faithful.  He  was  the  only  general  officer  I 
knew  or  heard  of  at  whose  headquarters  family 
prayers  were  regularly  held. 

The  first  camp  of  my  regiment  in  active  ser- 
vice was  made  near  his  boyhood’s  home,  the  farm- 
house of  his  father,  John  Scott  Harrison,  in  the 
point  between  the  Great  Miami  and  the  Ohio,  some 
miles  from  North  Bend,  where  his  President  grand- 
sire  lived  and  is  buried.  I am  reminded  by  this 
of  the  filial  duty  which  prompted  the  younger 
Harrison  to  may  be  the  strongest,  certainly  the 
most  heartfelt  and  indignant,  work  of  his  life. 
About  ten  years  ago,  making  a search  through  the 
medical  colleges  of  Cincinnati  with  a friend  and 
client  of  his,  who  had  lost  the  remains  of  a father 
by  the  hands  of  body-snatchers,  he  was  unspeak- 
ably horrified  to  find  at  the  end  of  a rope  drawn 
from  a vat  or  well  under  one  of  the  institutions 
the  venerated  features  of  his  own  father,  whose 
form  had  been  similarly  robbed  from  a new-made 
grave.  The  manner  in  which  the  General  dealt 
with  the  indifferent  or  insolent  officers  of  that  cob 


212 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 


lege  is  most  memorable  in  bis  history,  and  is  not 
the  least  among  many  creditable  incidents  of  his 
public  and  private  career.  He  is  every  way  a 
strong,  pure  man,  of  the  best  record  and  noblest 
ambitions,  and  his  administration  of  the  chief 
magistrate’s  office  will  be  one  of  the  grandest  in 
American  annals 


CHAPTER  XII. 

QUALIFICATIONS  FOR  THE  OFFICE  OF  PRESIDENT. 

Vast  Powers  of  the  Chief  Executive — Dignity  of  the 
Office — Elements  of  Character  Requisite — A Broad 
Man  Wanted — Mr.  Harrison  Fitted  for  the  High  Sta 
tion. 

From  the  masterly  pen  of  Henry  Worthington 
Smith,  Esq.,  the  distinguished  member  of  the 
Philadelphia  bar,  we  present  a statement  of  the 
essential  requisites  for  a successful  President.  It 
will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Smith  has  a high  estimate 
of  the  Republican  nominee  : 

The  dignity  and  importance  of  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States  are  worthy  of  care- 
ful consideration.  To  its  occupant  are  committed 
large  and  important  powers.  He  is  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy ; he  may  grant  par- 
dons and  reprieves  for  all  offenses  against  the 
United  States,  save  impeachment.  With  the  con- 
currence of  the  Senate  he  may  make  treaties  and 
appoint  ambassadors,  consuls,  and  judges  of  the 
supreme  and  subordinate  courts.  He  may  approve 
or  veto  all  bills  passed  by  Congress ; he  receives 
all  ambassadors  and  public  ministers;  he  should 
give  Congress  from  time  to  time  information  re- 
specting the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend 

213 


214 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


such  measures  as  he  shall  deem  necessary  or  expe- 
dient ; he  may  adjourn  the  Houses  of  Congress  in 
case  of  a disagreement  between  them  in  regard  to 
an  adjournment;  he  shall  decide  between  rival 
claimants  to  a State  government;  he  shall  com- 
mission officers  of  the  United  States ; and  finally, 
he  is  bound  to  see  that  the  laws  are  faithfully 
executed. 

When  the  magnitude  of  these  powers  is  con- 
sidered in  connection  with  the  extent  of  this 
country  and  its  diverse  and  conflicting  interests,  it 
will  be  apparent  that  he  who  can  “rule  wisely  and 
well,”  who  can  harmonize  contending  forces,  and 
insure  tranquility  and  prosperity  to  the  entire 
nation,  must  not  only  be  wise  and  far-seeing,  but 
he  must  also  possess  rare  talents  for  administra- 
tion, for  command,  and  if  need  be  for  controversy. 

The  President  of  the'  United  States  should  be 
more  than  a mere  politician ; he  should  sink  the 
partisan  in  the  patriot.  He  should  be  a man  of 
affairs  in  the  largest  sense  of  the  term.  He  should 
possess  that  knowledge  of  the  needs  of  the  country 
which  can  only  come  from  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  industrial,  commercial,  and  financial 
affairs,  and  the  bearing  which  every  branch  of  each 
has  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  nation.  He 
should  be  able  to  discern  that  law  of  harmony 
which  should  exist  between  agricultural  and  man- 
ufacturing interests.  He  should  clearly  under- 
stand to  what  the  prosperity  of  each  particular 
section  is  due,  in  order  that  he  may  formulate  and 
recommend  a policy  which,  without  creating  undue 
disturbance,  shall  protect  the  largest  proportion  of 
the  interests  involved.  He  should  have  a full 
comprehension  of  those  laws  of  political  economy 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


215 


which  are  at  the  foundation  of  all  national  wealth 
and  greatness. 

To  a great  extent  the  President  and  his  advisers 
will  shape  the  monetary  policy  of  the  nation.  To 
proceed  intelligently  he  should  have  a clear  com- 
prehension of  the  principles  of  finance.  He  should 
be  able  to  determine  at  what  times  and  under 
what  circumstances  the  government  should  come/ 
to  the  relief  of  the  business  interests  of  the  coun- 
try. He  should  understand  the  character  of  the 
impost  tax,  and  its  bearings  upon  the  manufactur- 
ers of  the  country.  He  should  be  able  to  advise 
intelligently  not  only  in  regard  to  the  amount  of 
revenue  needed,  but  also  in  respect  to  the  propor- 
tion which  should  be  set  aside  for  the  payment  of 
the  public  debt  and  the  interest  thereon,  for  in- 
ternal improvements,  for  military  and  naval  pro- 
tection, and  for  the  expenses  of  conducting  the 
government.  He  should  endeavor  to  so  adjust  the 
impost  that,  while  it  furnishes  ample  revenue  for 
the  public  need,  it  will  not  be  burdensome  to  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  or  to  individual  or  cor- 
porate industries. 

The  chief-executive  of  the  nation  should  not 
only  be  well  versed  in  the  common  and  statute 
law,  but  he  should  have  that  breadth  of  view  and 
that  “great  sense  of  justice”  which  will  enable  him 
to  rise  above  technical  rules  to  a full  comprehen- 
sion of  the  principles  upon  which  they  are  founded. 
He  will  then  be  able  not  only  to  direct  the  admin- 
istration of  existing  laws  so  as  to  produce  the  most 
exact  justice  between  individuals,  but  also  to  sug- 
gest such  legislation  as  will  best  conduce  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  entire  country. 

It  desirable  that  the  head  of  the  nation  should 


2l6 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


have  a good  knowledge  not  only  of  international 
law,  but  of  the  character  of  our  relations  to  foreign 
powers,  in  order  that  he  may  be  able  to  suggest 
from  time  to  time  such  changes  therein  as  may  be 
needful  or  expedient.  He  should  also  be  able  to 
formulate  a broad  and  wise  foreign  policy. 

As  commander-in-chief  of  our  army  and  navy  the 
President  should  know  something  of  military 
affairs.  If  he  has  been  a soldier  he  will  have 
learned  both  to  command  and  obey.  He  will  also 
know  something  of  the  needs  of  the  military  estab- 
lishment. In  case  of  hostilities  between  the 
United  States  and  any  foreign  power  this  practical 
information  may  be  of  inestimable  value  to  the 
nation.  In  times  of  peace  he  will  be  better  abl« 
to  compass  and  crush  any  attempt  on  the  part  of 
officers  or  contractors  at  financial  imposition.  The 
experience  of  the  past  has  shown  that,  all  other 
things  being  equal,  a man  who  has  some  knowledge 
of  the  science  of  war  will  always  make  a better 
ruler  than  the  one  whose  attention  was  always 
given  to  those  arts  which  best  flourish  in  times  of 
peace. 

The  head  of  our  nation  should  be  a man  of  posi- 
tive and  decided  character.  He  should  at  all  times 
have  “ the  courage  of  his  convictions.”  He  will 
constantly  be  surrounded  by  men  who  are  seeking 
to  use  him  for  the  conservation  of  selfish  purposes. 
He  must  set  a high  standard  of  right  and  duty,  and 
must  -never  permit  himself  to  be  swerved  there- 
from. Of  all  men,  he  who  vacillates  commands 
the  least  respect.  Under  the  blaze  of  a multitude 
of  brilliant  lights  it  is  not  possible  for  the  Presi- 
dent to  conceal  his  purposes  or  actions.  The  peo- 
nle  not  only  know  what  he  does  but  also  gain  a 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


2i; 


pretty  clear  notion  in  regard  to  the  motives  by 
which  he  is  actuated.  They  admire  the  adoption 
of  a determinate  policy  and  a close  adherence 
thereto,  even  if  they  condemn  it.  Whenever  he 
permits  himself  to  halt  or  waver,  without  good 
cause,  in  the  execution  of  his  avowed  purposes,  he 
trails  his  standard  in  the  dust. 

The  great  mass  of  the  citizens  insist  that  the 
government  shall  be  conscientiously  administered. 
In  no  one  thing  is  there  a more  settled  purpose. 
The  public  officer  who  is  detected  in  the  peculation 
of  public  funds  meets  with  swift  and  certain  pop- 
ular condemnation.  The  question  of  integrity 
goes  further  than  this.  Every  act  by  which  the 
interest  of  an  individual  is  advanced  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  state  is  dishonest.  The  doctrine  that 
“ to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils  ” has  become  in- 
wrought  into  our  political  system.  This  practice 
becomes  dishonest  the  instant  the  public  service 
thereby  has  become  inefficient.  The  President  of 
the  United  States  is  bound  to  see  the  laws  faith- 
fully executed  at  the  smallest  practicable  cost. 
Whenever  he  permits  personal  friendship,  party 
spirit,  or  ambitious  desires  to  put  any  additional 
burden  upon  the  people  of  the  country,  he  becomes 
fairly  liable  to  public  censure.  If  he  poses  as  a 
reformer,  and  uses  his  power  of  appointment  to 
secure  a personal  following  and  the  public  time 
and  the  public  servants  to  advance  his  own  selfish 
purposes  and  those  of  his  confederates,  he  cannot 
be  said  to  be  dealing  with  the  community  in  that 
broad  spirit  of  common  honesty  which  demands 
that  “ public  office  shall  be  a public  trust.” 

The  chief  magistrate  of  this  nation  should  be  a 
man  who  is  well  versed  in  public  affairs.  There 


2lS 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


is  a practical  knowledge  which  comes  from  an  in- 
timate acquaintance  with  the  machinery  of  govern- 
ment. A man  who  is  ignorant  in  this  regard, 
however  able  or  upright  he  may  be,  is  tolerably 
certain  to  be  inefficient  as  an  administrator  of 
public  affairs.  To  succeed,  a knowledge  of  men 
who  lead  the  party  and  of  the  party  purposes  and 
methods  is  essential.  A President  without  a Con- 
gressional following  cannot  serve  his  country  to 
good  advantage.  That  has  been  repeatedly  shown 
within  the  last  generation.  Practical  politics  is 
the  art  of  controlling  the  great  mass  of  the  voters 
so  as  to  secure  the  adoption  of  desirable  measures. 
It  also  consists  in  managing  representative  men  so 
as  to  secure  the  same  end.  Hence  it  is  important 
that  the  standard-bearer  of  a great  party  should  at 
some  time  in  the  course  of  his  life  have  been  a 
successful  conductor  of  political  issues. 

When  the  English-speaking  people  came  to 
these  shores  they  early  separated  the  church  from 
the  state.  The  experience  of  centuries  had  shown 
that  the  association  of  the  religious  with  the  civil 
arm  gave  rise  to  persecutions  which  were  as  cruel 
as  they  were  unjust.  Hence  it  is  that,  while  the 
religious  element  permeates  our  entire  republic,  no 
man  can  become  liable  to  condemnation  or  punish- 
ment bn  account  of  his  belief.  Yet  the  feeling 
among  our  most  thoughtful  people  is  that  our  rulers 
should  be  God-fearing  men.  While  there  is  no 
disposition  to  draw  denominational  lines,  the  pop- 
ular conscience  demands  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  should  be  a firm  believer  in  the 
inspiration  of  the  Scriptures  and  a consistent 
adherent  of  some  evangelical  church.  No  infidel, 
ftthei^t  or  pronounced  scoffer,  if  his  belief  is 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


219 


known,  could  ever  hope  to  receive  the  popular 
vote.  The  underlying  thought  in  the  popular 
heart  is  that  the  broad  and  trustful  spirit  which 
led  Washington,  in  times  of  doubt  and  distress, 
to  bow  down  before  Almighty  God  and  seek  his 
guidance,  should  pre-eminently  characterize  the 
men  who  are  to  rule  over  us. 

In  the  foregoing  chapters  an  epitome  of  the  life 
and  public  services  of  Benjamin  Harrison,  the  stand- 
ard-bearer of  the  Republican  party,  has  been  given. 
He  appears  to  possess  in  a high  degree  the  honesty 
of  purpose,  the  breadth  of  view,  the  knowledge 
of  the  law,  the  information  in  regard  to  the  prac- 
tical needs  of  the  whole  country  and  the  under- 
standing of  the  principles  of  finance  and  political 
economy  which  unquestionably  place  him  in  a 
front  rank  among  the  statesmen  of  this  generation. 

Mr.  Harrison  is  a typical  American.  He  be- 
longs to  a race  which  more  than  once  in  times 
past  has  been  prominent  in  public  affairs.  He  is 
said  to  have  inherited  many  of  its  leading  charac- 
teristics, among  which  may  be  named  the  martial 
spirit  and  an  intense  love  of  constitutional  liberty. 
Educated  as  a lawyer,  his  industry,  his  ability  to 
grasp  legal  principles,  his  integrity,  the  careful 
preparation  of  his  case,  his  clearness  of  statement, 
won  for  him  warm  words  of  commendation  from 
both  court  and  bar.  This  reputation  he  has  main- 
tained, and  he  is  considered  at  the  present  time  to 
be  one  of  the  broadest  and  soundest  lawyers  in  the 
country. 

He  has  had  an  experience  in  military  affairs 
which  will  give  him  that  clear  insight  which  is 
desirable  in  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation. 
When  the  contention  arose  between  the  Northern 


?20 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


and  the  Southern  sections  of  the  country,  he  deter- 
mined to  throw  the  weight  of  his  influence  and 
example  in  favor  of  the  maintenance  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  Enlisting  as  a second-lieuten- 
ant he  was  soon  after  commissioned  to  raise  a 
company,  after  which  he  was  appointed  as  colonel, 
and  before  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  commis- 
sioned as  brigadier-general.  In  these  years  he 
builded  better  than  he  knew,  for  he  was  fitting 
himself  for  leadership. 

His  experience  as  a politician  began  in  1876, 
when  he  became  Republican  candidate  for  gover- 
nor and  was  -beaten  in  a doubtful  State  after  a bit- 
ter fight.  So  well  did  he  conduct  this  contest,  so 
great  ability  did  he  display  as  a manager,  and  so 
large  comprehension  did  he  show  of  the  vital 
issues  at  stake  that  in  1881  the  leaders  of  the 
Republican  party  nominated  and  the  legislature 
elected  him  as  United  States  Senator.  In  this 
position  his  knowledge,  not  only  of  national  affairs, 
but  also  of  political  methods  and  needs,  was 
broadened.  The  studious  habits  which  he  gained 
as  a lawyer  followed  him  as  a Senator.  The  six 
years  at  Washington  were  well  spent  and  did 
much  towards  fitting  him  for  the  high  position  to 
which  the  almost  unanimous  voice  of  his  party 
has  called  him.  He  was  during  this  period  recog- 
nized as  a faithful  public  servant,  one  who  knew 
the  merits  of  every  question  brought  before  the 
Senate  and  could  always  be  counted  on  to  vote 
intelligently  and  conscientiously.  Here,  as  else- 
where, he  had  the  best  interests  of  the  people  at 
heart. 

An  element  in  his  character  which  commends 
him  to  the  better  class  of  voters  is  his  sturdy  hon- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


221 


esty.  He  has  an  enlightened  conscience  and  he 
permits  it  to  guide  him.  He  believes  that  right 
is  superior  to  partisan  dictation  and  that  the 
largest  benefits  which  the  government  can  bestow 
upon  the  whole  country  should  take  the  precedence 
over  both  the  party  to  which  he  belongs  and  the 
politicians  with  whom  he  is  associated. 

Our  candidate  is  a broad  man.  His  views  are 
not  narrowed  by  his  immediate  surroundings.  He 
has  the  ability  to  take  in  the  whole  situation  and 
to  give  to  each  factor  its  proper  position,  thus  giv- 
ing to  his  utterances  a weight  which  is  almost 
judicial.  The  value  of  this  characteristic  in  the 
chief  magistrate  of  the  nation  would  be  almost 
beyond  computation,  as  it  would  materially  aid  in 
the  administration  of  exact  justice  and  in  the  de- 
termination as  to  what  legislation  would  best  en- 
hance the  public  welfare. 

There  ia  another  rare  quality  which  is  very 
apparent  in  his  character.  It  is  his  comprehensive 
knowledge  of  human  nature.  “ He  can  read  men 
like  a book.”  He  knows  the  motives  by  which 
individuals  or  masses  can  be  stirred  to  action  or 
moved  to  quietude.  This  ability  will  be  invalua- 
ble to  the  one  who  is  to  be  responsible  for  the 
faithful  execution  of  the  laws,  for  by  the  wise  and 
judicious  selection  of  subordinates  and  in  the  com- 
pelling of  a strict  accountability  he  will  be  ena- 
bled to  do  much  toward  giving  the  whole  people  a 
wise,  judicious  and  economical  administration. 

Mr.  Harrison  believes  that  Americans  should 
rule  America  and  that  the  blessing  of  national 
protection  should  follow  our  citizen  wherever  he 
goes,  and  that  the  national  ensign  should  be  re- 
spected in  every  land  and  on  every  sea.  The  cry- 


222 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


ing  need  is  for  more  ample  protection.  Under  the 
present  administration  Americans  have  been  com- 
pelled in  foreign  ports,  owing  to  the  inefficiency 
of  our  national  representative,  to  seek  aid  and 
protection  of  the  English  consuls,  which,  to  the 
honor  of  the  mother  country,  be  it  said,  has  always 
been  promptly  and  courteously  accorded.  The 
broad  policy  which  compels  the  respect  of  other 
nations  will  receive  the  hearty  support  of  all  who 
have  the  best  interest  of  our  country  at  heart. 

This  subject  naturally  suggests  our  foreign  rela- 
tions. On  this  question  Mr.  Harrison’s  views  are 
in  accord  with  the  Monroe  doctrine.  On  the  sub- 
ject of  the  fisheries  and  of  the  interests  of  our 
citizens  therein,  both  the  Republican  party  and 
its  leader  believe  in  aggressive  resentment  to  im- 
pertinent interference.  This  will  be  one  of  the 
matters  which  will  receive  definite  attention  as 
soon  as  the  party  which  redeemed  the  country 
comes  into  power  again.  Of  course  the  interchanges 
which  grow  out  of  trade  and  commerce  should  be 
encouraged,  as  they  are  mutually  advantageous  to 
all  the  interested  parties.  Our  diplomatic  relations 
should  be  conducted  by  men  of  dignity  and  ability, 
and  the  position  assigned  to  our  representatives  in 
foreign  courts  should  be  commensurate  with  the 
rank  which  the  United  States  holds  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth,  otherwise  our  representatives 
should  be  withdrawn. 

Mr.  Harrison  works  six  days  and  rests  on  the 
seventh.  His  attention  is  divided  between  his 
family,  his  church  and  the  suitable  observances  of 
the  day.  On  this  matter  he  is  very  strenuous. 
The  whirl  of  business  and  the  excitement  of  pol- 
itics must  all  give  way  on  the  approach  of  the 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


223 


Lord’s  day.  Such  has  been  his  rule  of  life.  Can 
the  sons  of  the  Puritans  do  better  than  to  stake 
their  hope  of  a good  government  and  a wise  and 
conscientious  administration  of  its  affairs  upon  one 
who  has  so  high  a regard  for  the  commands  of  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  us  all  ? 

It  must  be  apparent  upon  reflection  that  in  all 
those  characteristics  which  make  up  the  leader,  in 
those  endowments  which  constitute  the  statesman, 
and  in  that  love  for  God  and  his  neighbor  which 
constitutes  the  Christian  gentleman  Benjamin 
Harrison  stands  in  the  front  rank.  One  might 
well  think  that,  at  the  Convention  in  Chicago, 
notwithstanding  the  strife  of  partizans,  the  diplo- 
macy of  leaders,  and  the  clamor  of  the  multitude, 
a providential  hand  was  guiding  the  delegates  to 
the  wisest  possible  choice.  Our  hope  is  that  Mr. 
Harrison,  should  he  be  called  to  the  administration 
of  public  affairs,  may  display  the  same  grandeur 
and  nobility  of  character  and  the  same  regard  for 
God  and  the  right  for  which  he  has  hitherto  bees 
so  pre-eminent. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  PRESIDENT  HARRISON. 

Inaugural  Address — Protection  to  American  Industries — 
Anti-Trust  Legislation — Our  Foreign  Relations — The 
New  Cabinet — Centennial  Celebration  of  Washington’s 
Inauguration — President  Harrison’s  Speech — The  Presi- 
dent’s First  Message — Revision  of  the  Tariff — Legisla- 
tion Against  Lotteries — Increase  of  the  Navy — Original 
Packages— The  World’s  Fair— The  McKinley  Tariff  Bill. 

At  the  election  in  November,  1888,  Harrison 
received  5,439,853  of  the  popular  vote,  and  Cleve- 
land 5,540,329.  Of  the  electoral  vote  Harrison 
received  233  and  Cleveland  168. 

There  was  an  imposing  demonstration  at  Wash- 
ington on  the  occasion  of  President  Harrison’s 
inauguration,  March  4, 1889.  A vast  concourse  of 
people  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and 
the  civic  and  military  display  surpassed  all  pagean- 
tries ever  before  witnessed  at  the  capital.  Presi- 
dent Harrison’s  inaugural  address,  while  recom- 
mending some  important  measures,  was  regarded  as 
conservative  in  its  tone,  and  served  to  inspire  con- 
fidence in  the  new  administration. 

The  address  traced  the  necessary  growth  of  tariff 
legislation.  This  legislation  was  adopted  in  the 
early  history  of  the  nation. 

“ Societies  for  the  promotion  of  home  manufac- 
224 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


225 


tures  and  for  encouraging  the  use  of  domestics  in 
the  dress  of  the  people  were  organized  in  many  of 
the  States.  The  revival  at  the  end  of  the  century 
of  the  same  patriotic  interest  in  the  preservation 
and  development  of  domestic  industries,  and  the 
defense  of  our  working  people  against  injurious  for- 
eign competition,  is  an  incident  worthy  of  attention. 
It  is  not  a departure,  but  a return  that  we  have 
witnessed.  The  protective  policy  had  then  its  oppo- 
nents. The  argument  was  made,  as  now,  that  its 
benefits  inured  to  particular  classes  or  sections.” 

PROTECTION  RECOMMENDED. 

Continuing,  the  President  said  : “ I look  hope- 

fully to  the  continuance  of  our  protective  system 
and  to  the  consequent  development  of  manufactur- 
ing and  mining  enterprises  in  the  States  hitherto 
wholly  given  to  agriculture,  'as  a potent  influence 
in  the  perfect  unification  of  our  people.  The  men 
who  have  invested  their  capital  in  these  enterprises, 
the  farmers  who  have  felt  the  benefit  of  their  neigh- 
borhood, and  the  men  who  work  in  shop  or  field 
will  not  fail  to  find  and  to  defend  a community  of 
interest.” 

The  President  gave  some  timely  suggestions  re- 
specting the  formation  of  trusts  and  the  evils  which 
are  likelv  to  attend  them.  Among  other  things  he 
said  : “ The  evil  example  of  permitting  individuals, 
corporations,  or  communities  to  nullify  the  laws  be- 
cause they  cross  some  selfish  or  local  interest  or 
prejudices  i«  AH  of  danger,  not  ordv  to  the  Nation 
15 


226 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


at  large,  blit  much,  more  to  those  who  use  this  per- 
nicious expedient  to  escape  their  just  obligations  or 
to  obtain  an  unjust  advantage  over  others.  They 
will  presently  themselves  be  compelled  to  appeal  tc 
the  law  for  protection  and  those  who  would  use  the 
law  as  a defense  must  not  deny  that  use  of  it  to 
others. 

VIOLATION  OF  POPULAR  RIGHTS. 

“ If  our  great  corporations  would  more  scrupu- 
lously observe  their  legal  limitations  and  duties,, 
they  would  have  less  cause  to  complain  of  the  un- 
lawful limitations  of  their  rights  or  of  violent  inter- 
ference with  their  operations.  The  community 
that  by  concert,  open  'or  secret,  among  its  citizens 
denies  to  a portion  of  its  members  their  plain  rights 
under  the  law,  has  severed  the  only  safe  bond  of 
social  order  and  prosperity. ' The  evil  works,  from 
a bad  centre,  both  ways.  It  demoralizes  those  who 
practice  it  and  destroys  the  faith  of  those  who  suf- 
fer by  it  in  the  efficiency  of  the  law  as  a safe  pro- 
tector. The  man  in  whose  breast  that  faith  has 
been  darkened  is  naturally  the  subject  of  dangerous 
and  uncanny  suggestions.  Those  ivlio  use  unlaw- 
ful methods,  if  moved  by  no  higher  motive  than 
the  selfishness  that  prompted  them,  may  well  stop 
and  inquire  what  is  to  be  the  end  of  this.” 

The  President  also  recommended  that  our  natu- 
ralization laws  be  so  amended  as  to  exclude  the 
worst  class  of  immigrants.  “We  should  not  cease 
to  be  hospitable  to  immigration,  but  we  should 
cease  to  be  careless  as  to  the  character  of  it 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


227 


EUROPEAN  AFFAIRS. 

The  address  recommended  that  care  be  exercised 
to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  globe,  but  not  at  the  expense  of  our 
own  interests. 

A strong  navy  for  the  protection  of  the  United 
States  was  urged  as  a prime  consideration,  with 
■such  appropriations  as  would  be  needed  to  build 
and  equip  a fleet  of  war- vessels  capable  of  defend- 
ing our  coasts  and  upholding  the  dignity  of  our 
flag. 

The  reform  of  the  civil  service,  the  admission  of 
new  States,  the  freedom  of  the  ballot,  and  the  safe- 
guards needed  to  give  efficacy  to  our  election  laws, 
were  topics  discussed  by  the  address  in  a timely, 
patriotic  manner. 

THE  PRESIDENT’S  CABINET. 

The  new  cabinet  was  constituted  as  follows  .- 
Secretary  of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine ; 
Postmaster- General,  John  Wanamaker,  of  Penn- 
sylvania; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William 
Windom,  of  Minnesota  ; Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Benjamin  F.  Tracy,  of  New  York ; Secretary  of 
War,  Bed  field  Proctor,  of  Vermont;  Secretary  ol 
>the  Interior,  John  W.  Noble,  of  Missouri ; Secre- 
tary of  Agriculture,  Jeremiah  M.  Rusk,  of  Wis- 
consin ; Attorney-General  W.  H.  H.  Miller,  ol 
Indiana. 

On  the  30th  of  April,  1889,  the  Centennial  An- 
niversary of  Washington’s  Inauguration  was  cele- 


228 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


bratecl  in  New  York  city.  On  the  morning  of  tlie 
29th,  President  Harrison  was  received  in  New 
York  harbor  with  a naval  parade,  which  comprised 
ships  of  the  navy,  steamboats,  and  a large  number 
of  vessels  belonging  to  the  merchant  marine.  On 
the  30th,  religious  and  literary  exercises  were  held, 
and  these  were  followed  by  a fine  military  parade 
comprising  regiments  from  the  regular  army,  and 
militia  from  a number  of  States.  On  a stand 
erected  at  Madison  Square,  President  Harrison  and 
several  cabinet  officers  reviewed  the  parade. 

The  religious  exercises  comprised  a prayer  by 
Rev.  R.  S.  Storrs,  D.T).,  LL.  D.,  and  a sermon 
by  Bishop  Potter,  of -New  York.  The  literary  ex- 
ercises comprised  a poem  written  for  the  occasion 
by  John  Greenleaf  Whittier,  and  an  oration  by 
Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew. 

ADDRESS  AT  THE  BANQUET. 

• At  a banquet  in  the  evening,  President  Harrison 
spoke  as  follows  : . 

“ The  occasion  and  all  its  incidents  will  be  mem- 
orable, not  only  in  the  history  of  your  city,  but  in 
the  history  of  our  country.  New  York  did  not 
succeed  in  retaining  the  seat  of  national  govern- 
Nnent  here,  though  she  made  liberal  provision  for 
the  assembling  of  the  first  Congress  in  the  expecta- 
tion that  Congress  might  find  its  permanent  home 
here.  But  though  you  lost  that  which  you  coveted, 
I think  the  representatives  here  of  all  the  States 
will  agree  that  it  was  fortunate  that  the  first  inau- 


HON.  UENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


O0r) 

W J-i 


guratioil  of  Washington  took  place  in  the  State  and 
city  of  New  York. 

“For  where  in  our  country  could  the  centennial 
of  the  event  have  been  so  worthily  celebrated  as 
here?  What  seaboard  offered  so  magnificent  a 
bay,  on  which  to  display  our  merchant  and  naval 
marine  ? What  city  offered  tlioroughfares  so  mag- 
nificent or  a people  so  great  or  so  generous  as  New 
York  has  poured  out  to-day  to  celebrate  that 
event  ? 

“ I congratulate  you  to-day,  as  one  of  the  in- 
structive and  interesting  features  of  this  occasion, 
that  these  great  thoroughfares  dedicated  to  trade 
have  elosefi  their  doors  and  covered  up  the  insignia 
of  commerce;  that  your  great  exchanges  have 
closed  and  your  citizens  given  themselves  up  to  the 
observance  of  the  celebration  in  which  we  are  par- 
ticipating. 

THE  AMERICAN  IDEA. 

“ I believe  that  patriotism  has  been  intensified  in 
many  hearts  by  what  we  have  witnessed  to-day.  I 
believe  that  patriotism  has  been  placed  into  a 
higher  and  holier  fane  in  many  hearts.  The 
bunting  with  which  you  have  covered  your  walls, 
these  patriotic  inscriptions,  must  go  down,  and  the 
wage  and  trade  be  resumed  again. 

“ Here  may  I not  ask  you  to  carry  those  inscrip- 
tions that  now  hang  on  the  walls  into  your  homes, 
into  the  schools  of  your  city,  into  all  your  great 
institutions  where  children  are  gathered,  and  teach 


230 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


them  that  the  eye  of  the  young  and  old  should  look 
upon  that  flag  as  one  of  the  familiar  glories  of 
every  American. 

“ Have  we  not  learned  that  no  stocks  and  bonds 
nor  land  is  our  country  ? It  is  a spiritual  thought 
that  is  in  our  minds ; it  is  the  fireside  and  the  home ; 
it  is  the  flag  and  what  it  stands  for  ; it  is  the 
thoughts  that  are  in  our  hearts ; born  of  the  in- 
spiration which  comes  with  the  story  of  the  flag  of 
martyrs  to  liberty.  It  is  the  graveyard  into  which 
a common  country  has  gathered  the  unconscious 
deeds  of  those  who  died  that  the  thing  might  live 
which  we  love  and  call  our  country,  rather  than 
any  thing  that  can  be  touched  or  seen.” 

ADMISSION  OF  NEW  STATES. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1889,  an  act  was  passed 
by  Congress  admitting  the  following  Territories 
into  the  Union  as  States  : North  Dakota,  South 
Dakota,  Montana,-  and  Washington.  President 
Harrison  issued  his  proclamations  by  which  the 
admission  of  these  Territories  took  effect  during  the 
same  year,  that  of  the  two  Dakotas  on  Novem- 
ber 2,  that  of  Montana  on  November  8,  and  that 
of  AVashington  on  November  11.  The  addition 
of  so-  many  States  in  one  year  was  styled  by  the 
President  “ an  event  as  unexampled  as  it  is  inter- 
esting.” 

The  message  of  the  President,  sent  to  the  Fifty- 
first  Congress  at  the  beginning  of  its  first  session, 
made  reference  to  the  conference  held  during  the 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


231 


year  of  tlie  representatives  of  all  the  independent 
States  of  North  and  South  America  for  the  pur- 
pose of  perpetuating  and  expanding  the  relations 
of  mutual  interest  and  friendliness  existing  among 
them.  While  it  was  hoped  commercial  re- 
sults would  follow,  the  crowning  benefit  would  he 
found  in  the  better  securities  that  would  he  de- 
vised for  the  maiutenance  of  peace  among  all 
American  nations,  and  the  settlement  of  all  con- 
tentions by  the  methods  of  Christian  civilization. 

REGULATIONS  FOR  VESSELS  AT  SEA. 

The  message  also  called  attention  to  the  inter- 
national conference  at  Washington  to  adopt  a uni- 
form system  of  marine  signals  and  to  amend  the 
rules  and  regulations  governing  vessels  at  sea.  The 
foregoing  conferences  brought  together  the  ac- 
credited representatives  of  33  nations. 

The  President  then  discussed  the  question  of 
Chinese  immigration.  After  calling  attention  to 
the  fact  that  previous  legislation  had  failed,  he 
continued  : “ While  our  supreme  interests  demand 
the  exclusion  of  a laboring  element  which  experi- 
ence has  shown  to  be  incompatible  with  our  social 
life,  all  steps  to  compass  this  imperative  need 
should  be  accompanied  with  a recognition  of  the 
claim  of  those  strangers  now  lawfully  among  us  to 
humane  and  just  treatment.” 

REVISION  OF  THE  TARIFF. 

The  message  took  strong  ground  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  protection  to  American  industries.  A new 


232 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


schedule  of  customs  duties  was  recommended. 
“ The  inequalities  of  the  law  should  be  adjusted, 
but  the  protective  principle  should  be  maintained 
and  fairly  applied  to  the  products  of  our  farms  as 
well  as  of  our  shops.” 

Other  subjects  discussed  in  the  message  were  sil- 
ver coinage,  provision  for  our  coast  cities  against 
foreign  attack,  the  improvement  of  rivers  and  har- 
bors, how  far  “ trusts  ” should  be  brought  under 
Federal  jurisdiction,  the  revision  of  our  naturaliza- 
tion laws,  the  allotment  of  lands  to  the  Indians  and 
such  legislation  as  was  required  for  the  protection 
of  these  wards  of  the'  nation  in  their  lawful  rights 
and  of  the  white  settlers  on  our  frontiers.  The 
message  dealt  largely  with  the  subject  of  pensions 
for  our  ex-soldiers,  and  urged  that,  with  due  regard 
to  the  public  treasury,  Congress  should  meet  every 
just  claim  on  the  part  of  those  who  made  heroic 
sacrifices  in  the  hour  of  the  nation’s  peril. 

The  foregoing  were  the  most  important  subjects 
treated  by  the  President,  all  of  which  were  discussed 
with  marked  ability  and  with  a breadth  of  view 
which  impressed  the  country  with  his  statesmanlike 
sagacity.  - 

ANTI-LOTTERY  LEGISLATION. 

For  many  years  the  Louisiana  State  Lottery  car-* 
ried  on  its  operations  in  defiance  of  the  moral  sen- 
timent of  the  country.  Both  Houses  of  Congress 
finally  passed,  without  a division,  an  act  forbidding 
the  use  of  the  United  States  mails  by  any  person  or 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


233 


c'ompany  engaged  in  conducting  any  lottery,  gift 
enterprise,  or  any  scheme  for  obtaining  money  by 
false  and  fraudulent  pretenses.  The  passage  of  this 
act  resulted  in  the  suppression  of  the  Louisiana 
Lottery. 

An  act  was  also  nassed  declaring  to  bo  illegal 
every  contract,  combination  in  the  form  of  trust  or 
conspiracy  in  restraint  of  trade  or  commerce  among 
the  several  States,  or  with  foreign  nations.  This 
act  passed  both  Houses  of  Congress  without  a di- 
vision. Its  aim  is  to  check  the  growing  evils  of 
trusts  and  all  combinations  of  capital  whereby  a re- 
striction is  put  upon  the  manufacture  and  sale  of 
commodities  which  constitute  the  necessaries  of  life. 

INCREASE  OF  THE  NAVY. 

President  Harrison’s  administration  was  also 
signalized  Ip"  important  legislation  affecting  the 
Navy.  Provision  was  made  for  the  construction 
of  three  sea-going  coast-line  battle  ships,  to  carry 
the  heaviest  armor  and  ordnance,  the  cost  not  to 
exceed  $4,000,000  each ; one  protected  cruiser,  to 
have  a maximum  speed  of  21  knots,  and  to  cost 
not  more  than  $2,750,000 ; one  swift  torpedo 
cruiser,  to  have  a maximum  speed  of  not  less  than 
23  knots  ; and  one  torpedo  boat. 

Acts  were  passed  admitting  the  Territories  of 
Idaho  and  Wyoming  as  States  into  the  Union. 

“ORIGINAL  PACKAGE”  LEGISLATION. 

By  a vote  of  29  to  5 in  the  Senate,  and  a vote 
of  119  to  93  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Con- 


234 


lAFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


gress  passed  an  act  providing  tliat  “All  fermented, 
distilled,  or  other  intoxicating  liquors  or  liquids 
transported  into  any  State  or  Territory  remaining 
therein  for  use,  consumption,  sale,  or  storage  there- 
in, shall,  upon  arrival  in  such  State  or  Territory, 
be  subject  to  the  operation  and  effect  of  the  laws 
of  such  State  or  Territory  enacted  in  the  exercise 
of  its  police  powers,  to  the  same  extent  and  in  the 
same  manner  as  though  such  liquids  or  liquors  had 
been  produced  in  such  State  or  Territory,  and 
shall  not  be  exempt  therefrom  by  reason  of  being 
introduced  therein  in  original  packages  or  other- 
wise.” The  act  was  approved  August  8,  1890, 
and  was  occasioned  by  a decision  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  (three  judges  dissenting) 
that  brewers  in  Illinois  had  the  right  to  import 
into  Iowa  beer,  and  to  sell  it  in  original  packages 
without  regard  to  the  law  of  Iowa.  Congress  took 
up  the  matter  promptly  and  provided  ample  legis- 
lation for  the  enforcement  by  the  various  States  of 
their  laws  relating  to  the  traffic  in  liquors. 

WORLD’S  FAIR* 

The  act  provides  for  an  exhibition  of  arts,  in- 
dustries, manufactures,  products  of  the  soil,  mine, 
• and  sea  in  1893  in  Chicago,  111.,  in  celebration  of 
the  feui  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  discovery  of 
America  by  Christopher  Columbus.  A commis- 
sion of  two  persons  from  each  State  and  Territory 

* An  act  was  passed  by  Oongreso  relating  to  the  Columbian  World’s 
Fair. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


235 


is  to  be  appointed  by  the  President  on  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  Governors,  and  of  eight  commis- 
sioners at  laro-e  and  two  from  the  District  of 

O 

Columbia,  to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  in  all 
which  there  shall  be  one  from  each  of  the  two 
leading  political  parties — with  alternates — shall  be 
the  World’s  Columbian  Commission,  with  power  to 
accept  the  site,  etc.,  on  condition  of  their  being 
satisfied  that  $10,000,000  are  secured  for  the  com- 
plete preparation  for  said  Exposition.  The  Com- 
mission is  required  to  appoint  a board  of  lady 
managers,  who  may  appoint  one  or  more  members 
of  all  committees  authorized  to  award  prizes  for 
exhibits  which  may  be  produced  in  whole  or  part 
by  female  labor.  A naval  review  is  directed  to  be 
held  in  New  York  Harbor  in  April,  1893,  and  the 
President  is  authorized  to  extend  to  foreim  nations 

O 

an  invitation  to  send  ships  of  war  to  join  the  U.  S. 
Navy  in  rendezvous  at  Hampton  Roads  and  pro- 
ceed thence  to  said  review.  The  buildings  shall  be 
dedicated  October  12,  1892,  and  the  Exposition 
open  not  later  than  May  1,  1893,  and  closed  not 
later  than  October  30,  1893.  The  Commission 
shall  exist  no  longer  than  January  1,  1898.  A 
Government  building  for  $400,000  shall  be  erected, 
to  contain  the  Government  exhibits.  The  United 
States  shall  not  in  any  manner,  nor  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, be  liable  for  any  of  the  acts,  doings, 
proceedings,  or'representations  of  the  said  corpora- 
tion organized  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of 


236 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Illinois,  its  officers,  agents,  servants,  or  employees, 
or  any  of  them,  or  for  the  service,  salaries,  labor,  or 
wages  of  said  officers,  agents,  servants,  or  em- 
ployees, or  any  of  them,  or  for  any  subscriptions  to 
the  capital  stock,  or  for  any  certificates  of  stock, 
bonds,  mortgages,  or  obligations  of  any  kind  issued 
by  said  corporation,  or  for  any  debts,  liabilities,  or 
expenses  of  any  kind  whatever  attending  such 
corporation  or  accruing  by  reason  of  the  same. 

IMMIGRATION  LEGISLATION. 

The  act  of  March  3, 1891,  provides  that  the  fol- 
lowing, besides  Chinese  laborers,  shall  be  excluded 
from  admission  into  the  United  States, in  accordance 
with  the  existing  acts  regulating  immigration  : “ All 
idiots,  insane  persons,  paupers,  or  persons  likely  to 
become  a public  charge,  persons  suffering  from  a 
loathsome  disease  or  a dangerous  contagious  disease, 
persons  who  have ' been  convicted  of  a felony  or 
other  infamous  crime  or  misdemeanor  involving 
moral  turpitude,  polygamists,  and  also  any  person 
whose  ticket  or  passage  is  paid  for  with  the  money 
of.  another  or  who  is  assisted  by  others  to  come, 
unless'  it  is  affirmatively  and  satisfactorily  shown 
on  special  inquiry  that  such  person  does  not  belong 
to  one. of  the  foregoing  excluded  classes,  or  to  the 
class  of  contract  laborers  excluded  by  the  act  of 
February  26,  1885,  but  this  section  shall  not  be 
held  to  exclude  persons  living  in  the  United  States 
from  sending:  for  a relative  or  friend  who  is  not  of 
the  excluded  classes  under  such  regulations  as  the 


HOIST.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


237 


Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  prescribe : Pro- 
vided, That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  construed 
to  apply  to  or  exclude  persons  convicted  of  a 
political  offense,  notwithstanding  said  political 
offense  may  be  designated  as  a felony,  crime,  in- 
famous crime,  or  misdemeanor,  involving  moral 
turpitude,  by  the  laws  of  the  land  whence  he  came 
ov  by  the  court  convicting.” 

IMPORTANT  EVENTS. 

On  December  15,  1890,  Sitting  Bull,  a noted 
Sioux  chief,  ivas  killed  while  resisting  arrest  by 
the  Indian  police  near  Standing  Rock,  Dakota. 
On  December  22,  his  band  of  warriors  surren- 
dered to  United  States  troops. 

On  December  24,  1890,  President  Harrison  is- 
sued a proclamation  inviting  the  nations  of  the 
earth  to  take  part  in  the  Chicago  Exposition  of 
1893. 

On  March  14,  1891,  eleven  Italians,  who  had 
been  accused  of  conspiracy  and  the  murder  of 
Chief  of  Police  Hennessy,  were  lynched  in  New 
Orleans  by  an  enormous  mob  who  broke  open  the 
jail.  The  Italian  government  made  a protest  and 
demanded  satisfaction  from  the  United  States. 
Dissatisfied  with  Mr.  Blame’s  reply,  the  Italian 
minister  to  the  United  States  was  recalled.  Our 
government  finally  paid  indemnity  for  the  lives 
lost  at  New  Orleans,  and  referred  all  judicial  action 
to  the  State  courts  of  Louisiana,  thereby  restoring 
peaceful  relations  with  Italy. 


238 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


The  steamer  “ Itata,”  loading  at  Sail  Diego,  Cali- 
fornia, with  arms  and  ammunition  for  the  Chilean 
insurgents,  was  seized  on  May  6,  1891,  by  the 
United  States  government.  She  sailed  the  follow- 
ing day  with  the  U.  S.  deputy  marshal  on  board. 
The  war-ship  “ Charleston  ” was  sent  in  pursuit, 
and  the  “ Itata  ” was  finally  turned  over  to  the 
United  States  officers  in  the  harbor  of  Iquique, 
June  4. 

On  October  26,  1891,  the  United  States  de- 
manded of  Chile  an  explanation  and  reparation  for 
the  attack  in  the  streets  of  Valparaiso  on  American 
seamen  on  the  16tli  instant,  and  the  subsequent 
action  of  the  Chilean  police.  The  affair  caused 
much  excitement  throughout  the  country,  and  also 
indignation  at  ivliat  was  considered  a wanton  act  of 
cruelty  and  an  insult  to  the  American  flag.  Presi- 
dent Harrison  and  his  Cabinet  took  prompt  action, 
a special  message  detailing  the  outrage  was  sent  to 
Congress,  and  soon  a satisfactory  explanation  and 
apology  by  Chile  ended  the  unfortunate  affair. 

The  most  important  measure  enacted  during 
President  Harrison’s  administration  was  the  Mc- 
Kinley Tariff  Bill.  This  was  a Republican  meas- 
ure, the  party  being  pledged  to  the  principle  of 
protection.  The  bill  went  into  effect  October  1, 
1890,  and  has  proved  to  be  a beneficent  measure. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  OF  1892. 

Great  Gathering  at  Minneapolis — The  Resignation  of  Sec- 
retary Blaine  From  the  Cabinet — The  Convention  Organ- 
ized-Ovation to  Ex-Speaker  Reed— Governor  McKinley 
the  Permanent  Chairman — Speech  of  Governor  McKinley 
— Report  of  Committee  on  Credentials— Test  Vote  Be- 
tween Harrison  and  Blaine  Forces — Platform  of  1892 — 
Speech  of  Mrs.  Ellen  J.  Foster — Nomination  of  Candi- 
dates—Scenes  of  Wild  Enthusiasm — The  Vote  Gives  Har- 
rison the  Nomination  on  First  Ballot- -Nomination  of 
Whitelaw  Reid  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 


An  extraordinary  interest  was  felt  throughout 
the  country  in  the  great  Republican  Convention  at 
Minneapolis.  In  addition  to  the  appointed  dele-- 
gates  the  Convention  was  attended  by  a large  num- 
ber of  celebrities  from  nearly  all  the  States,  and 
men  prominent  in  both  local  and  national  politics 
were  early  on  the  ground.  Political  clubs,  many 
cf  them  from  distant  localities,  came  by  special 
trains,  and  with  bands  of  music,  badges,  banners, 
and  loud  huzzahs  signified  their  {^references  for  one 
or  other  of  the  prominent  candidates. 

The  excitement  was  fanned  to  fever  heat  by  the 
resignation  of  Secretary  Blaine  from  President 
Harrison’s  Cabinet  on  Saturday,  June  4.  This 
was  almost  universally  believed  to  indicate  that  Mr. 

(239) 


240 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Blaine  would  allow  his  name  to  go  before  the  Con- 
vention, notwithstanding  his  letter  of  February  to 
the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Com- 
mittee in  which  he  stated  that  he  would  not  consent 
to  be  a candidate.  Prominent  leaders  who  were 
opposed  to  the  renomination  of  President  Harrison 
at  once  made  use  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  name,  and  exerted 
themselves  to  secure  the  nomination  of  the 
“ Plumed  Knight.”  The  forces  of  the  two  leading 
candidates  were  quite  evenly  divided,  and  for  sev- 
eral days  before  the  assembling  of  the  Convention 
the  most  persistent  efforts  were  made  by  both  sides 
to  grasp  the  prize.  The  usual  scenes  attending 
Rational  Conventions  were  re-enacted,  and  with  in- 
tense interest  the  country  awaited  the  result. 

ASSEMBLING  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

On  Tuesday  morning,  June  7,  the  delegates  met 
in  the  spacious  Convention  Hall,  which  was 
thronged  to  its  utmost  capacity.  It  was  estimated 
that  not  less  than  12,000  persons  were  present. 

The  patriotic  airs  of  “ Columbia,”  “ My  Country, 
’Tis  of  Thee,”  and  the  “ Star  Spangled  Banner  ” 
were  the  prelude  to  the  opening,  and  scarcely  had 
the  last  echo  of  these  inspiring  medleys  died  away 
when  Chairman  Clarkson,  of  the  Nationol  Com- 
mittee, rapped  the  tenth  Republican  National 
Convention  to  order.  Prayer  was . offered  by  the 
Rev.  William  Bush,  Chancellor  of  the  University 
of  Dakota. 

M.  H.  De  Young,  of  California,  one  of  the  sec- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


241 


retaries  of  the  National  Committee,  read  the  offi- 
cial call  of  the  Convention,  and  five  minutes  were 
consumed  in  the  somewhat  monotonous  proceedings 


“ Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,”  said  Chairman 
Clarkson,  “ I am  instructed  by  the  National  Com- 
16 


242 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


mittee  to  nominate  for  your  temporary  Chairman, 
the  Hon.  J.  Sloat  Fassett,  of  New  York.” 

No  one  was  placed  in  nomination  in  opposition 
to  Mr.  Fassett,  and  when  the  question  was  submit- 
ted there  was  not  an  opposing  vote  to  his  election. 

“ Your  temporary  Chairman,  gentlemen,”  was 
the  introduction  with  which  Mr.  Clarkson  pre- 
sented Chairman  Fassett  to  the  Convention.  When 
Mr.  Fassett  advanced  to  the  front,  one  prolonged 
cheer  resounded  through  the  hall  and  galleries. 

SPEECH  OF  THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. 
Chairman  Fassett’s  speech  was  received  with  en- 
thusiasm. His  allusions  to  reciprocity  and  the 
declaration  that  all  good  Republicans  agreed  that 
the  party  was  greater  than  any  one  man,  that  the 
loyal  decree  of  all  was  party  success,  provoked 
demonstrations  of  approval.  The  promise  that  the 
preliminary  arrangements  of  the  Convention 
should  be  in  the  right  way  and  the  right  spirit  was 
well  received,  but  the  height  of  the  enthusiasm 
was  reached  when  he  said  that,  when  the  Conven- 
tion was  over,  all  rivalry  would  be  ended;  when 
the  nomination  should  be  made  there  would  be  but 
one  choice,  and  he  would  be  the  nominee  of  this 
Convention  ; but  one  purpose,  and  that  his  election. 
“ All  our  candidates  are  strong  men,”  said  he. 
“Some  men  are  stronger  than  others  [laughter], 
but  our  duty  is  to  select  the  strongest.”  [Applause.] 
“Our  party  has  furnished  Lincoln  [applause], 
Seward,  Grant.  Those  men  are  great ; those  men 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


243 


will  always  remain  great  because  of  their  growth 
in  the  line  of  devotion  to  the  Republican  doctrine 
and  Republican  principles.  Garfield  [applause], 
Harrison,  and  Blaine  are  all  great  Republicans.” 

At  the  mention  of  the  two  latter  names  there 
was  a scene  of  wild  enthusiasm  which  lasted 
several  minutes. 

EX-SPEAKER  REED  CALLED  FORWARD. 

Another  scene  came  when  Chairman  Fassett 
praised  the  work  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  “ un- 
der the  iron  will  and  strong  administration  of 
Thomas  B Reed.”  Almost  equal  to  the  preced- 
ing demonstration  was  the  enthusiasm  inspired  by 
this  reference  to  the  great  Republican  parliament- 
arian. The  ex-Speaker  was  seated  far  in  the  rear 
in  the  speakers’  stand,  and  was  invisible  to  most 
of  the  audience.  Some  one  started  the  cry  of 
“ Reed,  Reed  !”  and  it  was  instantly  taken  up  by 
the  delegates  and  the'  gallery.  The  building  rang 
with  the  popular  demand  for  the  appearance  of 
the  man  from  Maine.  Bat  Mr.  Reed  displayed 
all  his  customary  modesty,  and  it  was  not  until  the 
Chairman  of  the  Convention  turned  and  beckoned 
commandingly  to  him  that  he  finally  arose  from 
bis  seat.  At  the  first  sight  of  the  distinguished 
son  of  Maine,  every  delegate  and  every  auditor 
arose  to  do  him  homage. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  incident,  Chairman 
Fassett  said  : “Your  reception  to  that  name  shows 
that  peerless,  aggressive  Republicanism  appeals  to 


244 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


every  Republican.  His  strong  arm  drew  order 
out  of  chaos  and  established  the  doctrine  that  Rep- 
resentatives in  Congress  are  there  to  do  business, 
and  that  the  Fifty-first  Congress  accomplished 
more  affirmative  constructive  legislation  in  the 
14  months  of  their  session  than  our  Democratic 
friends  had  accomplished  in  the  preceding  14 
years.”  [Applause.] 

SPEECH  OF  THOMAS  B.  REED. 

Mr.  Reed,  when  the  cheering  had  subsided, 
spoke  as  follows:  “Mr.  President  and  Fellow- 
Citizens  : I want  to  express,  in  the  presence  of  this 
vast  audience,  my  confidence  in  the  future  of  the 
Republican  party.  [Applause.]  Its  past  needs 
no  indorsement  of  any  man  that  has  the  indorse- 
ment of  its  history,  for  the  deeds  of  the  Republi- 
can party  are  history  itself.  [Applause.]  And 
while  we  are  prevented  from  pointing  with  pride 
to  the  achievements  of  our  party  on  account  of  our 
tenderness  for  the  Democratic  party  [laughter  and 
applause],  nevertheless,  we  sit  here  to-day  rejoicing 
that  our  past  history  shows  that,  from  our  birth 
until  now,  our  character  has  been  such  that  it  is  a 
guarantee  of  the  magnificent  future  which  we  are 
sure  to  have.  [Applause.]  It  is  true  we  have 
done  great  things,  but  it  is  equally  true  that  we 
have  no  right  to  rest  upon  them.  Our  past  is 
glorious,  but  our  future  ought  to  be  more  so.  It  is 
true  that  we  have  given  to  this  country  a wonder- 
ful reciprocal  prosperity.  It  is  true  that  wealth 


INTERIOR  OF  CONVENTION  HALL,  MINNEAPOLIS. 


(245) 


246 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


lias  been  poured  into  the  laps  of  all  our  people  by 
the  great  system  which  we  believe  in  and  which 
we  have  carried  out,  but  I say  to  you  to-day  that 
there  is  a nobler  future  even  than  securing  pros- 
perity to  a country  before  the  Republican  party. 
[Applause.]  And  that  future  is  to  give  every  citi- 
zen oi  the  United  States  liberty  of  thought  and 
action.  [Cheers  and  applause.]  Wealth  and 
prosperity  are  noble,  but  human  liberty  is  magnifi- 
cent.’' [Great  applause.] 

Of  course,  the  speech  of  the  Republican  leader 
of  the  National  House  of  Representatives  was  well 
received.  His  allusions  to  the  sensitiveness  of  the 
Democratic  party  particularly  excited  the  Conven- 
tion, and  uproarious  applause  punctuated  nearly 
every  sentence  of  his  eloquent  speech. 

The  temporary  offices  were  then  filled,  and  the 
Convention  adjourned  to  11  o’clock  Wednesday 
morning. 

THE  SECOND  DAY. 

Forty -seven  minutes  after  11  was  reached  be- 
fore Chairman  Fassett’s  gavel  fell  and  the  Conven- 
tion and  spectators  settled  down  into  comparative 
quiet.  Prayer  was  offered  by  Bishop  H.  B. 
Whipple,  of  the  diocese  of  Minnesota. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Organiza- 
tion announced  that  Governor  William  McKinley, 
of  Ohio,  had  been  selected  as  permanent  chairman 
of  the  Convention.  The  announcement  was  re- 
ceived with  uproarious  applause. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


247 


Governor  McKinley  was  in  liis  seat  with  the 
Ohio  delegation,  and  there  was  a slight  hush  as  the 
committee  approached  him  and  formally  apprised 
him  of  his  election.  With  a bow,  the  Governor  of 
the  Buckeye  State  arose,  and  arm  in  arm  with  the 
Chairman  of  the  Notification  Committee,  marched 
up  to  the  platform.  No  occasion  could  have  been 
more  fitting  to  demonstrate  the  popularity  of  the 
great  American  protectionist,  and  his  admirers 
were  not  slow  to  catch  the  inspiration.  It  was 
nearly  a minute  before  the  deafening  cheers  ceased 
reverberating  through  the  halls  and  corridors,  and 
when  silence  was  finally  restored  Chairman 
McKinley  was  introduced  by  his  predecessor  as 
follows : 

“ Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  : Before  pre- 
senting to  you  our  permanent  Chairman,  the  Chair 
desires  to  thank  you  most  heartily  for  the  kind 
forbearance  which  you  have  extended  to  him. 
[Applause.]  I now  have  the  honor  and  distin- 
guished pleasure  to  introduce  the  Hon.  William 
McKinley,  of  Ohio.”  [Applause.] 

governor  McKinleys  speech. 

The  temporary  Chairman  then  retired  amid 
great  applause,  and  after  prolonged  and  renewed 
cheers  and  waving  of  banners,  Governor  McKinley 
spoke  as  follows : 

“ Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  ” [cries  of 
“ Three  cheers  for  McKinley.”  The  vast  audience 
arose  and  shook  the  building  with  cheers  for 


248 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Ohio’s  Governor.]  “ I thank  you  for  the  honor 
of  presiding  over  the  tenth  Convention  of  the  Re- 
publican  party.  [Applause.]  Republican  Con- 
ventions mean  something.  They  have  always 
meant  something.  [Applause.]  Republican  Con- 
ventions say  what  they  mean,  and  mean  what  they 
say.  [Applause.]  They  declare  principles  and 
policies  and  purposes,  and  when  intrusted  Avitli 
power  execute  and  enforce  them.  [Applause.] 
The  first  National  Convention  of  the  Republican 
party  was  held  thirty -six  years  ago  in  the  city  of 
Philadelphia.  The  platform  of  that  great  Conven- 
tion reads  to-day  more  like  inspiration  than  the 
affirmation  of  a political  party.  [Great  applause.] 
Every  provision  of  that  great  instrument  made  by 
the  fathers  of  our  party  is  on  the  public  statutes  of 
our  country  to-day.  [Applause.]  Every  one  of 
them  has  been  embodied  into  public  law  ; and  that 
cannot  be  said  of  the  platform  of  any  other  political 
organization  in  this  . or  any  other  country  of  the 
Avorld.  [Cheers.]  Whenever  there  is  anything 
to  be  done  in  this  country  and  by  this  country 
and  for  this  country,  the  Republican  party  is 
called  upon  tc  dc  it.  There  is  one  thing  that  can 
be  said  about  our  organization  that  cannot  be  said 
of  any  other.  It  can  look  backward  without 
shame  or  humiliation,  and  it  can  look  forward  with 
cheer  and  exultation.  [Great  applause.]  That 
cannot  be  said  of  any  political  organization  other 
than  ours  in  the  United  States.” 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


249 


THE  PLATFORM  AND  TICKET. 

“ Thus,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  we  are  here 
to-day  to  make  a platform,  and  a ticket  that  will 
commend  themselves  to  the  conscience  and  intelli- 
gence and  judgment  of  the  American  people  [pro- 
longed applause]  ; and  we  will  do  it.  [Cheers.] 
Whatever  is  done  by  this  Convention  either  as  to 
platform  or  as  to  ticket  will  receive  the  approval  of 
the  American  people  in  November  of  this  year. 
[Great  applause.] 

“ We  have  already  heard  some  of  the  notes  of 
victory,  for  this  is  a Republican  year.  Rhode 
Island  has  spoken.  [Applause.]  Only  yesterday 
Oregon  spoke,  electing  three  Representatives — 
three  Republican  Representatives  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States;  and  when  we  get  through 
with  this  Convention  its  conclusions  will  be  the 
law  of  Republican  victory.  [Applause.] 

FOR  PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 

“We  are  for  a protective  tariff  and  for  recipro- 
city. [Great  applause.]  We  propose  to  take  no 
backward  step  upon  either  one  of  these  great  Re- 
publican principles.  [Applause.]  We  stand  for 
a jn'otective  tariff  because  it  represents  the  Ameri- 
can home,  the  American  fireside,  the  American 
family,  the  American  girl,  the  American  boy,  and 
the  highest  possibilities  of  American  citizenship. 
[Applause.]  We  propose  to  raise  our  money  for 
public  expenses  by  taxing  the  products  of  other  na- 
tions rather  than  by  taxing  the  products  of  our 


250 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


own.  [Applause.]  The  Democratic  party  believes 
in  direct  taxation,  that  is  in  taxing  ourselves,  but 
we  do  not  believe  in  that  principle  so  long  as  we 
can  find  anybody  else  to  tax. 

“Our  jirotective  tariff  not  only  does  everything 
which  a revenue  tariff  is  doing,  raising  all  needed 
revenues,  but  a protective  tariff  does  more.  A pro- 
tective tariff  encourages  and  stimulates  American 
industries  and  gives  the  widest  possibilities  to  Ame- 
rican genius  and  American  effort.  Does  anybody 
know  what  tariff  reform  is  ? [‘  No,  no  !’  and  laugh- 
ter]. And  that  is  to  be  the  platform  of  our  politi- 
cal opponents  this.  year.  What  does  it  mean  ? 
You  may  study  President  Cleveland’s  utterances 
from  the  first  one  he  made  in  New  York  when  he 
said  he  did  not  know  anything  about  the  tariff 
[laughter],  until  his  last  one  in  Rhode  Island,  and 
you  come  away  ignorant  and  uninformed  as  to 
what  tariff  reform  means. 

REFORM- BILLS  SINCE  THE  WAR. 

“ Since  the  war  there  have  been  three  tariff  re- 
form bills  proposed  by  Democratic  leaders,  none  of 
them  alike,  neither  of  them  with  the  same  free 
list,  neither  of  them  with  the  same  tariff  list, 
neither  of  them  with  the  same  rates  of  duty,  but 
all  made  by  the  Democratic  party  upon  the  same 
principle  to  symbolize  and  represent  tariff  reform. 
You  may  go  to  Mills,  you  may  go  to  Springer,  and 
you  will  find  that  they  differ  totally,  but  you  may 
go  to  the  House  of  Representatives  at  Washington, 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRTSON. 


251 


which  was  elected  distinctively  upon  what  they  call 
a tariff  reform  issue,  with  two-thirds  majority  in 
the  House,  and  what  do  you  find  ? They  pass 
three  bills. 

“ Let  me  name  them  : First,  free  tin-plate,  leav- 
ing- sheet  steel,  from  which  it  is  made,  tariffed. 
That  is,  the  finished  product  free  and  the  raw  ma- 
terial bearing  a duty.  Second,  free  wool  to  the 
manufacturer  and  tariffed  cloth  to  the  customer. 
Third,  free  cotton  ties  to  the  cotton  States,  and 
tariffed  hoop  iron  to  all  the  rest  of  the  States. 
That  is  their  idea  of  tariff  reform.  Gentlemen  of 
the  Convention,  how  do  you  like  it  ? 

TRUE  AMERICANISM  IN  EVERY  LINE. 

“ This  contest  that  we  enter  upon  is  for  the 
maintenance  of  protection  and  reciprocity  [ap- 
plause], and  I want  to  say  here  that  there  is  not  a 
line  in  that  tariff  bill  that  is  not  American;  there 
is  not  a passage  that  is  not  patriotic ; there  is  not 
a page  that  does  not  represent  true  Americanism 
and  the  highest  possibilities  of  American  citizen- 
ship. [Great  applause,] 

“ We  are  to  declare  ourselves  upon  other  ques- 
tions here  to-day.  We  are  to  declare  ourselves  on 
other  questions  of  a free  ballot  and  a fair  count. 
[Applause.]  No  platform  should  ever  be  made 
that  does  not  reiterate  that  great  constitutional 
guarantee ; no  Republican  speech  should  ever  be 
made  that  docs  not  insist  firmly  and  resolutely 
that  that  great  constitutional  guarantee  shall  be  a 


252 


LIFE  AND  PULLfC  SERVICES  OF 


living  birthright,  not  a cold  formality  of  constitu- 
tional enactment,  but  a living  thing  which  the 
poorest  and  humblest  may  confidently  enjoy  and 
which  the  richest  and  most  powerful  dare  not  deny. 
[Applause.] 

“ We  can  well  leave  to  the  Committee  on  Resolu- 
tions the  duty  of  making  a platform  that  shall  rep- 
resent the  best  thoughts  and  the  best  ideas  and  the 
best  wisdom  of  the  Republican  party.  When  we 
go  out  of  this  Convention  upon  a true  Republican 
platform,  we  go  out  marching  to  victory,  no  matter 
what  man  may  carry  the  banner.”  [Great  ap- 
plause.] 

After  theadoption  of  rules. for  governing  the  Con- 
vention, the  names  of  the  new  National  Republican 
Committee  Tvere  read,  and  the  Convention  ad- 
journed till  11  o’clock  Thursday  morning. 

THIRD  DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

At  11.27,  Chairman  McKinley,  with  a few  vig- 
orous raps  of  his  .gavel,  called  for  order,  but  a 
couple  of  minutes  or  more  were  occupied  by  the 
great  mass  of  people  in  rustling  into  comparative 
silence.  The  Rev.  William  B.  Rush,  Chancellor 
of  the  University  of  South  Dakota,  opened  the  pro- 
ceedings with  prayer. 

The  Chairman  then  called  for  the  report  of  the 
Committee  on  Credentials.  General  Cogswell,  the 
chairman  of  that  Committee,  stated  that  they  were 
not  ready  to  report,  but  hoped  to  be  able  to  make  a 
full  report  by  8 o’clock  in  the  evening. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


253 


Senator  Cullorn,  of  Illinois,  offered  tlie  following 
resolution : 

Resolved,  That  the  World’s  Columbian  Exposi- 
tion, to  be  inaugurated  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  in 
1893,  is  rightfully  considered  by  all  classes  of  our 
citizens,  regardless  of  their  political  affiliation,  as  a 
“ great  National  undertaking,”  and  that,  in  recog- 
nition of  its  character  and  importance,  Congress 
ought  promptly  to  provide,  by  appropriate  legisla- 
tion, such  reasonable  appropriation  in  aid  thereof 
as  will  enable  the  Government  fully  to  discharge 
its  express  and  implied  obligations  incident  there- 
to, and  as  will  insure  the  attainment  of  such  re- 
sults therefrom  as  will  be  commensurate  with  the 
dignity,  progress,  culture,  and  development  of  a 
free  and  enlightened  people.  [Great  applause.] 

The  Chairman — “ The  resolution,  under  the 
rules,  will  go  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
without  debate.” 

The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  8 o’clock 
in  the  evening. 

EVENING  SESSION. 

Chairman  McKinley  took  his  seat  in  the  chair 
of  the  presiding  officer  shortly  after  8 o’clock. 
Back  of  him  the  seats  allotted  to  invited  and  dis- 
tinguished guests  were  all  filled.  Ex-Speaker 
Reed,  who  was  absent  from  the  morning  session, 
was  early  in  his  place.  So  were  others  whose 
names  have  appeared  in  the  list  of  those  com- 
posing the  group  in  this  section.  The  music 
was  inspiring,  and  as  the  changes  were  made 


254 


LIFE  AND  PULBIC  SERVICES  OF 


from  one  familiar  national  air  to  the  other,  the 
spectators  occasionally  broke  out  with  applause. 
This  was  especially  noticeable  when  “ Dixie  ” was 
reached  and  the  roar  of  applause  for  a few  min- 
utes completely  drowned  the  sounds  of  the  brazen 
throats  in  the  suspended  platform. 

With  the  bringing  down  of  the  gavel  Mr.  Depew 
rose  to  a question  of  privilege,  and  announcing 
felicitously  that  to-day  was  the  83d  birthday  of 
the  venerable  ex-Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Diehard 
W.  Thompson,  moved  that  the  congratulations  of 
the  Convention  be  extended  to  the  leader  of  the 
Indiana  delegation,  who  has  been  for  so  many  years 
a delegate  to  Republican  National  Conventions. 
The  motion  was  adopted  by  a unanimous  vote,  and 
amid  great  applause  Mr.  Thompson  was  escorted 
to  the  platform.  Standing  alongside  the  Chair- 
man he  delivered  thanks  to  the  Convention  for  the 
high  jiersonal'  compliment  just  paid  to  him.  His 
coupling  of  the  names  of  Henry  Clay  and  Major 
McKinley  toward  the  end  of  his  speech  raised 
such  a tumult  of  applause  that  all  the  electric 
lights  in  the  building  flickered,  and  the  current 
ran  so  low  that  the  big  hall  was  in  semi-darkness. 
Colonel  Thompson  continued  speaking  till  the 
lamps  brightened  again. 

MAJORITY  REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CRE- 
DENTIALS. 

At  8 o’clock  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
finished  their  labors,  and  Chairman  Cogswell  was 


HOX.  BENJAMTX  HARRTSOX. 


235 


instructed,  by  a vote  of  26  to  23,  to  proceed  at  once 
to  the  Convention  and  present  a verbal  statement 
of  the  conclusions  which  the  Committee  had 
reached.  He  was  authorized  to  say  that  he  pro- 
ceeded in  that  manner  because  of  the  fact  that  no 
time  remained,  if  a report  was  to  be  presented  to- 
night, to  prepare  a written  one.  Mr.  Wallace, 
representing  the  minority,  gave  notice  that  he 
would  ask  the  Convention  for  time  in  which  to  pre- 
sent the  views  of  himself  and  his  associates  on  the 
Committee  in  cases  from  Louisiana,  Alabama,  and 
Mississippi. 

j»  The  gist  of  the  majority  report  was  that  twelve 
Harrison  delegates  in  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and 
Louisiana  be  seated  in  place  of  the  same  number  of 
Blaine  men  who  got  places  on  the  temporary  roll ; 
and  the  minority  recommended  that  the  twelve 
Blaine  men  on  the  temporary  roll  be  placed  on  the 
permaneut  roll.  The  report  of  the  Committee  as 
to  the  contests  in  Texas,  Kentucky,  Maryland, 
South  Carolina,  and  North  Carolina,  and  the 
District  of  Columbia  had  no  political  signifi- 
cance, and  the  report  was  unanimous  on  these 
cases. 

The  total  vote  was,  yeas,  422  i (Blaine)  ; nays, 
463 2 (Harrison). 

This  was  the  first  test  vote  in  the  Convention 
between  the  Harrison  and  Blaine  forces.  The  re- 
sult was  received  by  the  Harrison  delegates  with 
the  wildest  demonstrations  of  delight. 


LTFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OI- 


PLATFORM  OF  1892. 

The  following  platform  was  then  presented  and 
was  unanimously  adopted : 

The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  th« 
United  States,  assembled  in  general  convention  on 
the  shores  of  the  Mississippi  River,  the  everlasting 
bond  of  an  indestructible  Republic,  whose  most 
glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the  record  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  congratulate  their  countrymen  on 
the  majestic  march  of  the  nation  under  the  banners 
inscribed  with  the  principles  of  our  platform  of 
1888,  vindicated  by  victory  at  the  polls  and  pros- 
perity in  our  fields,  workshops,  and  mines,  and 
make  the  following  declaration  of  principles  : 

PROSPERITY  DUE  TO  PROTECTION. 

We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protec- 
tion. We  call  attention  to  its  growth  abroad.  We 
maintain  that  the  prosperous  condition  of  our  coun- 
try is  largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue  legislation  of 
the  Republican  Congress. 

We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  pro- 
duced in  the  United  States,  except  luxuries,  should 
be  admitted  free  of  duty,  and  that  on  all  imports 
coming  into  competition  with  the  products  of 
American  labor  there  should  be  levied  duties  equal 
to  the  difference  between  wages  abroad  and  at 
home. 

We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  arti- 
cles of  general  consumption  have  been  reduced 
under  the  operations  of  the  tariff  act  of  1890. 


HON.  BENJAMTN  HARRISON. 


257 


We  denounce  tlie  efforts  of  tlie  Democratic  ma- 
jority of  tlie  House  of  Rejiresentatives  to  destroy 
our  tariff  laws  jiiecemeal  as  is  manifested  by  their 
attacks  upon  wool,  lead,  and  lead  ores,  tlie  chief 
products  of  a number  of  States,  and  we  ask  the 
people  for  tlieir  judgment  thereon. 

SUCCESS  OF  RECIPROCITY. 

We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican 
policy  of  reciprocity  under  which  our  export  trade 
has  vastly  increased,  and  new  and  enlarged  mar- 
kets have  been  opened  for  the  products  of  our 
farms  and  workshops. 

We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition 
of  the  Democratic  party  to  this  practical  business 
measure,  and  claim  that,  executed  by  a Republican 
administration,  our  present  laws  will  eventually 
give  us  control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

THE  SILVER  PLANK. 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  inter- 
est, favor  bimetallism,  and  the  Republican  party 
demands  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  stand- 
ard money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under  such 
provisions,  to  be  determined  by  legislation,  as  will 
secure  the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  values  of 
the  two  metals,  so  that  the  purchasing  and  debt- 
paying power  of  the  dollar,  whether  of  silver,  gold, 
or  paper,  shall  be  at  all  times  equal.  The  interests 
of  the  producers  of  the  country,  its  farmers  and 
its  workingmen,  demand  that  every  dollar,  pajier 

17 


258 


LIFE  AWD  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


or  coin,  issued  by  the  government  shall  be  as  good 
as  any  other. 

We  commend  the  wise  and  patriotic  steps  already 
taken  by  our  government  to  secure  an  international 
conference  to  adopt  such  measures  as  will  insure  a 
. parity  of  value  between  gold  and  silver  for  use  as 
money  throughout  the  world. 

A FREE  BALLOT  AND  FAIR  COUNT. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unre- 
stricted ballot  in  all  public  elections,  and  that  such 
ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as  cast ; that 
such  laws  shall  be  enacted  and  enforced  as  will  se- 
cure to  every  citizen,  be  he  rich  or  poor,  native  or 
foreign  born,  white  or  black,  this  sovereign  right 
guaranteed  by  the  Constitution. 

The  free  and  honest  popular  ballot,  the  just  and 
equal  representation  of  all  the  people,  as  well  as 
their  .just  and  equal  protection  under  the  laws,  are 
the  foundation  of  our  Republican  institutions,  and 
the  party  will  never  relax  its  efforts  until  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  ballot  and  the  purity  of  elections  shall 
be  fully  guaranteed  and  protected  in  every  State. 

SOUTHERN  OUTRAGES. 

We  denounce  the  continued  inhuman  outrages 
perpetrated  upon  American  citizens  for  political 
reasons  in  certain  Southern  States  of  the  Union. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce, 
the  restoration  of  our  mercantile  marine  by  home- 


HOST.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


259 


built  sliips  and  the  creation  of  a navy  for  the  pro- 
tection of  our  national  interests  and  the  honor  of 
our  flag ; the  maintenance  of  the  most  friendly 
relations  with  all  foreign  powers,  entangling  alli- 
ance with  none,  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of 
our  fishermen. 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine and  believe  in  the  achievement  of  the  mani- 
fest destiny  of  the  Republic  in  its  broadest  sense. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  more  stringent  laws 
and  regulations  for  the  restriction  of  criminal, 
pauper,  and  contract  immigration. 

MISCELLANEOUS. 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to 
protect  the  life  and  limbs  of  employees  of  trans- 
portation companies  engaged  in  carrying  on  inter- 
state commerce,  and  recommend  legislation  by  the 
respective  States  that  will  protect  employees  en- 
gaged in  State  commerce,  in  mining,  and  in  manu- 
facturing. 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the  cham- 
pion of  the  oppressed,  and  recognizes  the  dignity 
of  manhood,  irrespective  of  faith,  color,  or  na- 
tionality ; it  sympathizes  with  the  cause  of  Home 
Rule  in  Ireland,  and  protests  against  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  Jews  in  Russia. 

The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  govern- 
ment is  the  intelligence  of  the  people  and  the 
maintenance  of  freedom  among  men.  We  there- 
fore declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty  of  thought 


260 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


and  conscience,  of  speecli  and  press,  and  approve 
all  agencies  and  instrumentalities  which  contribute 
to  the  education  of  the  children  of  the  land  ; but, 
while  insisting  upon  the  fullest  measure  of  religious 
liberty,  we, are  opposed  to  any  union  of  Church 
and  State. 

We  reaffirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the  Re- 
publican platform  of  1888,  to  all  combinations  of 
capital,  organized  in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to  control 
arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among  our  citi- 
zens. We  heartily  indorse  the  action  already 
taken  upon  this  subject,  and  ask  for  such  further 
legislation  as  may  be  required  to  remedy  any  de- 
fects in  existing  laws,  and  to  render  their  enforce- 
ment more  complete  and  effective. 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  fo  towns, 
villages,  and  rural  communities  the  advantages  of 
the  free-delivery  service  now  enjoyed  by  the  larger 
cities  of  the  country,  and  reaffirm  the  declaration 
contained  in  the  Republican  platform  of  1888, 
pledging  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment  consistent  with  the 
maintenance  of  the  Post-Office  Department  and  the 
highest  class  of  postal  service. 


CIVIL  SERVICE. 


We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  reform 
in  the  Civil  Service,  and  the  wise  and  consistent 
enforcement  by  the  Republican  party  of  the  laws 
regulating  the  same.  ' 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


261 


NICARAGUA  CANAL. 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the 
highest  importance  to  the  American  people,  both 
as  a measure  of  National  defense  and  to  build  up 
and  maintain  American  commerce,  and  it  should 
be  controlled  by  the  United  States  Government. 

TERRITORIES. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Terri- 
tories at  the  earliest  practical  date,  having  due  re- 
gard to  the  interests  of  the  people  of  the  Terri- 
tories and  of  the  United  States.  All  the  Federal 
officers  appointed  for  the  Territories  should  be  se- 
lected from  bona  fide  residents  thereof,  and  the 
right  of  self-government  should  be  accorded  as  far 

o o 

as  practicable. 

ARID  LANDS. 

We  favor  cession,  subject  to  the  homestead  laivs, 
of  the  arid  public  lands  to  the  States  and  Terri- 
tories in  which  they  lie,  under  such  Congressional 
restrictions  as  to  disposition,  reclamation,  and  oc- 
cupancy by  settlers  as  will  secure  the  maximum 
benefits  to  the  people. 

COLUMBIAN  EXPOSITION. 

The  World’s  Columbian  Exposition  is  a great 
National  undertaking,  and  Congress  should 
promptly  enact  such  reasonable  legislation  in  aid 
thereof  as  will  insure  a discharge  of  the  expenses 
and  obligations  incident  thereto,  and  the  attain- 
ment of  results  commensurate  with  the  dignity  and 
progress  of  the  Nation. 


262  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

In  temperance  we  sympathize  with  all  wise  and 
legitimate  efforts  to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of 
intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

PENSIONS. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  services  and  sacrifices  of 
the  men  who  saved  the  life  of  the  Nation,  we  pledge 
anew  to  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the  Republic  a 
watchful  care  and  recognition  of  their  just  claims 
upon  a grateful  people. 

HARRISON’S  ADMINISTRATION. 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic,  and  thoroughly 
American  administration  of  President  Harrison. 
Under  it  the  country  has  enjoyed  remarkable 
prosperity,  and  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the  Na- 
tion, at  home  and  abroad, „ have  been  faithfully 
maintained,  and  we  offer  the  record  of  pledges  kept 
as  a guarantee  of  faithful  performance  in  the 
future. 

FOURTH, DAY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

It  was  past  11.30  when  the  Convention  got  to 
work.  Rev.  Way  land  Hoyt,  D.  D.,  of  Minneapo- 
lis, opened  the  session  with  prayer. 

The  first  business  was  the  announcement  by 
Senator  Quay  that  David  Martin  had  been  selected 
as  Pennsylvania’s  member  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee. Other  dilatory  States  reported  their  members, 
and  Mr.  Quay  stated  that  the  opposition  to  the 
majority  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
would  make  no  further  fight.  The  majority  re- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


263 


port  was  then  adopted  amid  cheers  from  the  Harri- 
son slionters.  The  galleries  were  packed  by  this 
time,  and  the  heat  seemed  to  grow  into  intensity 
until  the  fluttering  of  fans  transformed  the  crowd 
into  what  looked  like  a wheat  field  moved  by  a 
summer  breeze. 

DOWN  TO  BUSINESS. 

The  announcement  that  nominations  were  in 
order  was  then  made  and  Chairman  McKinley  de- 
clared that  speeches  must  be  limited  to  fifteen  min- 
utes. Mrs.  J.  Ellen  Foster  was  granted  the 
privilege  of  the  platform,  and  made  an  address  in 
behalf  of  the  Women’s  Republican  Association  of 
the  United  States,  receiving  quite  an  ovation  when 
she  concluded.  The  following  is  Mrs.  Foster’s 
address : 

“ Mr.  Chairman,  gentlemen,  and  ladies  : I thank 
you.  This  is  no  mean  honor,  and  I congratulate 
myself  that  I am  to-day  the  chosen  representative 
of  many  thousand  Republican  women  and  may 
speak  for  them  in  this  magnificent  presence.  Gen- 
tlemen and  ladies,  representatives  of  the  Republi- 
can party,  I have  more  reason  to  be  proud  as  your 
comrade  in  the  American  march  of  progress  out  of 
Old  World  barbarisms  into  twentieth  century  civ- 
ilization than  has  any  queen  of  her  hereditary 
crown.  [Applause.]  The  tests  of  civilization  are 
the  changed  ideals  toward  which  its  people  aspire. 
A free  church  and  a free  state  are  America’s  at- 
tainment of  its  noblest  ideals.  [Applause.]  It  is 


264 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


not  strange  tliat  a woman  who  loves  lier  country 
should  love  the  grand  old  party,  which  is,  all  scof- 
fers to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  the  party  of 
great  moral  ideas.  [Applause.] 

“Women  are  by  nature  heroic.  [Applause.] 
American  women  are  by  hereditary  environment 
patriotic;  their  patriotism  finds  noble  expression 
in  service  to  the  Republican  party,  and  their  so- 
cial, educational,  and  political  influence  is  more  and 
more  at  its  command. 

“HERE  TO  STAY.” 

“ Gentlemen  and  ladies,  the  Women’s  Republi- 
can Association  has  prepared  plans  of  work,  with 
suggestions  of  details,  which  will  be  presented  to 
every  delegate  and  alternate  of  the  various  State 
headquarters.  We  are  with  you  to  help,  and  we  are 
here  to  stay.  We  do  not  seek  recognition  in  the  party 
in  the  interests  of  any  one  of  the  moral  reforms  in 
which,  as  individuals,  we  have  a part ; we  believe 
moral  reforms  should  be  carried  on  outside  of 
party  lines  in  the  wider  domain  of  humanitarian, 
of  philanthropic,  and  of  Christian  effort.  Not 
every  one  who  cries  reform  is  a reformer.  When 
a would-be  reformer  declares  that  he  will  inaug- 
urate political  chaos  or  help  enthrone  political 
wrong  in  order  to  bring  individual  opinions  or 
even  convictions  into  greater  prominence,  that  man 
or  woman  follows  neither  the  teachings  of  phil- 
osophy or  the  commands  of  Scripture.  A man 
who  fails  to  vote  or  who  ignores  the  present  harm 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


265 


which  his  vote  may  do,  can  find  no  warrant  for 
Ills  course  in  reason  or  in  morals.  [Applause.] 

“ He  who  does  not  stand  far  the  greatest  jmesent 
attainable  good  is  a helper  of  the  bad.  Righteous- 
ness in  government  comes  by  evolution  sooner  than 
by  revolution.  Revolution  is  the  gate  through 
which  a people  emerge  to  a larger  liberty  ; the  gate 
is  opened  by  the  assaults  of  the  bad,  not  by  the 
hands  of  the  good.  John  Brown’s  methods  failed, 
and  in  the  nature  of  things  had  to  fail ; John 
Brown’s  soul  is  marching  on.  [Applause.]  The 
aggressions  of  slavery  brought  on  the  war ; in  its 
crimson  chariot  the  African  slave  was  carried  to 
liberty.  [Applause.]  Therefore,  let  women  weave 
their  laurels  and  sing  their  glories  to  the  robust 
political  action  of  the  Republican  party,  which 
accepts  the  present  as  it  is  found,  but  out  of  it 
builds  great  boulevards  of  human  progress. 

THE  WOMEN  ARE  LOYAL. 

“ Gentlemen,  in  your  services  as  Rejmblicans 
we  know  no  personal  preferences  or  factional  strife ; 
we  wear  upon  our  breasts  the  name  of  none  of  the 
honorable  men  who  may  be  your  choice ; but  in 
our  hearts  are  carried  and  from  prayerful  lips  will 
soon  be  uttered  the  names  of  your  nominees.  We 
love  our  States  and  we  love  the  Nation.  Not 
Csesar  less,  but  Rome  more.  I love  my  native 
State.  Massachusetts  is  a great  State  ; from  the 
sands  and  rocks  of  her  Atlantic  coast  consecrated 
by  Plymouth’s  Pilgrim  band  ; through  the  gardens 


266 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


of  lier  river  valleys  to  the  borders  of  the  Empire 
State  she  is  full  of  greatness ; great  in  ideas  which 
are  the  only  real  forces  in  civilization  ; great  in 
power  to  apply  those  ideas  in  the  common  walks 
of  life ; in  trade,  in  commerce,  in  industries,  in 
economies,  in  reforms,  and  in  the  science  of  gov- 
ernment. [Applause.]  Iowa,  my  adopted  State, 
thou  art  the  beloved  daughter  of  New  England’s 
Queen  and  thou  dost  honor  thy  royalty.  Iowa 
was  quick  to  respond  to  the  Nation’s  call  in  time 
of  civil  strife ; she  was  first  to  respond  to  the  cry 
of  starving  Russia ; the  sight  of  her  corn  made 
glad  the  hearts  of  dying  men  and  women  and  little 
children  ; she  even  sent  seven  of  her  good  women 
along  to  set  the  table.  [Applause.] 

THE  LAST  NEW  STATE. 

“ Iowa’s  corn  will  feed  millions,  but  by  constitu- 
tional law  her  people  -have  decreed  that  no  one 
kernel  shall  be  made  into  poison.  [Applause.] 
Massachusetts  is  great ; Iowa  is  the  flower  of  her 
greatness.  But  there  sit  upon  this  floor  the  repre- 
sentatives of  a greater  State,  the  State  of  rocks 
and  rivers  ; of  plains  and  mountains — a State  peer 
of  any  other  in  natural  resources  and  in  power  of 
development,  but  peerless  in  the  crown  its  civiliza- 
tion wears;  peerless  in  free  men  and  free  women — 
Wyoming  thou  art  the  land  of  promise.  [Applause.] 
Women  of  Wyoming,  who  gave  you  the  lead  ? 
I heard  you  answer  the  free  men  of  your  house- 
holds, who  thought  it  not  robbery  to  themselves  to 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


267 


make  you  their  equals  before  the  law.  [Applause.] 
Who  placed  your  star  in  the  proud  flag  of  the 
world,  the  most  beautiful  emblem  that  the  sun 
shines  on-except  the  cross  of  the  world’s  Redeemer. 
[Applause.]  By  whose  votes  was  Wyoming  made 
a State  ? Current  history  answers.  History — 
sacred  and  profane — will  never  forget.  By  the 
votes  of  Republicans  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress 
Wyoming  came  into  the  Union.  [Applause.] 
The  Republican  party  in  the  Congress  was  prac- 
tically solid  for  the  admission  of  this  first  free 
State.  [Applause.]  The  Democratic  party  was 
practically  against  it.  [Hisses.]  God  bless  the 
Republicar  party  in  the  Fifty-first  Congress. 
[Applause.] 

Gentlemen,  the  Republican  party  is  nothing 
if  not  progressive.  It  is  a party  of  action  ; its 
breath  is  progress ; its  speech  is  the  language  of 
the  world  ; its  dialect  is  the  rhetoric  of  the  home, 
the  farm,  the  shop.  Its  shibboleth  might  be 
written  on  the  white  walls  of  any  church.  It  holds 
within  its  ranks  the  armies  of  all  reform;  the  con- 
stituencies are  the  living,  moving,  vital  elements 
of  American  life.  [Applause.]  Why  should  not 
women  rally  to  the  support  of  such  a party? 
Gentlemen,  we  have  come ! we  are  yours  for 
service.  May  God  keep  us  all  wise  and  true,  and 
strong  and  brave.”  [Applause.] 

When  the  roll-call  was  made  for  the  presenta- 
tion of  candidates  the  States  all  passed  until  Col- 


268 


LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


oraclo  was  reached.  Then  Senator  Wolcott  claimed 
the  floor.  He  at  once  jumped  into  his  subject  by 
declaring  that  the  choice  of  the  Western  Republi- 
cans was  Blaine.  The  magnetic  name  caught  the 
galleries  like  wildfire.  Women  stood  up  and 
cheered,  while  the  men  fairly  shouted  and  the  air 
was  thick  with  waving  hats,  parasols,  handker- 
chiefs, and  small  flags.  When  he  could  talk  he  de- 
clared Blaine  was  the  grandest  statesman  of  the  age 
and  said  his  defeat  eight  years  ago  was  the  result 
of  factional  troubles.  “ Our  candidate,”  he  said, 
“ has  never  been  President,  but  he  will  be.” 

THERE  FOR  A PURPOSE. 

This  brought  out  another  demonstration  and  it 
became  evident  that  the  galleries  had  been  packed 
with  Blaine  shouters  instructed  to  try  and  infuse 
some  enthusiasm  into  the  delegation  by  yelling  and 
cheering  at  every  mention  of  reciprocity  or  the 
Maine  statesman’s  name.  The  ovation  looked  like 
as  much  a personal  compliment  to  the  brilliant  and 
handsome  Coloradian  as  to  the  candidate  he 
named. 

Indiana  was  the  next  State  to  respond  to  the  call, 
and  venerable  old  Dick  Thompson  ascended  the 
platform  amid  a storm  of  genuine  cheers  that  were 
not  confined  to  the  galleries.  He  nominated  Ben- 
jamin Harrison  as  the  wisest  statesman  of  his  day, 
and  his  short  speech  was  the  signal  for  a demon- 
stration in  comparison  to  which  the  Blaine  demon- 
stration paled  into  insignificance.  The  delegates  did 


HOIST.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


269 


it,  and  for  several  minutes  a scene  tliat  beggars  de- 
scription was  enacted.  Fully  as  many  women 
joined  in  tlie  cheering  as  were  participants  in  the 
Blaine  shouting. 

A LADY  LEADS  THE  CHEERS. 

When  Michigan  was  reached  a voice  from  the 
gallery  shouted : “ What’s  the  matter  with  Alger  ?” 
To  this  the  Michigan  delegates,  who  in  caucus  de- 
cided not  to  present  the  name  of  their  favorite, 
shouted  in  unison : “ He’s  all  right,  hut  he  is  not 

in  it !”  Minnesota  seconded  the  nomination  of 
Blaine,  hut  the  sliouters  had  been  abashed  by  the 
volume  of  Harrison  cheers  and  responded  but  feebly 
even  to  the  mention  of  reciprocity,  which  was  the 
burden  of  the  speech  by  Mr.  Eustis,  of  the  Minne- 
apolis delegation. 

When  he  sat  down,  a magnificent-looking  woman 
in  the  rear  of  the  speaker’s  stand  waved  aloft  a 
white  parasol  and  proposed  three  cheers  for  Blaine. 
Her  loose  sleeves  fell  back  from  her  splendid  arms, 
exposing  them  tc  the  sliouters  as  she  waved  them 
in  the  air  and  the  great  audience  actually  rose  to 
her,  and  under  her  daring  leadership  the  greatest 
demonstration  of  the  Convention  was  made  to  keep 
up  until  from  sheer  exhaustion  she  was  forced  to 
fall  back  into  her  chair.  It  was  a wonderful  sight, 
and  old  Convention-goers  say  the  like  of  it  has  never 
been  before  witnessed  in  a Convention  hall.  For 
fully  thirty  minutes  it  kept  up  and  the  Harrison 
men  joined  in  the  great  tribute  to  a handsome 
woman’s  daring  but  graceful  action. 


270 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


THE  BAND  PLAYED  “ANNIE  LAURTE.” 

Three  times  McKinley  ordered  the  hand  to  play, 
bnt  the  noise  completely  drowned  the  music,  and 
the  Convention  had  to  wait  until  the  yelling  and 
the  perspiring  crowd  had  tired  of  shguting  in  the 
air:  “Blaine!  Blaine!  James  G.  Blaine  !”  The 
woman  who  started  the  demonstration  was  the  wife 
of  Carson  Lake,  a bright,  intelligent,  and  winsome 
lady,  herself  an  ardent  Blaine  woman,  and  she 
was  prompted  by  ex-Speaker  Reed,  who  from  his 
seat  immediately  behind  her  was  the  first  to  start 
the  Blaine  air.  A fine  negro  delegate,  introduced 
as  Mollison,  of  Mississippi,  seconded  Blaine’s  nomi* 
nation. 

DEPEW’S  SPLENDID  SPEECH. 

When  New  York  was  called,  Chauncey  M. 
Depew  advanced  to  the  platform  amid  great  cheer- 
ing. It  was  understood  that  Mr.  Depew  was  to 
second  the  nomination  of  President  Harrison,  and 
the  Harrison  men saluted  him  with  vociferous  yells 
and  other  demonstrations  of  approval.  When 
quiet  was  restored  Mr.  Depew  proceeded  as  fol- 
lows 

“ Mr.  President,  and.  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion : It  is  the  peculiarity  of  Republican  National 
Conventions  that  each  one  of  them  has  a distinct 
and  interesting  history.  We  are  here  to  meet  con- 
ditions and  solve  problems  which  make  this 
gathering  not  only  an  exception  to  the  rule  but 
substantially  a new  departure.  That  there  should 


TTON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


271 


be  strong  convictions  and  their  earnest  expression 
as  to  preference  and  politics  is  characteristic  of  the 
right  of  individual  judgment,  which  is  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  Republicanism.  [Applause.] 
There  have  been  occasions  when  the  result  was  so 
sure  that  the  delegates  could  freely  indulge  in  the 
charming  privilege  of  favoritism  and  of  friendship. 
But  the  situation  which  now  confronts  us  demands 
the  exercise  of  dispassionate  judgment  and  our  best 
thought  and  experience.  We  cannot  venture  on 
uncertain  ground  or  encounter  obstacles  placed  in 
the  pathway  of  success  by  ourselves.  [Applause.] 
“ The  Democratic  party  is  now  divided,  but  the 
hope  of  the  possession  of  power  once  more  will 
make  it  in  the  final  battle  more  aggressive,  deter- 
mined, and  unscrupulous  than  ever.  It  starts  with 
15  States  secure,  without  an  effort,  by  processes 
which  are  a travesty  upon  popular  government, 
and,  if  continued  long  enough,  will  paralyze  insti- 
tutions founded  upon  popular  suffrage.  It  has  to 
win  four  more  States  in  a fair  fight,  States  which  in 
the  vocabulary  of  politics  are  denominated  doubt- 
ful. The  Republican  party  must  appeal  to  the 
conscience  and  the  judgment  of  the  individual 
voter  in  every  State  in  the  Union.  This  is  in  accord- 
ance with  the  principles  upon  which  it  was 
founded,  and  the  objects  for  which  it  contends. 
[Applause.]  It  has  accepted  this  issue  before  and 
fought  it  out  with  an  extraordinary  continuance  of 
success. 


272 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

“ The  conditions  of  Republican  victory  from  1860 
to  1880  were  created  by  Abraliam  Lincoln  and  U.  S. 
Grant.  [Cheers.]  They  were  created  that  tke 
saved  Republic  should  be  run  by  its  saviors — the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves ; the  reconstruction  of 
the  States ; the  reception  of  those  who  had  fought 
to  destroy  the  Republic  back  into  the  fold,  without 
penalties  or  punishments,  and  to  an  equal  share 
with  those  who  had  fought  and  saved  the  Nation 
in  the  solemn  obligation  and  inestimable  privileges 
of  American  citizenship.  They  were  the  embodi- 
ment into  the  Constitution  of  the  principles  for 
which  two  millions  of  men  had  fought  and  a half 
million  had  died.  They  were  the  restoration  of 
public  credit,  the  resumption  of  specie  payments, 
and  the  prosperous  condition  of  solvent  business 
for  25  years.  They  were  names  with  which  to 
conjure  and  events  fresh  in  the  public  mind  which 
were  eloquent  with  popular  enthusiasm.  It  needed 
little  else  than  a recital  of  the  glorious  story  of  its 
heroes  and  statement  of  the  achievements  of  the  Re- 
publican party  to  retain  the  confidence  of  the 
people. 

“ But  from  the  desire  for  a change,  which  is 
characteristic  of  free  government,  there  came  a re  - 
versal ; there  came  a check  to  the  progress  of  the 
Republican  party  and  four  years  of  Democratic 
administration.  Those  four  years  largely  relegated 
to  the  realm  of  history  past  issues,  and  brought  us 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


Ii73 


facts  face  to  face  with  what  Democracy,  its  perver- 
sions and  its  practices  mean. 

“ The  great  names  which  have  adorned  the  roll 
of  the  Republican  statesmen  and  soldiers  are  po- 
tent and  popular.  [Applause.]  The  great  meas- 
ures of  the  Republican  party  are  still  the  best  part 
of  the  history  of  the  century.  [Applause.]  The 
unequalled  and  unexampled  story  of  Republican- 
ism in  its  progress  and  its  achievements  stands 
unique  in  the  record  of  parties  in  governments 
which  are  free. 

WHAT  WILL  WIN  THE  FIGHT. 

“ But  we  live  in  practical  times,  facing  practical 
issues  which  affect  the  business,  the  wages,  the 
labor,  and  the  prosperity  of  to-day.  The  cam- 
paign will  be  won  or  lost,  not  upon  the  bad  record 
of  James  K.  Polk,  or  of  Franklin  Pierce,  or  of 
James  Buchanan — not  upon  the  good  record  of 
Lincoln  or  Grant,  or  of  Arthur,  or  of  Hayes,  or 
of  Garfield.  [Applause.]  It  will  be  won  or  lost 
upon  the  policy,  foreign  and  domestic,  the  indus- 
trial measures  and  the  administrative  acts  of  the 
administration  of  Benjamin  Harrison.  [Tremen- 
dous cheering.]  Whoever  receives  the  nomination 
of  this  Convention  will  run  upon  the  judgment  of 
tne  people  as  to  whether  they  have  been  more  pros-, 
perous  and  more  happy,  whether  the  country  has 
been  in  a better  condition  at  home  and  stood  more 
honorably  abroad  under  these  last  four  years  of 
Harrison  and  Republican  administration  than  dur- 
18 


274 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


ing  the  preceding  four  years  of  Cleveland  and 
Democratic  government.  [Cheers.] 

“ Not  since  Thomas  Jefferson  has  any  adminis- 
tration been  called  upon  to  face  and  solve  so  many 
or  such  difficult  problems  as  those  which  have  been 
exigent  in  our  conditions.  No  administration  since 
the  organization  of  the  government  has  ever  met 
difficulties  better  or  more  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
American  people.  [Great  applause.]  Chile  has 
been  taught  that,  no  matter  how  small  the  antago- 
nist, no  community  can  with  safety  insult  the  flag 
or  murder  American  sailors.  [Cheers.]  Germany 
and  England  have  learned  in  Samoa  that  the 
United  States  has  become  one  of  the  powers  of  the 
world,  and  no  matter  how  mighty  the  adversary, 
at  every  sacrifice  American  honor  will  be  main- 
tained. [Applause.] 

ACTS  OF  THE  ADMINISTRATION. 

“ The  Behring  sea  question,  which  was  the  in- 
surmountable obstacle  in  the  diplomacy  of  Cleve- 
land and  of  Bayard,  has  been  settled  upon  a basis 
which  sustains  the  American  position  until  arbitra- 
tion shall  have  determined  our  right.  [Applause.] 
The  dollar  of  the  country  has  been  placed  and 
kept  on  the  standard  of  commercial  nations,  and  a 
convention  has  been  agreed  upon  with  foreign 
governments  which  by  making  bimetallism  the 
policy  of  all  nations  may  successfully  solve  all  our 
financial  problems.  [Applause.]  The  tariff,  tin- 
kered with  and  trifled  with  to  the  serious  disturb- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


275 


ance  of  trade  and  disaster  to  business  since  the 
days  of  Washington,  has  been  courageously  em- 
bodied into  a code  which  has  preserved  the  prin- 
ciple of  the  protection  of  American  industries. 
[Great  cheering.]  To  it  has  been  added  a benefi- 
cent policy,  supplemented  by  beneficial  treaties  and 
wise  diplomacy,  which  has  opened  to  our  farmers 
and  manufacturers  the  markets  of  other  countries. 
[Applause.]  The  navy  has  been  budded  upon 
lines  which  will  protect . American  citizens  and 
American  interests,  and  the  American  flag  all  over 
the  world.  [Cheers.]  The  public  debt  has  been 
reduced,  the  maturing  bonds  have  been  paid  off. 
The  public  credit  has  been  maintained.  The  bur- 
dens of  taxation  have  been  lightened.  Two  hun- 
dred millions  of  currency  have  been  added  to  the 
people’s  money  without  disturbance  of  the  ex- 
changes. Unexampled  prosperity  has  crowned 
wise  laws  and  their  wise  administration. 

“WHO’S  BEEN  PRESIDENT,  ANYHOW?'’ 

“ The  main  question  which  divides  us  is,  to  whom 
does  the  credit  of  all  this  belong.  Orators  may 
stand  upon  this  platform,  more  able  and  eloquent 
than  I,  who  will  paint  in  more  brilliant  colors,  but 
they  cannot  put  in  more  earnest  thought  the  affec- 
tion and  admiration  of  the  Republicans  for  our 
distinguished  Secretary  of  State.  [Prolonged 
cheering.]  I yield  to  no  Republican,  no  matter 
from  what  State  he  hails,  in  admiration  and  respect 
for  John  Sherman,  for  Governor  McKinley,  for 


276 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Thomas  B.  Beed,  for  Iowa’s  great  son,  for  the 
favorites  of  Illinois,  Wisconsin,  and  Michigan,  but 
when  I am  told  that  the  credit  for  the  brilliant 
diplomacy  of  this  administration  belongs  exclu- 
sively to  the  Secretary  of  State,  for  the  administra- 
tion of  its  finances  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, for  the  construction  of  its  ships  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  for  the  introduction  of  Ameri- 
can pork  in  Europe  to  the  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture, for  the  settlement,  so  far  as  it  is  settled,  of 
the  currency  question  to  Senator  John  Sherman, 
for  the  formulation  of  the  tariff  laws  to  Governor 
McKinley,  for  the  removal  of  the  restrictions 
placed  by  foreign  nations  upon  the  introduction  of 
American  pork  to  our  Ministers  at  Paris  and  Ber- 
lin, I am  tempted  seriously  to  inquire  who,  during 
the  last  four  years,  has  been  President  of  the 
United  States,  anyhow  ? [Loud  and  long  con- 
tinued cheering  and  applause.] 

“ Csesar,  when  he  wrote  those  Commentaries 
which  were  the  history  of  the  conquests  of  Europe 
under  his  leadership,  modestly  took  the  position 
of  Aeneas  when  he  said  : ‘ They  are  the  narrative 
of  events,  the  whole  of  which  I saw  and  the  part 
of  which  I was.’  General  Thomas,  as  the  rock  of 
Chickamauga,  occupies  a place  in  our  history  with 
Leonidas  among  the  Greeks,  except  that  he  suc- 
ceeded where  Leonidas  failed.  [Applause.]  The 
fight  of  Joe  Hooker  above  the  clouds  was  the 
poetry  of  battle.  [Applause.]  The  resistless  rush 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


277 


of  Sheridan  and  his  steed  down  the  V alley  of  the 
Shenandoah  is  the  epic  of  our  Civil  War.  [Ap- 
plause.] The  march  of  Sherman  from  Atlanta  to 
the  sea  is  the  supreme  triumph  of  gallantry  and 
strategy.  [Applause  and  cheers.]  It  detracts 
nothing  from  the  splendor  or  the  merits  of  the 
deeds  of  his  lieutenants  to  say  that,  having  se- 
lected them  with  marvelous  sagacity  and  discre- 
tion, Grant  still  remained  the  supreme  commander 
of  the  National  Army.  [Great  cheering.] 
HARRISON  WAS  AT  THE  HELM. 

“All  the  proposed  acts  of  any  administration, 
before  they  are  formulated,  are  passed  upon  in 
Cabinet  council,  and  the  measures  and  suggestions 
of  the  ablest  Secretaries  would  have  failed  with  a 
lesser  President ; but,  for  the  great  good  of  the 
country  and  the  benefit  of  the  Republican  party, 
they  have  succeeded  because  of  the  suggestive 
mind,  the  indomitable  courage,  the  intelligent  ap- 
preciation of  situation  and  the  grand  magnanimity 
of  Benjamin  Harrison.  [Tumultuous  cheering.] 

“ ’Tis  an  undisputed  fact  that . during  the  few 
months  when  both  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  were  ill,  the  President  jier- 
sonally  assumed  the  duties  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment and  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  both 
with  equal  success.  [Applause.]  The  Secretary 
of  State,  in  accepting  his  portfolio  under  President 
Garfied,  wrote:  ‘Your  administration  must  be 
made  brilliantly  successful  and  strong  in  the  con- 


278  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

fidence  and  pride  of  the  people,  not  at  all  diverting 
its  energies  for  re-election  and  yet  compelling  that 
result  by  the  logic  of  events  and  by  the  imperious 
necessities  of  the  situation.’  Garfield  fell  before 
the  bullet  of  the  assassin,  and  Mr.  Blaine  retired 
to  private  life.  General  Harrison  invited  him  to 
take  up  that  unfinished  diplomatic  career  where 
the  thread  had  been  so  tragically  broken.  He  en- 
tered the  Cabinet.  He  resumed  his  work  and  won 
a higher  place  in  our  history.  [Cheers.]  The 
prophecy  he  made  for  Garfield  has  been  superbly 
fulfilled  by  President  Harrison.  In  the  language 
of  Mr.  Blaine,  ‘ the  President  has  compelled  a re- 
election  by  the  logic  of  events  and  the  imperious 
necessities  of  the  situation.’  [Long-continued 
cheers.] 

THE  PAST  AS  A GUIDE  FOR  THE  FUTURE. 

“ The  man  who  is  nominated  to-day,  to  win, 
must  carry  a certain  number  of  the  well-known 
doubtful  States.  Patrick  Henry,  in  the  conven- 
tion which  started  rolling  the  ball  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the"  Colonies  from  Great  Britain,  said  : 
‘ I have  but  one  lamp  by  which  my  feet  are  guided, 
and  that  is  the  lamp  of  experience.  I know  of  no 
way  of  judging  of  the  future  but  by  the  past.’  New 
York  was  carried  in  1880  by  Garfield,  and  in 
every  important  election  since  that  time  we  have 
done  our  best.  We  have  put  forward  our  ablest, 
our  most  popular,  our  most  brilliant  leaders,  for 
governor  and  State  officers,  to  suffer  constant  de- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


279 


feat.  The  only  light  which  illumines  with  the 
sun  of  hope  the  dark  record  of  those  12  years  is 
the  fact  that,  in  1888,  the  State  of  New  York 
was  triumphantly  carried  by  President  Harrison. 
[Cheering,  long  continued.]  He  carried  it  then 
as  a gallant  soldier,  a wise  Senator  and  statesman, 
who  inspired  confidence  by  his  public  utterances 
in  daily  speech  from  the  beginning  of  the  canvass 
to  its  close.  He  still  has  all  these  claims,  and,  in 
addition,  an  administration  beyond  criticism  and 
rich  with  the  elements  of  popularity  with  which  to 
carry  New  York  again.  [Cheers.] 

THE  YOUNGER  PITT  OF  AMERICA. 

“ Ancestry  helps  in  the  Old  World,  and  handi- 
caps in  the  New.  There  is  but  one  distinguished 
example  of  a son  first  overcoming  the  limitations 
imposed  by  the  pre-eminent  fame  of  his  father,  and 
then  rising  above  it — and  that  was  when  the 
younger  Pitt  became  greater  than  Chatham.  With 
an  ancestor  a signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  another  who  saved  the  Northwest 
from  savagery  and  gave  it  to  civilization  and 
empire,  and  who  was  also  President  of  the  United 
States,  a poor  and  unknown  lawyer  of  Indiana  has 
risen  by  his  unaided  efforts  to  such  distinction  as 
lawyer,  orator,  soldier,  statesman,  and  President 
that  he  reflects  more  credit  on  his  ancestors  than 
they  have  devolved  upon  him,  and  presents  in 
American  history  the  parallel  of  the  younger  Pitt, 
[Great  applause.] 


280 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


“ By  the  grand  record  of  a wise  and  popular 
administration,  by  the  strength  gained  in  frequent 
contact  of  the  people  in  wonderfully  versatile  and 
felicitous  speech,  by  the  claims  of  a pure  life  in 
public  and  in  the  simplicity  of  atypical  American 
home — I nominate  Benjamin  Harrison.”  [Tre- 
mendous cheering,  renewed  again  and  again.] 
TUMULTOUS  CHEERS  FOR  THE  PRESIDENT. 

Mr.  Depew’s  words  : “ In  the  name  of  the  pur- 

est of  representatives,  in  the  name  of  the  simplicity 
of  a typical  American  home,  I second  the  nomina- 
tion of  Benjamin  Harrison,”  seemed  to  electrify  the 
vast  multitude  who  shook  the  great  building  with 
applause  and  cheers.  A portrait  of  President  Har- 
rison which  was  carried  on  to  the  platform  was 
greeted  with  thunders  of  applause,  which  continued 
for  five  minutes.  When  the  Marquette  Club  of 
Chicago  marched  down  the  centre  aisle  bearing 
aloft  the  Janies  G.  Blaine  banner  and  placed  it 
alongside  that  of  the  President  on  the  platform, 
the  cheering  continued  for  two  minutes  more  and 
then  the  portrait  of  President  Harrison  was  car- 
ried down  the  centre  aisle  and  held  aloft  over  the 
Indiana  delegation.  Deafening  applause  greeted 
this  manoeuvre. 

A man  at  the  extreme  right  of  the  audience 
lifted  aloft  a life-sized  photograph  of  McKinley, 
and  the  friends  and  admirers  of  the  popular  chair- 
man shouted  a yell  of  their  own.  McKinley,  upon 
catching*sight  of  his  portrait,  shook  his  gavel  in  a 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


281 


menacing  way  at  the  enthusiastic  hearer  of  the 
same.  After  the  tumult  had  continued  for  nine- 


THE  HARRISON  BADGE.  THE  BLAINE  BADGE. 


teen  minutes  the  chairman  endeavored  to  restore 
order,  hut  the  effort  was  futile,  and  again  the  wave 


282 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


of  sound  broke  forth  in  cheer  upon  cheer  and  the 
vast  hall  refused  to  be  still.  This  continued  for 
about  two  minutes  longer,  when  the  chairman,  by 
vigorously  plying  his  gavel,  finally  succeeded  in 
restoring  order. 

The  clerk  proceeded  to  call  North  Carolina, 
when  Warner  Miller  sprang  to  his  feet  and  said  : 
“ Mr.  Chairman,  New  York  is  yet  to  be  heard 
from.”  Mr.  Miller  then  in  an  eloquent  speech  ad- 
vocated the  claims  of  President  Harrison,  and 
another  wave  of  enthusiasm  swept  over  the  im- 
mense audience. 

Other  speeches  were  made  by  jirominent  dele- 
gates for  their  respective  candidates. 

By  this  time  the  crowd  had  wearied  of  the  flow 
of  oratory,  and  a long-haired  man  from  Wyoming 
was  accorded  scant  courtesy  when  he  launched  out 
into  a burning  eulogy  of  Blaine.  The  anti-Harri- 
son leaders  wanted  to  keep  up  the  speaking  after 
the  call  of  States  had  been  completed,  but  Sewell, 
of  New  Jersey,  moved  that  the  Convention  proceed 
to  a ballot  and  his  motion  prevailed. 

The  workers  at  once  began  to  hustle,  and  for 
twenty  minutes  the  Convention  hall  was  trans- 
formed into  a bee-liive.  The  anti-Harrison  lead- 
ers circulated  among  the  delegates,  trying  to  attract 
them  by  offers  of  enough  votes  to  nominate 
McKinley  on  the  second  ballot.  The  Harrison 
men  took  a last  look  around  and  settled  back  into 
their  seats  as  if  they  did  not  fear  a show  of  hands. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  283 

VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana, ...  535  1-6 

James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine, . . . 183  1-6 

William  McKinley,  of  Ohio, 183 

Thomas  B.  Heed,  of  Maine 4 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois, 1 

FOLLOWING  IS  THE  VOTE. 


FOLLOWING  IS  THE  VOTE. 


Harrison. 

Blaine. 

McKinley. 

Reed. 

Lincoln. 

Alabama 

15 

0 

7 

0 

0 

Arkansas, 

15 

0 

i 

0 

0 

California 

8 

9 

i 

0 

0 

Colorado,  

0 

8 

0 

0 

0 

Connecticut, • . . 

4 

0 

8 

0 

0 

Delaware 

4 

1 

1 

0 

0 

Florida, ". 

8 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Georgia, 

26 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Idaho,  

0 

6 

0 

0 

0 

Illinois, 

84 

14 

0 

0 

0 

Indiana, 

30 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Iowa 

20 

5 

1 

0 

0 

Kansas,  

11 

0 

9 

0 

0 

Kentucky, 

22 

2 

1 

0 

0 

Louisiana 

S 

8 

0 

0 

0 

Maine 

0 

12 

0 

0 

0 

Maryland, 

14 

0 

2 

0 

0 

Massachusetts 

18 

1 

11 

0 

0 

Michigan 

7 

2 

19 

0 

0 

Minnesota, 

8 

9 

1 

0 

0 

Mississippi 

13  54 

0 

0 

0 

Missouri, 

28 

4 

2 

0 

0 

Montana,  

5 

1 

0 

0 

0 

Nebraska 

15 

0 

1 

0 

0 

Nevada, 

0 

6 

0 

0 

0 

New  Hampshire, 

4 

2 

0 

1 

1 

New  Jersey, 

18 

2 

0 

0 

0 

New  York, 

27 

35 

10 

0 

0 

North  Carolina, 

17% 

2% 

1 

0 

0 

North  Dakota, 

2 

4 

0 

0 

0 

Ohio 

i 

0 

45 

0 

0 

Oregon 

i 

0 

7 

0 

0 

Pennsylvania, 

19 

3 

42 

0 

0 

Rhode'  Island, 

5 

1 

1 

1 

0 

South  Carolina, 

13 

3 

2 

0 

0 

South  Dakota, 

8 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Tennessee, 

17 

4 

3 

0 

0 

Texas 

22 

6 

0 

2 

0 

Vermont 

8 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Virginia 

9 

13 

2 

0 

0 

Washington . 

1 

6 

1 

0 

0 

West  Virginia 

12 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Wisconsin 

19 

2 

3 

0 

0 

Wyoming 

4 

2 

0 

0 

0 

Arizona 

1 

1 

0 

0 

0 

District  of  Columbia, 

0 

2 

0 

0 

0 

New  Mexico, 

6 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Oklahoma,  

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Utah 

2 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Alaska,  

2 . 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Indian  Territory 

1 

1 

0 

0 

0 

Total 

535  1 -6 

1821-6 

182 

4 

1 

Kentucky  1 absent. 


284 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Every  nerve  was  strung  up  to  the  highest  tension 
by  the  time  the  call  of  States  was  begun.  The 
Pennsylvania  delegation  left  the  main  hall  in  a 
body  and  caucused  in  an  inner  room,  with  Senatoi 
Quay’s  assistance.  They  were  out  until  Ohio  was 
reached  on  the  call  and  McKinley  had  left  the 
chair  in  charge  of  a vice-president  while  he  joined 
his  delegation  and  voted  for  Harrison. 

Chairman  McKinley  took  the  floor  when  the 
poll  of  the  States  had  been  finished,  and  moved 
that  the  nomination  be  made  unanimous.  The 
resolution  went  through  with  a rush,  and  the  Con- 
vention, amid  a noise  that  paralyzed  the  nerves  of 
hearing,  adjourned  until  8 o’clock. 

WHITELAW  REID  FOR  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

The  interest  after  the  afternoon  adjournment 
centered  in  the  nomination  of  a candidate  for  the 
Vice-Presidency,  and  caused  this  subject  to  be  a 
most  engrossing  topic  between  the  hours  of  the 
afternoon  and  evening  session.  As  this  Conven- 
tion had  been  pre-eminently  a Convention  confer- 
ence, so  the  wiseacres  of  the  party  attempted  to 
select  the  Vice-Presidential  candidate  in  a series  of 
hasty  conferences  held  between  4 and  8 o’clock. 
But  when  the  Convention  opened  it  was  not  appar- 
ent that  these  councils  had  attained  any  greater 
result  than  to  precipitate  the  discussion  of  three  or 
four  very  available  gentlemen,  all  of  whom  lived 
in  Eastern  States,  and  most  of  whom  were  residents 
of  the  Empire  State  of  New  York;  and  so  when 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


285 


the  hour  of  the  evening  session  arrived  the  names 
of  Whitelaw  Reid,  Levi  P.  Morton,  and  Warner 
Miller,  of  New  York,  and  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of 
Maine,  were  a few  of  the  names  that  could  be  heard 
discussed  on  every  side.  The  prevailing  opinion 
seemed  to  be  that  the  New  York  delegation  would 
name  the  candidate,  and  the  delegation  of  that 
State  appeared  to  be  unanimous  for  Whitelaw  Reid. 

. The  session  began  with  these  words  by  Governor 
McKinley  : “ The  order  of  business  is  the  pres- 

entation of  candidates  for  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  The  secretary  will  call  the  roll  of 
States  and  Territories.” 

Before  the  roll-call  began,  on  motion  of  Baird, 
of  Illinois,  the  vacant  seats  in  the  galleries  were 
thrown  open  to  the  crowds  outside  having  no  tick- 
ets. They  rushed  into  every  square  foot  of  space. 
The  secretary  then  proceeded  with  the  call  of  the 
roll  until  New  York  was  reached. 

THE  SITUATION  AGCEPTED. 

Senator  O’Connor,  of  New  York — “ Mr.  Chair- 
man, at  a meeting  of  the  New  York  delegation 
regularly  called,  in  the  absence  of  Senator  Miller, 
I was  designated  as  chairman,  and  instructed  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  delegation  to  present  a name 
of  a distinguished  citizen  of  the  State  of  New  York 
in  nomination  for  Vice-President. 

“As  you  all  know  the  great  majority  of  delega- 
tion since  the  opening  of  this  Convention  has  been 
working  very  strenuously  for  the  nomination  of  a 


286 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


candidate  that  the  Convention  in  its  wisdom  did 
not  see  fit  to  sanction  ; but  I want  to  notify  the  Re- 
publican delegates  from  every  part  of  the  United 
States  that  that  large  majority  subordinates  their 
personal  views  and  acquiesces  in  the  wisdom  of  the 
Convention.  [Applause.]  We  want  to  assure  you 
that,  in  our  opposition  to  the  nomination  of  the 
successful  candidate  there  was  nothing  of  a personal 
nature,  and  we  now  recognize  the  duty  of  every 
Republican  to  bow  loyally  to  the  judgment  of  this 
Convention.  [Applause.]  We  believe,  however, 
that  New  York  State  ought  to  be  aided  in  the  great 
struggle  it  will  have  to  make  to  land  that  State  in 
the  Republican  column,  and  I believe  the  gentle- 
man whom  I shall  name  will  aid  us  materially  in 
accomplishing  that  purpose. 

GENERAL  PORTER’S  SPEECH. 

“ I will  not  detain  this  Convention,  as  General 
Horace  Porter,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  will  tell 
this  Convention  the  distinguished  claims  of  the  gen- 
tleman he  shall  nominate,  and  I therefore  will  con- 
clude my  labors  in  behalf  of  the  New  York  dele- 
gation by  placing  in  nomination  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  of  the  United  States,  the  Hon.  White- 
law  Reid.”  [Great  applause.] 

The  Chairman — “ I have  the  pleasure  of  pre- 
senting to  the  Convention  the  Hon.  Horace  Porter, 
of  New  York.”  [Applause.] 

“ Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion : I rise  on  behalf  of  the  New  York  delegation 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


287 


to  commend  to  you  the  distinguished  gentleman 
whose  name  has  just  been  pronounced  as  a candi- 
date for  the  Vice-Presidency  by  the  chairman  of 
that  delegation.  This  gentleman,  by  his  private 
work  and  public  services,  has  well  commended 
himself  not  only  to  the  people  of  the  Empire  State, 
but  the  people  of  all  States  throughout  the  Union. 
[Applause.] 

“ His  name  and  character  and  services  will  give 
an  assurance  that  he  will  carry  out  the  policy  of 
the  party ; that  he  will  stand  strong  in  the  affec- 
tions of  his  fellow-citizens ; that  he  will  command 
the  unqualified  respect  of  all  the  civilized  globe. 
[Applause.]  He  is  prominently  to-day  New 
York’s  favorite.  In  our  side  of  politics  we  have 
not  been  as  prolific  in  favorite  sons  as  the  Democ- 
racy.  [Laughter.]  New  York  has  given  birth 
to  two  favorite  sons.  There  we  have  twins  [laugh- 
ter], but,  unlike  other  twins,  even  the  parents  who 
begot  them  cannot  trace  any  marked  resemblance 
between  them.  [Applause.] 

SUCCESSOR  TO  HORACE  GREELEY. 

“ Mr.  Reed  began  his  career  and  continued  his 
service  in  the  broad  and  instructive  field  of  Ameri- 
can journalism.  He  became  the  legitimate  and 
worthy  successor  to  that  great  creator  of  modern 
journalism,  Horace  Greeley.  [Applause.]  So 
broad  was  Mr.  Reid’s  views,  so  thoroughly  was  he 
informed  in  everything  pertaining  to  the  country’s 
success  that  the  people  demanded,  and,  in  recog- 


288 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


nition  of  their  wish,  the  appointing  powers  selected 
him  as  Minister  to  France,  with  a very  important 
crisis  in  the  diplomatic  relations  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, We  were  glad  to  see  him  serve  as  Minister 
from  the  oldest  republic  of  the  New  World  to  the 
newest  republic  of  the  Old  World.  [Applause.] 

“Scarcely  was  he  installed  in  office  when  there 
fell  upon  him  for  solution  the  most  complicated, 
the  most  intricate  questions  that  had  ever  risen  in 
diplomacy  between  the  two  countries.  That  he 
solved  them  successfully  and  met  them  boldly  is  a 
matter  of  inexpressible  pride  to  every  one  who 
honors  the  American  flag.  In  the  exhibits  at  the 
French  Exposition  he  brought  order  out  of  chaos. 
He  negotiated  a most  important  extradition  treaty. 
He  succeeded  in  securing  France  as  the  first  na- 
tion to  accept  our  Nation’s  invitation  to  the  Inter- 
national Columbian  Fair.  He  negotiated  there  an 
important  reciprocity  treaty,  and  last,  he  achieved 
his  greatest  triumph  in  that  warfare  of  intellectual 
giants  in  securing  the  repeal  of  the  prohibitory 
duties  put  upon  American  pork. 

“ He  showed  himself  the  master  of  modern  di- 
plomacy throughout  these  complicated  transactions, 
he  retained  the  absolute  confidence  of  his  own 
Government,  and  secured  the  respect  of  the  French 
Government,  to  which  he  was  accredited.  His 
duty  was  done,  he  resigned  the  office,  which  he 
never  sought,  and  made  manifest  his  feelings  that 
the  post  of  honor  is  the  private  station.  When  he 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


289 


returned  to  our  shores,  all  the  honors  in  the  land 
were  heaped  upon  him.  He  was  made  an  honor- 
ary member  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  an,d  of 
many  important  societies.  He  was  everywhere 
given  banquets  in  his  honor. 

A NAME  WITHOUT  REPROACH. 

“ His  name  is  one  which  stands  without  re- 
proach. There  is  no  blot  in  his  escutcheon.  He 
has  not  had  to  learn  that  reproach  is  a concomi- 
tant to  greatness.  He  is  an  eminently  practical 
man.  He  has  always  tried  to  perform,  not  what 
he  knows,  but  what  he  can  do.  He  has  been  a 
loyal  party  man.  [Applause.]  He  has  always 
placed  loyalty  to  party  next  only  to  loyalty  to  his 
Nation.  He  believes  as  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  and 
as  every  delegate,  I think,  on  this  floor,  in  the 
necessity  of  party  ; believes  that  disloyalty  to  party 
is  the  origin  of  faction  ; the  abandonment  of  party 
is  the  beginning  of  anarchy. 

“ It  is  said  that  Mr.  Reid  has  had  difficulties 
with  the  Typographical  Union.  That  has  all  been 
amicably  settled.  We  have  that  statement  from 
the  president  of  that  organization,  who  was  here 
present  to-day,  and  has  placed  it  in  writing.  Give 
us  Mr.  Reid,  and  his  name  and  his  services  will  do 
more  than  those  of  any  other  in  assisting  in  the 
campaign  there.  Give  us  him  and  we  will  give 
you  a victory  next  November.”  [Prolonged  ap- 
plause.] 

A speech  seconding  the  nomination  was  made 
19 


290  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES. 

by  Governor  Bulkeley,  of  Connecticut,  who  pledged 
the  support  of  that  State  to  Harrison  and  Reid. 

A member  of  the  Tennessee  delegation  presented 
the  name  of  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine,  but  upon 
the  statement  of  the  Maine  delegation  that  Mr. 
Reed  would  not  accept,  his  name  was  withdrawn, 
and  the  nomination  of  Whitelaw  Reid  was  made 


unanimous. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

HOW  THE  NOMINATIONS  WERE  RECEIVED. 

CrENERAL  SATISFACTION  THROUGHOUT  THE  COUNTRY — Mlt. 

Blaine  Indorses  the  Ticket — President  Harrison’s  Speech 
on  Hearing  the  News — McKinley  and  Sherman  on  the 
Nominations — What  Western  Newspapers  Say — Sentiment 
in  New  England — New  York  Journals  on  the  Situation — 
Opinions  of  the  Philadelphia  Press — A Typical  Ameri- 
can— President  Harrison’s  Great  Ability  and  Magnifi- 
cent Administration. 

The  news  of  President  Harrison’s  nomination 
was  received  with  general  satisfaction  in  all  parts 
of  the  country.  By  his  wise,  efficient,  and  manly 
administration  he  had  won  the  confidence  of  all 
classes  of  people,  and  it  was  felt  that  his  renomina- 
tion for  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  nation 
was  only  a deserved  tribute  to  his  conservative 
policy,  his  enlightened  statesmanship,  and  his  vig- 
orous dealing  with  great  public  questions. 

During  the  progress  of  the  Convention  Mr. 
Blaine  remained  in  Boston  on  his  way  to  Bar  Har- 
bor. He  instantly  acquiesced  in  the  choice  of  the 
Convention,  and  before  leaving  Boston  he  gave 
this  communication  to  the  press  : “ The  resolu- 

tion, energy,  and  persistence  which  marked  the 
proceedings  of  the  Convention  at  Minneapolis  will, 
if  turned  against  the  common  foe,  win  the  election 
in  November.  All  minor  differences  should  be 

C291) 


292 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


merged  in  tlie  duty  of  every  Republican  to  do  all 
in  his  power  to  elect  the  ticket  this  day  nominated 
by  the  National  Republican  Convention.” 

PRESIDENT  HARRISON  HEARS  THE  NEWS. 

It  was  half  past  five  o’clock  when  President 
Harrison  learned  that  the  Republican  Convention 
had  indorsed  his  administration  by  nominating 
him  for  a second  term.  He  was  sitting  in  his 
office  at  the  time,  chatting  in  the  most  composed 
manner  with  several  members,  of  his  Cabinet  in 
regard  to  the  work  of  the  Convention  and  was 
probably  the  least  excited  man  of  the  group. 

The  arrangements  at  the  White  House  for  the 
reception  of  news  from  the  Convention  were  ad- 
mirable— a special  wire,  with  supreme  right  of 
way,  establishing  free  and  uninterrupted  commu- 
nication between  the  Convention  hall  and  the 
White  House. 

When  the  news  of  his.  nomination  reached  ths 
private  part  of  the  house  Mrs.  McKee,  Mrs.  Dim- 
mick,  and  Mrs.  Parker  hastened  to  the  President’s 
side.  He  received  their  congratulations  in  a most 
affectionate  manner.  One  of  the  members  of  the 
Cabinet  suggested  that  the  President  say  a few 
words,  to  the  newspaper  men  who  Avere  present,  re- 
marking that  they  were  extremely  anxious  to  hear 
from  him.  The  President  hesitated  a few  miuutes- 
and  then  made  a short  address.  He  stood  behind 
his  desk  and  the  Cabinet  officers,  ladies,  and  news- 
paper men  formed  a semicircle  in  front  of  him. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


293 


While  his  manner  was  calm,  he  showed  deep  feel- 
ing in  his  remarks. 

THE  PRESIDENT’S  SPEECH. 

He  said  : “ Well,  gentlemen,  I have  had  a good 
deal  of  intercourse  with  newspaper  men.  It  has 
been  mostly  at  arm’s  length,  except  on  a few  occa- 
sions of  this  kind ; and  yet  some  of  you  know  that; 
while  I am  very  averse  to  interviews,  my  door  has 
always  been  open  to  a friendly  call  from  any  of 
you,  and  any  information  about  public  business 
has  been  at  your  disposal. 

“ I can  only  say  with  reference  to  this  event  that 
has  brought  you  here  that  the  first  thought  that 
fills  my  mind  is  one  of  gratitude  and  thanks  to  the 
great  multitude  of  friends  who  have  in  this  way, 
and  divers  other  ways,  expressed  approval  of  very 
conscientious,  though  possibly  now  and  then  mis- 
taken, attempts  to  serve  the  country  upon  Repub- 
lican lines.  I claim  no  other  credit  than  that  of 
having  attempted,  without  sparing  myself  as  to 
lsbor,  to  discharge  these  public  duties  conscien- 
tiously. I cannot  expect  my  Democratic  friends  to 
think  I have  been  on  right  lines  always,  and  yet  it 
has  been  very  gratifying  to  me  to  know  that  many 
things  have  secured  the  approval  of  my  political 
opponents.  I have  been  filled  with  the  thought 
that  this  country  was  coming  to  an  epoch  when  the 
flag  and  those  things  that  it  symbolizes  will  be  upon 
a still  higher  plane  than  now,  and  when  our  influ- 
ence among  the  powers  of  the  earth  will  be  enlarged 


294 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SEEYICES  OF 


wisely  and  yet  energetically.  I have  a sincere  love 
for  all  our  people.  I exclude  no  section.  I take 
into  my  affection  and  respect  all  the  States  and  all 
our  people.  In  entering  upon  this  campaign  I shall 
do  so  without  malice  toward  any  one. 

NO  PERSONAL  LINES. 

“ I think  I have  sometimes  been  suspected  of 
being  very  little  of  a politician,  from  the  fact  that 
I have  never  drawn,  inside  my  party,  personal 
lines.  I have  tried  to  treat  every  one  with  that 
respect  to  which  his  station  entitled  him,  and  I have 
never  in  any  case  suggested,  much  less  demanded, 
personal  loyalty  from  anybody.  I have  asked  of 
all  public  officers  a faithful  performance  of  their. 
duty.  I have  felt  great  regret  that  I was  unable 
to  find  a suitable  place  for  every  deserving  friend, 
but  I have  insisted  that  I did  not  disparage  those 
I could  not  appoint  to  place.  As  I have  had  light 
and  strength,  I have  tried  to  discharge  my  duties 
for  the  public  good.  I thank  you  all  for  very  many 
evidences  of  your  kindness.  I wish  also  to  express 
my  thanks  with  a heart  that  overflows  with  grati- 
tude to  the  faithful  body  of  friends  who  have  been 
so  zealous  in  my  behalf,  and,  more  than  that,  to 
that  great  body  of  well-disposed,  order-loving,  pa- 
triotic Americans  who  have  always  and  everywhere 
received  me  kindly.” 

Secretary  Foster  came  in  while  the  President 
was  delivering  his  speech,  and  was  hardly  able  to 
restrain  his  enthusiasm  until  it  was  concluded. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


295 


Wnen  tlie  President  had  finished  speaking,  the  ser- 
vants of  the  mansion  pressed  forward  with  their 
congratulations,  and  to  one  of  them,  a colored  man 
from  Virginia,  he  said  jocularly,  “ Now,  Jerry,  you 
must  be  sure  to  find  a possum  for  me  as  soon  as  the 
frost  falls.” 

major  McKinley  delighted. 

Chairman  McKinley  rode  back  from  the  Con- 
vention Hall  to  the  West  Hotel  alone  in  an  open 
carriage  after  the  afternoon  adjournment.  There 
was  a crowd  at  the  ladies’  entrance  of  the  hotel. 
When  the  carriage  drove  up  they  crowded  around 
and  cheered  and  seized  the  Governor’s  hand.  There 
were  cries  of  “ Speech.”  The  Chairman  hurried 
into  the  hotel  corridor  as  quickly  as  possible  and 
started  up  the  stairs.  The  shouts  for  a speech  con- 
tinued. Half  way  up  the  stairs  Mr.  McKinley 
turned  and  said : 

“ Friends,  I haven’t  got  much  voice  left,  but 
what  I have  shall  be  used  for  President  Harrison, 
and  with  it  goes  my  heart.” 

Later  the  Chairman  was  seen  in  his  room.  “ I 
think  the  nomination  is  a strong  one,”  he  said. 
“ President  Harrison’s  administration  has  been  so 
strong  and  wise  that  it  has  attracted  to  the  Chief 
Executive  the  attention  'and  admiration  of  the 
thoughtful  men  of  the  country  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  his  success.” 

“ Do  you  think  the  bitter  feeling  displayed  dur- 
ing the  fight  is  of  a lasting  nature  ?”  was  asked. 


296 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


“ The  Convention  adjourned  without  any  bitter 
feeling.  The  spirit  of  the  Convention  was  as  good 
as  I ever  witnessed.” 

SHERMAN  SAYS  IT  IS  A GOOD  TICKET. 

In  an  interview  Senator  Sherman  said : “ The 
nomination  is  one  I expected  to  be  made  in  the 
natural  order  of  things.  The  attempt  to  bring  out 
a dark  horse  against  two  persons  evenly  matched 
or  supposed  to  be  so  is  an  extremely  difficult  feat,, 
because  any  break  from  one  of  the  leaders  would 
naturally  carry  a portion  of  his  following  to  the 
other  leader.  Therefore  the  nomination  of  Harri- 
son seemed  to  be  the  natural  sequence  as  soon  as  it 
appeared  that  he  had  a majority  over  Blaine,  which 
I think  was  apparent  from  the  very  beginning.  I 
think  that  the  nomination  being  made,  all  will 
acquiesce  in  it  and  try  to  elect  the  ticket.  There 
was  far  more  discontent  four  years  ago  than  there 
is  now.  Then  there  were  rapid  changes  made  that 
were  to  be  accounted  for  only  by  agreements  and 
compacts  made  among  leading  delegates,  but  that 
was  impossible  in  this  case  because  the  Convention 
was  divided  between  two  prominent  candidates.  I 
think  the  Republicans  in  every  State  will  cheer- 
fully acquiesce  in  the  result,  and  I hope  and  ex- 
pect that  we  can  elect  the  ticket.” 

EX-GOVERNOR  BEAVER’S  OPINION. 

In  speaking  about  the  President’s  nomination, 
ex-Governor  Beaver  said  that  it  was  better  than 
any  other  nomination  that  could  have  been  made. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


297 


Mi*.  Harrison  will  command  a large  vote.  People 
who  were  enthusiastic  for  Blaine  and  did  all  they 
could  for  him  will  assist  the  party  when  the  work 
is  to  be  done.  Governor  Beaver  said  in  conclusion 
that  he  would  take  the  stump  for  Harrison  with  a 
great  deal  of  satisfaction  and  with  more  confidence 
than  ever  could  ask  for  a verdict  for  the  candidate 
than  for  any  other  person  that  could  have  been 
nominated. 

OHIO  IS  ALL  RIGHT. 

Secretary  Foster  said  that  the  result  of  the  Re- 
publican  Convention  was  just  what  he  predicted 
and  what  lie  exjiected.  “ Ohio,”  said  he,  “ will  be 
found  in  the  Republican  column  in  November  with 
one  of  its  old-time  majorities.” 

THE  WESTERN  WELCOME. 

[St.  Louis  Globe-Democrat,  Rep.l 

The  victory  may  properly  be  classed  with  the 
great  events  in  our  political  history.  It  was  achieved 
under  circumstances  of  unprecedented  complica- 
tion, and  is  a triumph  that  pays  the  highest  tribute 
to  the  character  and  services  of  the  successful  con- 
testant. The  Convention’s  action  has  put  an  end  to 
an  epileptic  statesmanship  in  this  country.  Prom- 
inence in  the  party  will  hereafter  have  to  be  at- 
tained by  substantial  service  instead  of  picturesque 
sensational  proceedings.  Harrison’s  administrative 
record  is  sufficient  argument  for  the  continuance  of 
Republican  rule  of  this  country. 


298 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


[Omaha  Bee,  Rep.] 

The  renomination  of  President  Harrison  means 
a splendid  victory  for  the  Republican  party  next 
November.  Standing  on  a platform  which  everv 
true  Republican  will  approve,  he  will  unite  and 
harmonize  the  party  as  no  other  leader  could  have 
done.  Without  disparaging  the  eminent  statesman 
who  was  put  forward  to  contest  the  nomination, 
whose  name  all  Republicans  honor,  and  whose 
fame  every  American  citizen  should  be  proud  of, 
he  would  not  have  commanded  as  a candidate  the 
support  that  will  he  given  President  Harrison.  The 
reasons  are  so  obvious  that  it  would  be  superfluous 
to  state  them.  From  every  point  of  view  the  choice 
of  the  Convention  was  the  wisest  that  could  have 
been  made. 

WATTERSON’S  VIEWS. 

In  the  Louisville  .Courier- Journal,  Mr.  Watterson 
says : “ Beyond  any  cpiestion  the  President  is  the 
strongest  candidate  the  Republicans  could  have  put 
in  the  field.  If  anybody  has  a doubt  upon  that  point 
let  them  read  the  masterly  and  decisive  nominating 
speech  , of  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  which  lays  out  the 
Avhole  Republican  plan  of  campaign  as  embodied 
by  the  candidacy  of  its  subject.  If  anything  had 
been  wanting  to  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Harrison 
this  speech  would  have  supplied  it,  and  it  will  at 
once  take  rank  as  a solid  and  superb  piece  of  Con- 
vention oratory  by  the  side  of  the  famous  speeches 
of  Ingersoll,  Garfield,  and  Conkling.  It  shows  us 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


299 


upon  the  threshold  of  the  campaign  just  what  we 
shall  have  to  go  against,  whilst  every  indication 
points  to  a party  hack  of  it  quite  as  united  and 
harmonious  as  parties  are  wont  to  be.” 

Of  Mr.  Reid,  Mr.  Watterson  said:  “With  Mr. 
Harrison  at  the  head  of  their  forces,  the  Republi- 
cans unite  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid.  He  will  strengthen 
the  ticket  in  more  ways  than  one.  He  is  a man  of 
large  wealth,  which  he  knows  how  to  spend.  He 
is  the  chief  of  a great  journal  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  which  is  a power  by  itself.  He  is  a Repub- 
lican of  the  most  orthodox  kind  and  an  editor  of 
national  celebrity.  He  has  served  the  country 
with  distinction  in  a great  diplomatic  office ; has 
been  abroad  long  enough  to  have  escaped  the  inter- 
necine struggles  which  have  divided  his  party  in 
the  Empire  State  and  is  a fresh  man  as  a candidate. 
The  effect  of  his  nomination  will  be  to  heal,  not  to 
widen,  the  New  York  breaches.” 

[Detroit  Tribune,  Rep.] 

President  Benjamin  Harrison  was  renominated 
by  the  Republican  National  Convention  at  Minne- 
apolis under  circumstances  which  insure  a united 
party,  a vigorous  campaign,  and  a sweeping  victory, 
in  November.  His  nomination  was  made  by  a 
clear  and  decisive  majority,  not  as  a result  of  im- 
pulsive enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  his  jiersonal 
friends  and  admirers,  but  of  the  deliberate  judg- 
ment of  the  party  expressed  through  its  loyal  rep- 
resentatives in  the  National  Convention.  As  to 


300 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Mr.  Blaine,  it  need  only  be  said  that  the  idol  of  his 
party  was  not  nominated  because  he  was  not  a can- 
didate for  the  nomination.  There  will  be  no  ques- 
tion of  the  party’s  enthusiastic  ratification  of  this 
judgment. 

NEW  ENGLAND  SENTIMENT. 

[Springfield  Republican,  Ind.] 

President  Harrison’s  victory  is  a signal  one.  He 
had  opposed  to  him  perhaps  the  most  powerful  and 
unscrupulous  combination  of  politicians  ever  formed 
in  American  politics. 

Mr.  Beid  should  be  a good  Vice-President ; he 
can  entertain  in  the  finest  manner,  and  he  can  de- 
liver elegant  speeches  whenever  it  shall  seem  de- 
sirable. Moreover,  he  has  a wide  political  acquaint- 
ance and  connection,  and  not  a little  influence 
among  public  men  of  his  party,  and  there  is  no 
question  but  that  if  untoward  events  should  make 
him  President  he  is  vastly  more  fitted  for  the  place 
than  the  estimable  plutocrat  whom  he  will  succeed. 

[Providence  Journal,  Ind.] 

After  five  days  of  more  or  less  bitter  contesting 
the  conservative  element  in  the  Bepublican  party 
has  won,  and  a defensive  position  lias  been  taken 
in  which  to  await  the  assault  of  the  common  enemy. 
This  is  probably  an  indication  of  the  future  course 
of  the  party.  As  time  goes  on  it  will  grow  more 
and  more  the  conservative  party  of  the  United 
States,  while  if  the  Democratic  party  should  ever 
be  fortunate  enough  to  procure  competent  leader- 


HON.  BENJAMIN"  HARRISON. 


301 


ship  it  will  have  to  take  the  radical  seed  of  jioliti- 
cal  dissensions. 

WHAT  NEW  YORK  THINKS. 

[New  York  Tribune,  Rep.] 

Merit  wins.  The  people  recognize  and  gladly 
reward  faithful  and  effective  service.  In  60  years 
no  President  excepting  Lincoln  and  Grant  has  ren- 
dered by  wise  administration  such  exceptional  ser- 
vice to  the  people  as  to  secure  re-election.  All  the 
efforts  of  zealous  friends  would  have  been  of  no 
avail  had  not  the  Republican  millions  believed  that 
President  Harrison,  by  really  rare  sagacity,  fidelity, 
and  firmness  had  deserved  at  their  hands  excep- 
tional confidence  and  honor.  Under  no  other  Pres- 
ident has  American  commerce,  American  industry, 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  American  people  made 
such  progress,  and  the  nation  rightly  judges  that 
triumphs  in  peace  are  no  less  worthy  of  laurels  than 
triumphs  in  war. 

The  President  has  given  to  the  country  a clean 
administration,  and  the  people  care  more  for  that 
than  for  the  satisfaction  of  political  aspirants  or 
managers.  Under  his  safe  leadership  financial  dif- 
ficulties of  the  gravest  kind  have  been  surmounted, 
so  that  the  nation’s  credit  stands  higher  than  ever 
at  the  moment  when  his  critics  have  predicted  that 
its  Treasury  would  be  bankrupt.  American  indus- 
try has  never  received  such  protection,  nor  Amer- 
ican labor  such  recompense  as  under  President 
Harrison,  and  a just  people,  notwithstanding  full 


302 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


credit  from  Congress  or  from  liis  great  Secretary  of 
State,  honors  the  President  for  timely  and  effective 
work  for  protection  and  reciprocity.  No  other 
President  lias  stood  more  firmly  for  purity  and 
freedom  of  the  suffrage,  and  millions  of  American 
citizens  begin  to  realize  that  with  Governors  like 
Hill  in  Neiv  York  and  Abbett  in  New  Jersey  the 
citizen  will  need  national  protection  in  his  most 
sacred  rights. 

Before  President  Harrison  was  renominated  the 
Republican  National  Convention  had  unanimously 
adopted  a magnificent  platform.  It  was  but  a 
translation  of  the  work  which  the  President  has 
done,  or  has  helped  or  labored  to  do,  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  nation.  Cold  and  callous  he  may  be  to 
the  demands  of  self-interest,  but  he  has  spared  no 
effort  to  defend  American  honor,  to  elevate  Amer- 
ican industry,  or  to  exalt  American  citizenship. 
A straightforward,  just,  and  fearless  man,  he  must 
have  made  enemies,  but  the  result  proves  that  he 
has  made  friends. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Wliitelaw  Reid  for  Vice- 
President  completed  the  work  of  the  Convention. 
On  this  subject  it  becomes  the  Tribune  to  speak 
briefly  and  simply.  The  distinction  was  not  sought 
and  cannot  insure  a more  zealous  and  loyal  sup- 
port of  the  Republican  ticket  by  the  Tribune  than 
it  would  have  given  to  any  candidates  whom  this 
Convention  could  have  chosen.  The  nomination 
of  Mr.  Reid  does,  however,  impose  upon  this  jour- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


303 


nal  special  obligations  of  courtesy  and  fairness 
and  patriotism,  which  it  will  endeavor  so  to  dis- 
charge as  to  deserve  the  approval  of  friends  and 
the  respect  of  opponents. 

[New  York  Times,  Dem.] 

President  Harrison  deserved  a renomination  at 
the  hands  of  his  party.  He  is  an  upright  and 
self-respecting  man.  He  has  been  a good  Presi- 
dent. If  not  entirely  free  from  those  official  scan- 
dals that  watchful  political  foes  delight  to  expose 
and  exploit,  his  administration  has,  at  any  rate, 
been  sufficiently  pure  and  dignified  to  command 
the  confidence  of  the  country.  Personally  the 
President  is  beyond  all  reproach,  save  that  which 
all  Presidents  before  him,  Mr.  Cleveland  not  ex- 
# cepted,  have  incurred  of  using  the  power  of  ap- 
pointment and  removal  with  a view  to  personal  or 
party  advantage  before  election. 

Mr.  Harrison  has  dealt  conscientiously  with  the 
great  trust  committed  to  him — save  only  in  respect 
to  the  dispensing  of  patronage,  and  in  that  respect, 
though  censurable,  he  has  not  gone  beyond  what 
the  public  opinion  unfortunately  still  tolerates. 
Many  of  his  more  important  appointments,  and 
nearly  all  his  judicial  appointments,  have  been 
most  commendable.  He  has  not  been  deficient 
either  in  judgment  of  men  or  for  the  most  part  in 
the  management  of  large  public  affairs.  He  has 
compelled  the  American  people  to  recognize  the 
fact  that  he  is  an  able  man — a circumstance  that, 


304 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


through  want  of  attention  on  their  part  or  lack  of 
opportunity  on  his,  had  escaped  general  notice.  If 
there  be  any  virtue  in  the  rule  or  tradition  that  a 
successful  President  must  be  renominated  by  his 
party,  then  beyond  question  it  had  to  be  applied 
in  the  case  of  Benjamin  Harrison. 

We  have  already  expressed  our  appreciation  of 
the  courage  and  skill  shown  in  the  management  of 
Mr.  Harrison’s  forces  in  the  Minneapolis  contest. 
But  we  are  convinced  that  if  the  gentlemen  to 
whom  the  duty  of  getting  him  nominated  was  in- 
trusted would  frankly  reveal  the  determining  cause 
of  their  success,  they  would  without  hesitation  de- 
clare it  to  be  the  general  demand  for  Harrison’s 
renomination  from  the  Republicans  of  every  State 
and  the  whole  country. 

[New  York  World,  Dem.] 

Mr.  Harrison  is  nominated  on  the  first  ballot. 
This  result  is  quite  as  it  should  be.  Mr.  Harrison 
is  in  every  way  representative  of  his  party  as  it  is 
in  these  latter  years.  He  is  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  its  policy,  its  traditions,  and  its  purposes.  He 
has  stopped  at  nothing  to  promote  its  ideas.  Mr. 
Harrison  is  a man  of  large  intelligence,  larger  than 
anybody  thought  when  he  was  elected. 

[New  York  Sun,  Dem,] 

It  would  be  folly  for  Democrats  to  underesti- 
mate an  antagonist  who  has  manifested  such  con- 
summate political  ability  and  steadfastness  in  the 
campaign  just  ended,  and  who  can  and  will  pro- 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


305 


mote  his  re-election  by  a masterly  use  of  the  same 
agencies  as  have  been  employed  in  the  preliminary 
contest  for  a renomination. 

WHAT  PHILADELPHIA  HAS  TO  SAY. 

[Philadelphia  Ledger,  Ind.  Rep.] 

In  addition  to  President  Harrison’s  conspicuous 
fitness,  ability,  purity  of  character,  and  public  use- 
fulness, as  they  have  been  demonstrated  by  his 
administration,  there  was  an  additional  and  a most 
powerful  reason  offered  in  the  National  Republican 
platform  of  the  Convention  which  nominated  him 
why  he  should  have  been  nominated.  It  is  to  be 
found  in  the  silver  plank  of  the  platform,  which  is 
one  liable  to  be  differently,  and  widely  differently, 
interpreted,  according  to  the  financial  opinions  of 
' the  interpreter.  It  is  not  the  direct  emphatic  dec- 
laration in  favor  of  a safe,  honest  currency  which 
.t  should  be.  It  seems  to  palter  in  a double  and 
a doubtful  sense  with  the  subject  of  it.  But  with 
Mr.  Harrison  his  party’s  candidate  and  elected 
President,  the  silver  plank  will,  can  have  but  one 
meaning  and  that,  honest,  safe  currency,  based 
solidly  as  the  rock  upon  the  only  true  standard  of 
value,  gold. 

[Philadelphia  Record,  Dem.] 

The  nomination  of  President  Harrison  will  en- 
force the  obligation  of  the  coming  Chicago  Con- 
vention to  meet  it  with  a candidate  possessing  in  a 
greater  degree  the  confidence  of  the  masses  of  the 
country.  So  far  as  the  Republican  party  is  con- 


306 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


cerned,  the  free  siher  factor  has  been  eliminated 
from  the  present  political  equation  by  the  choice 
of  Harrison.  The  public  will  look  from  the  pre- 
varicating platform  to  the  positive  candidate.  On 
the  Democratic  side  of  the  equation  the  free  silver 
question  would  be  eliminated  also  by  the  nomina- 
tion of  Cleveland.  Thus  the  question  of  tariff  re- 
form, incarnated  in  Cleveland  and  Harrison,  would 
remain  in  its  legitimate  place  as  the  paramount 
issue  of  the  campaign.  Harrison’s  renomination 
seems  to  have  made  the  choice  of  Cleveland  a logi- 
cal necessity  of  the  political  crisis.  With  these 
two  candidates,  the  campaign  would  be  one  of 
principles  and  policies,  and  not  of  partisan  person- 
alities. 

[Philadelphia  Inquirer,  Rep.] 

The  Inquirer  has  had.  a warm  feeling  for  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  has  felt  that  it  would  be  a just  tribute 
to  his  abilities  and  public  service  to  nominate  him. 
Mr.  Blaine,  however,  by  his  letter  to  Chairman 
Clarkson,  made  his  nomination  impossible,  and,  of 
course,  Mr.  Harrison  was  given  the  well-earned 
honor.  Of  his  election  there  is  no  reasonable 
doubt.  First,  because  he  has  made  a record  that 
cannot  be  attacked  in  any  way.  Second,  because 
he  represents  the  Republican  party,  with  its  ad- 
vanced ideas,  that  are  sure  to  win,  and  third,  because 
the  Democracy  is  hopelessly  divided. 

Those  who  feel  any  disappointment  over  the  re- 
sult should  forget  the  past  and  turn  in  manfully  for 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


307 


the  ticket.  The  President  is  worthy  of  every  man’s 
admiration  and  respect,  no  matter  how  much  he  may 
have  preferred  another  candidate. 

[Philadelphia  North  American,  Rep.] 

The  Republican  party  can  well  afford  to  stake 
its  fortunes  upon  the  creditable  history  of  President 
Harrison’s  administration.  At  this  moment  every 
Republican  community  and  almost  every  Republi- 
can voter  are  prejudiced  by  some  sentiment  of  per- 
sonal sympathy  or  of  individual  fealty.  But  these 
are  not  the  issues  upon  which  the  fate  of  govern- 
ment is  decided ; and  it  is  quite  certain  that  the 
labor  and  the  duty  of  all  Republicans  will  bend  to 
the  common  purpose  of  electing  Harrison  and  Reid 
in  November,  whether  they  are  of  those  who  have 
held  these  gentlemen  as  first  objects  of  their  choice, 
or  whether  they  may  be  numbered  in  the  ranks  of 
those  who  hoped  for  the  selection  of  other  leaders. 

[Philadelphia  Press,  Rep.] 

President  Harrison  has  made  a public  record  on 
which  his  party  can  rest  their  campaign  with  entire 
confidence.  Has  the  country  been  well  served  by 
him,  its  laws  enforced,  its  credit  sustained,  its  citi- 
zens protected,  and  its  interests  promoted  abroad, 
and  its  affairs  conducted  with  efficiency  and  success 
at  home — has  his  administration  been  free  from 
gross  scandal  and  won  the  hearty  respect  and  con- 
fidence of  the  people  ? Then  he  should  be  retained 
in  the  place  where  he  served  the  people  so  well. 
This  is  the  judgment  pronounced  by  the  plain 
people. 


308 


LIFE  AND  PUELIC  SERVICES  OF 


The  administration  of  President  Harrison  dur- 
ing the  past  three  and  one- half  years  lias  been 
clean,  efficient,  and  thoroughly  American.  The 
principles  of  the  Republican  party  have  been  sus- 
tained to  the  uttermost,  and  its  past  record  upon 
the  tariff,  silver,  and  other  legislations  has  been 
splendidly  sustained. 

When  he  first  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 
office  President  Harrison  found  himself  confronted 
with  the  humiliating  dispute  with  Germany  over  the 
Samoan  question.  Under  his  wise  management  the 
question  was  in  a few  months  settled  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  the  people  and  to  the  honor  of  the 
United  States.  The  next  great  question  which 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the  con- 
duct of  its  affairs  by  the  Harrison  administration 
was  the  financial  issue  of  1890.  During  the  latter 
part  of  that  year  the  country  was  threatened  with 
financial  disaster,  which,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
efforts  of  the  administration,  might  have  resulted 
in  commercial  depression  and  business  losses  equal 
to  those  which  followed  the  panic  of  1873. 

The  most  recent  act  of  President  Harrison,  and 
one  which  won  for  him  the  unstinted  praise  and 
universal  admiration  of  every  true  American,  was 
his  conduct  of  the  recent  affair  with  Chile.  His 
prompt  demand  for  redress,  his  staunch  uphold- 
ing of  the  rights  of  American  sailors  and  citizens, 
and  his  refusal  to  allow  the  offending  nation  to  take 
the  matter  in  its  own  hands  received  the  heartiest 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRTSON. 


309 


commendation  from  men  both  North  and  South 
without  regard  to  party  lines.  His  declaration  that : 
“ If  the  dignity  as  well  as  the  prestige  and  influence 
of  the  United  States  are  not  to  be  wholly  sacrificed 
we  must  protect  those  who,  in  foreign  ports,  dis- 
play the  flag  or  wear  the  colors  of  this  Govern- 
ment against  insult,  brutality,  and  death,”  won  for 
him,  and  justly,  the  title  of  “ Defender  of  the  Na- 
tion’s dignity.” 

Every  department  of  the  public  service  has  in- 
creased its  efficiency  during  President  Harrison’s 
administration.  The  victory  of  the  Post-Office  De- 
partment over  the  lotteries,  the  reorganization  of 
the  Agricultural  Department,  the  upbuilding  of 
the  Navy,  the  wonderful  improvement  of  the  army, 
and  the  splendid  work  of  the  State  Department  are 
monuments  to  the  success  and  efficiency  of  the  ad- 
ministration and  the  Republican  party.  The  re- 
sults which  have  attended  the  reciprocity  policy  of 
the  administration  and  Secretary  Blaine  have  been 
the  most  conspicuous  and  flattering  successes  of  the 
past  four  years. 

[Philadelphia  Times,  Dem.] 

If  there  are  any  who  assume  that  President  Har- 
rison will  be  a weak  candidate  in  the  great  national 
battle  of  1892  and  that  his  defeat  will  be  of  easy 
accomplishment  they  are  greatly  in  error.  True, 
there  is  more  bitterness  exhibited  against  Harri- 
son within  his  party  than  was  developed  against 
any  past  Republican  candidate  for  President ; but 


310 


LTFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


it  is  only  tlie  boisterous  but  perishable  disappoint- 
ments of  tlie  hour,  and  they  will  fade  away  before 
half  tlie  battle  shall  have  been  fougdit. 

[Daily  Telegraph,  Inch] 

The  Republican  party  has  once  more  shown  the 
stuff  of  which  it  is  made.  The  Minneapolis  Con- 
vention represented  in  its  very  intensity  the  fibrous 
material  which  constitutes  the  great  political  or- 
ganization which  for  40  years  has  been  the  chief 
exponent  of  the  dominant  ideas  of  the  American 
people.  There  was  a great  struggle,  to  be  sure. 
Why  not?  Has  there  ever  been  a Republican 
Convention  in  which  this  has  not  been  the  case  ? 
The  Republican  party  is  a party  of  ideas  ; it  rep- 
resents thought,  vigorous  and  earnest,  as  well  as 
action.  Nine  hundred  of  its  chosen  representa- 
tives could  not  come  together  upon  such  an  occa- 
sion and  for  the  purposes  called  without  a conflict. 
But  no  heads  were  smashed.  No  bones  were 
broken.  Nobody’^  political  life  was  taken.  For 
three  or  four  days  leaders  and  followers,  delegates 
and  sliouters,  had  a time  of  it.  Then  came  the 
final  act  in  the  drama,  and  there  is  presented  for 
the  support  of  the  organization  a national  ticket 
that  every  man  believing  in  Republican  principles 
can  earnestly,  honestly,  and  conscientiously  sup- 
port. 

The  country  has  on  more  than  one  occasion  been 
profoundly  convinced  that  the  Executive  Chair, 
with  all  its  great  responsibilities,  was  in  safe  hands. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


311 


This  means  much.  In  a great  national  contest  it 
is  of  immense  advantage.  The  Republican  party 
can  point  to  the  record  which  President  Harrison 
lias  made  with  entire  satisfaction.  If  the  country 
ivants  four  years  more  of  the  same  kind  it  will  he 
at  liberty  to  say  so.  If  it  thinks  a change  of 
policy  desirable,  it  can  so  decide.  But  there  can 
be  no  campaign  against  the  President  of  a per- 
sonal nature,  such  as  will  cause  any  American  citi- 
zen to  blush.  This  is  a great  thing  in  these  days 
of  political  obliquity.  The  President  has  unques- 
tionably grown  in  the  estimation  of  all  classes. 
There  is  room  to  believe  that  he  has  not  yet  ex- 
hausted his  possibilities  in  this  direction.  For 
three  years  he  has  successfully  stood  in  the  full 
glare  of  national  publicity. 

The  opposition  will  be  compelled  to  fight  its 
battle,  therefore,  along  political  lines  wholly.  For 
this  every  one  should  be  profoundly  thankful. 
The  coming  Democratic  National  Convention  has 
been  served  with  square  notice  that  unless  it  nomi- 
nates for  the  Presidency  a man  of  the  very  high- 
est character,  recognized  ability,  experience,  and 
statesmanship,  and  of  sound  principles,  well  known, 
it  might  as  Avell  not  meet  at  all.  Let  our  friends, 
the  enemy,  understand  this.  The  Republican 
party  has  taken  its  position.  It  is  intrenched  in 
what  many  of  the  wisest  political  advisers  of  the 
times  believe  to  be  an  impregnable  position ; at  all 
events,  it  is  ready  for  the  fray.  It  may  now  calmly 


312 


LIFE  AND  PULBIC  SERVICES  OF 


await  the  coming  assault.  To  be  sure,  much  needs 
to  be  done  in  the  way  of  final  preparation  for  the 
campaign  battle,  but  all  this  will  be  attended  to  in 
due  time.  The  army  of  practical  politicians  who 
inarched  up  the  hill  at  Minneapolis  and  then 
inarched  down  again  know  full  well  what  is  ex- 
pected and  demanded  of  them.  They  are  not  the 
men  to  sulk  or  strike  in  the  back.  They  have 
had  a fair  fight,  been  fairly  beaten,  and  now  will 
be  looked  for  in  their  accustomed  places. 

A REPRESENTATIVE  AMERICAN. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing  extracts  from 

O o 

the  leading  journals  that  President  Harrison’s 
renomination  was  well  received  by  the  country. 
Thousands  of  Republicans  who  feared  the  influ- 
ences at  work  on  the  Convention  breathed  freer 
because  those  influences  did  not  prevail  to  the  great 
injury  of  the  party  morale  and  the  detriment  of  its 
prospects.  Those  who  speak  for  the  Democratic 
party  freely  admitted  the  advantageous  position 
now  occupied  by  the  Republicans. 

The  President’s  ability,  once  challenged  by  many 
who  spoke  without  knowledge  of  the  man,  is  no 
longer  disputed  by  anybody.  It  has  been  proved, 
by  acts  and  utterances  which  have  arrested  public 
attention  again  and  again,  to  be  of  the  highest  or- 
der. It  has  been  equal  to  every  emergency  that  has 
arisen  in  the  administration  of  his  high  office.  The 
people  have  discovered  that  they  have  in  Harrison 
a President  who  is  not  only  a good,  but  a great 


WIIITELAW  REID, 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


313 


man,  and  they  are  content  to  keep  him  where  he 
is.  This  is  recognized  and  acknowledged  by  the 
Democratic  press,  which  with  one  accord  is  warn- 
ing its  party  that  it  will  have  to  put  forward  its 
very  strongest  man  to  make  even  a respectable 
struggle  against  a candidate  so  deservedly  strong 
as  President  Harrison. 

“A  COLD  MAN.” 

resident  Harrison’s  intellectual  strength,  integ- 
rity of  purpose,  high  character  and  earnest  patriot- 
ism are  no  longer  called  iu  question  by  his  most 
virulent  enemies.  The  single  count  in  the  indict- 
ment to  which  they  still  adhere  is  that  he  is  a cold 
man.  We  suspect  that  the  President  is  at  times  a 
little  chilly  to  the  innumerable  applicants  for  offices 
and  their  friends  who  beset  him  at  all  available  op- 
portunities. There  are  100,000  Federal  offices,  and 
for  each  there  are  often  ten  applicants,  and  each  ap- 
plicant will  have  on  the  average  not  less  than  ten 
active  backers.  To  this  army  besetting  him  like  a 
swarm  of  locusts  we  would  not  be  surprised  if  the 
President  at  times  forgot  to  be  genial,  and  even 
failed  to  conceal  his  sense  of  irritation  at  the  ceaseless 
importunities  of  office-seekers  and  office-brokers. 

This  is  a fault,  perhaps.  The  constitutional  dis- 
penser of  patronage  should  be  as  suave,  perhaps, 
as  the  dispenser  of  groceries,  and  should  oblige  all 
applicants  as  far  as  possible,  and  see  them  to  the 
door,  with  a “ come-again  ” smile  upon  his  coun- 
tenance. But  the  general  public  cares  nothing 


314 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


for  this.  They  look  to  see  what  the  President 
does,  what  influence  he  exerts  on  public  affairs,  the 
character  of  his  appointments,  and  what  he  has  to 
say  to  the  country  in  his  messages  and  public  ad- 
dresses. The  result  of  their  observation  on  all 
these  lines  is  favorable  to  the  President.  Delega- 
tions who  go  to  Washington  to  see  him  obtain  al- 
ways a speedy  and  patient  hearing  and  a courteous 
reply.  Individual  citizens  find  the  President  ac- 
cessible on  all  proper  occasions,  and  see  nothing  to 
complain  of  in  their  reception  by  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate of  the  Nation. 

“NOT  A GUSHER.” 

The  President  is  not  a gusher.  He  makes  no 
pretense  of  welcoming  strangers  as  though  they 
were  favored  members  of  his  own  immediate 
family  whose  absence  had  made  a void  in  his  life. 
He  is  a serious-minded  man,  accustomed  to  grave 
cares  and  weighty  responsibilities,  the  pressing 
present  sense  of  which  at  times  may,  perhaps,  make 
him  a little  regardless  of  the  finer  amenities  of  life. 
When  bored  or  annoyed,  he  does  not  pretend  to 
be  pleased.  There  is  no  humbug  about  him ; but 
it  is  not  true  that  he  is  lacking  in  common  cour- 
tesy, or  that  he  is  cold  and  distant  to  those  with 
whom  acquaintanceship  and  confidence  warrants 
warmth  and  frankness.  He  is  in  many  respects  a 
typical  American,  in  whose  eyes  substance  is  of 
more  value  than  form,  and  morals  of  more  conse- 
quence than  manners. 


HON.  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


315 


The  average  American  sees  in  Harrison  the  em- 
bodiment of  all  the  virtues  he  is  accustomed  to 
look  for  in  a President.  He  has  filled  the  meas- 
ure of  high  requirement  for  the  office  in  a manner 
which  leaves  even  his  enemies  scarcely  any  room 
for  criticism.  The  country  has  thrived  under  his 
administration,  the  people  have  been  contented, 
the  laws  enforced,  foreign  nations  have  been  com- 
pelled to  respect  our  wishes,  and  every  department 
of  the  Government  has  been  well  managed.  We 
believe  the  sober  business  sense  of  the  country  will 
say  let — not  well  enough  merely,  but — excellent 
alone,  and  continue  an  administration  which  has 
established  its  capacity  and  fitness  by  proofs  so  in- 
contestable and  conclusive. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

CAREER  OF  THE  NOMINEE  FOR  THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY. 

Birth  and  Ancestry— College  Education — A Country  Editor 
— On  the  Stump  for  Fremont — Newspaper  Correspondent — 
Letters  During  the  War— Experiences  as  a Southern 
Planter—1 Trying  to  Raise  Cotton— Joins  the  Staff  of  the 
“New  York  Tribune” — Successor  to  Horace  Greeley — De- 
clining Office— Strong  Indorsement  of  the  Nomination — 
Bushels  of  Telegrams — Services  as  Minister  to  France — 
Popularity  in  Paris — Successful  Negotiator  of  Treaties — 
A Valued  Public  Servant. 

Whitelaw  Reid,  the  Republican  nominee  for 
the  office  of  Vice-President,  was  born  in  Xenia, 
Ohio,  in  October,  1837.  His  father,  Robert  Charl- 
ton Reid,  had  married  Marian  Whitelaw  Ronalds, 
a-descendant  in  direct  line  from  the  Clan  Ronald 
of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland.  His  paternal 
grandfather,  also  of  Scottish  blood,  emigrated  to 
this  country  toward  the  close  of  the  last  century, 
and,  as  one  of  its  earliest  pioneers,  settled  in  Ken- 
tucky ; but  in  1800  he  crossed  the  river  and  bar-  • 
gained  for  land  upon  the  present  site  of  Cincin- 
316 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF  3*7 

nati.  But  lie  was  a stern  old  Covenanter,  and 
found  his  conscience  uneasy,  owing  to  a condition 
of  the  sale  which  required  him  to  run  a ferry  every 
day  of  the  week  across  the  Ohio  River.  Sooner 
than  violate  the  Sabbath,  he  gave  up  his  bargain, 
and  removing  to  Greene  County,  he  became  one  of 
the  earliest  settlers  in  the  township  of  Xenia.  An 
uncle,  Hugh  McMillan,  D.  D.,  a Scotch  Covenan- 
ter and  conscientious  man,  took  the  task  upon  him- 
self for  fitting  Whitelaw  for  college. 

ENTERS  COLLEGE. 

Under  his  instruction,  his  nephew  was  so  well 
drilled  in  Latin  that  at  the  age  of  15  years  he 
entered  Miami  as  a sophomore,  with  a Latinist 
rank  equal  to  that  of  scholars  in  the  upper  classes. 
This  was  in  1853,  and  in  1856  he  was  graduated 
with  the  scientific  honors,  the  classical  honors 
having  by  his  owiUrequest  been  yielded  to  a class- 
mate. Just  after  graduation  he  was  made  princi- 
pal of  the  graded  schools  in  South  Charleston, 
Ohio,  his  immediate  pupils  being  generally  older 
than  himself.  Here  he  taught  French,  Latin,  and 
the  higher  mathematics.  During  this  period  he 
repaid  his  father  the  expenses  of  his  senior  year 
in  college,  and,  returning  home  at  the  age  of  20, 
he  bought  the  Xenia  News  and  for  two  years  led 
the  life  of  a country  editor. 

AN  ORIGINAL  REPUBLICAN. 

Directly  after  leaving  college  Mr.  Reid  had  iden- 
tified himself  with  the  then  new  Republican  party 


3:8  HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 

and  took  the  stump  for  John  C.  Fremont.  He  was 
a constant  reader  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  and 
his  own  paper,  the  News,  edited  with  vigor  and 
such  success  as  to  double  its  circulation  during  his 
control  of  its  columns,  was  conducted  by  him,  as 
much  as  possible,  after  the  model  of  that  great  hu- 
manitarian journalist  he  was  destined  to  succeed. 
In  1860,  notwithstanding  his  personal  admiration 
of  Mr.  Chase,  he  advocated  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  the  News  being  the  first  Western  news- 
paper, outside  of  Illinois,  to  do  so  ; and  its  influ- 
ence caused  the  election  of  a Lincoln  delegate  to 
the  Republican  Convention  from  the  Xenia  district, 
thus  strengthening  the  break  in  the  Ohio  column 
which  Governor  Chase  at  the  time  so  bitterly  re- 
sented. After  Mr.  Lincoln’s  famous  speech  at  the 
Cooper  Institute  in  New  York,  and  his  return  to  the 
West,  Mr.  Reid  went  to  Columbus  to  meet  him, 
formed  one  of  his  escort  to  Xenia,  and  introduced 
him  at  the  railroad  station  to  the  citizens. 

BRILLIANT  WORK  AS  A JOURNALIST. 

Subsequently  he  entered  ardently  into  the  busi- 
ness of  the  campaign,  making  speeches  and  acting 
as  secretary  of  the  Greene  County  Republican  Com- 
mittee. His  exertions  were  too  much  for  his  health, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  withdraw  from  the  polit- 
ical arena  and  take  a vacation.  He  traveled 
through  the  Northwest,  visiting  the  extreme  head- 
waters of  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Louis  rivers,  and 
returned  across  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Du- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


31  9 


luth.  The  following  winter  he  spent  in  Columbus 
as  a legislative  correspondent  on  an  engagement 
with  the  Cincinnati  Times.  His  letters  from 
the  Northwest  in  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  during 
the  summer  of  1860,  were  favorably  received,  and, 
after  a few  weeks  of  his  engagement  with  the 
Times  had  elapsed,  he  obtained  an  offer  at  a 
higher  figure  from  the  Cleveland  Herald,  to  be 
followed  by  a yet  better  offer  from  the  Cincin- 
nati Gazette.  Mr.  Reid  undertook  all  three  en- 
gagements, and  by  them  was  put  in  receipt  of  a 
good  income  for  a journalist  in  those  days,  some 
$38  a week ; but  the  task  of  writing  daily  three 
letters,  distinct  in  tone,  upon- the  same  dreary  leg- 
islative themes  was  a species  of  drudgery  which 
severely  tried  even  his  versatility  and  courage. 
Such  discipline,  however,  rendered  his  later  jour- 
nalistic labors  comparatively  light  and  attractive. 

SERVICES  AS  A WAR  CORRESPONDENT. 

At  the  close  of  that  session  of  the  Ohio  Legisla- 
ture the  Gazette  offered  him  the  post  of  city 
editor,  and  this  position,  so  full  of  varied  training, 
he  accepted  until,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
War,  McClellan,  then  a captain  in  the  Regular 
Army,  and  stationed  at  Cincinnati,  Avas  sent  to 
West  Virginia.  With  this  movement,  Mr.  Reid, 
by  the  order  of  the  Gazette  Company,  took  the 
position  of  its  war  correspondent.  General  Mor- 
ris had  command  of  the  advance,  and  Mr.  Reid,  as 
representative  of  the  then  foremost  journal  in  Ohio, 


320 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


was  assigned  to  duty  as  volunteer  aide-de-camp, 
with  the  rank  of  captain.  Then  over  the  signature 
of  “ Agate,”  began  a series  of  letters  which  attracted 
general  attention,  and  largely  increased  the  demand 
for  the  Gazette.  After  the  West  Virginia  cam- 
paign terminated  in  the  victory  over  Garnet’s  army 
and  the  death  of  General  Garnet  himself,  at  Car- 
rick’s  Fork,  on  Cheat  River,  Mr.  Reid  returned  to 
the  Gazette  office,  and  for  a time  wrote  editorial 
leaders. 

He  was  sent  back  to  West  Virginia,  and  given  a 
position  on  the  staff  of  General  Rosecrans.  He 
served  through  the  second  campaign  that  termina- 
ted with  the  battles  of  Carnifex  Ferry  and  Gauley 
Bridge.  These  battles  he  wrote  an  account  of,  and 
then  returning  to  the  Gazette  office  resumed  his 
editorial  duties,  and  helped  organize  the  staff  of 
correspondents  the  publishers  of  that  journal  had 
found  it  necessary  to  employ. 

GRAPHIC  ACCOUNT  OF  A GREAT  BATTLE. 

Fairly  established  as  a journalist  of  much 
promise,  only  brief  mention  can  be  made  of  the 
brilliant  service  which  marked  his  subsequent 
career  in  the  West.  In  1861-62  he  went  to  Fort 
Donelson,  recorded  the  Tennessee  canqiaign.  ar- 
rived at  Pittsburgh  Landing  weeks  in  advance  of 
the  battle  fought  there,  and,  leaving  a sick  bed, 
was  the  only  correspondent  who  witnessed  the 
fight  from  its  beginning  to  its  close.  It  was  his 
account  of  this  battle,  one  of  the  most  important 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


321 


of  the  war,  that  stamped  him  as  a newspaper  cor- 
respondent of  the  first  class.  Those  ten  columns 
of  the  Gazette  were  widely  copied  and  published 
in  extras  by  St.  Louis  and  Chicago  papers,  and 
their  writer  was  complimented  by  an  advance  in 
in  his  already  liberal  salary. 

At  the  siege  of  Corinth,  Mr.  Reid  was  appointed 
chairman  of  a committee  of  the  correspondents  to 
interview  General  Halleck  upon  the  occasion  of 
the  latter’s  difficulty  with  “ the  gentlemen  of  the 
press,”  which  ended  in  their  dignified  withdrawal 
from  the  military  lines. 

EXPERIENCES  AS  A WASHINGTON  CORRESPONDENT 
AND  AS  A PLANTER. 

Mr.  Reid  went  to  Washington  in  the  spring  of 
1862,  where  he  was  offered  the  management  of  a 
leading  St.  Louis  newspaper.  On  hearing -of  this 
offer  the  proprietors  of  the  Gazette  offered  to  sell 
him  a handsome  interest  in  their  establishment  at 
a fair  price.  This  he  accepted,  and  his  share  of 
the  profits  for  the  first  year  amounted  to  two-thirds 
of  the  cost  and  laid  the  foundation  of  his  fortune. 

As  the  correspondent  of  the  Gazette  at  the  na- 
tional capital  he  soon  distinguished  himself  and 
attracted  by  his  literary  and  executive  ability  the 
notice  of  Horace  Greeley,  who  from  that  time 
became  his  highly  appreciative  and  unswerving 
friend.  A visit  to  the  South  in  1865,  as  the  com- 
panion of  Chief  Justice  Chase  on  the  trip  made 

by  the  latter  at  the  request  of  President  Johnson, 
21 


322 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


resulted  in  tlie  production  of  Mr.  Reid’s  first  con- 
tribution to  literature  in  the  form  of  a book  en- 
titled, After  the  War;  A Southern  Tour.  This 
book  is  a fair  reflex  of  its  author’s  independent 
and  healthful  mind  and  practical  experience  of 
men  and  things,  and  an  excellent  record  of  the 
affairs  of  the  South  during  the  years  immediately 
following  the  war. 

GROWING  COTTON. 

During  this  tour  the  business  of  cotton-planting 
appeared  so  remunerative  that  in  partnership  with 
General  Francis  J.  Herron,  Mr.  Reid  engaged  in 
it  in  the  spring  of  1866  .;  but  when  the  crop 
looked  most  promising  the  army  worm  destroyed 
three-fourths  of  it.  Even  what  remained,  how- 
ever, prevented  the  loss  of  their  investment,  and 
induced  Mr.  Reid  to  try  his  fortune  subsequently 
in  the  same  business  in  Alabama ; but  after  two 
years,  though  not  a loser,  his  gain  was  principally 
in  business  experience.  During  these  years,  how- 
ever, he  was  otherwise  engaged  than  in  growing 
cotton.  His  Ohio  in  the  War,  two  large  volumes 
of  more  than  1,000  pages  each,  was  produced  dur- 
ing the  years  when  cotton-planting  was  his  osten- 
sible business.  This  work  is  a monument  of  in- 
dustry and  a model  for  every  other  State  work  of 
the  kind.  After  the  publication  of  this  work  Mr. 
Reid,  in  1868,  resumed  the  duties  of  a leader- 
writer  on  the  Gazette. 

On  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  lm 


HON.  WHITELAW  RETD. 


323 


went  to  Washington  and  reported  carefully  that 
transaction.  That  summer  Mr.  Greeley  renewed 
an  invitation,  two  or  three  times  make  before,  to 
Mr.  Reid,  to  connect  himself  with  the  jrolitical 
staff  of  the  Tribune.  Mr.  Reid  finally  accepted 
and  took  the  post  of  leading  editorial  writer,  with 
a salary  next  in  amount  to  that  of  Mr.  Greeley 
and  responsible  directly  to  him.  He  wrote  many 
of  the  leaders  throughout  the  campaign  that  ended 
in  the  first  election  of  Grant.  Shortly  afterward 
a difficulty  between  the  managing  editor  and  the 
publishers  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  the 
former,  and  Mr.  Reid  was  installed  in  the  manag- 
ing editor’s  chair.  In  this  advancement  he  retained 
the  affection  and  unbounded  confidence  of  his 
venerated  chief,  who  since  the  withdrawal  of  Mr 
Dana  to  make  his  venture  in  Chicago  and  then  to 
get  the  Sun,  had  not  failed  to  observe  the  uncer- 
tainties and  dangers  attending  this  most  arduous  of 
journalistic  positions.  a bold  expenditure  in 
1870,  Mr.  Reid  surpassed  all  rivals  at  home  and 
- abroad  in  reports  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war,  and 
from  that  time,  with  full  power  to  do  so,  gradually 
reorganized  and  strengthened  the  staff  of  the 
Tribune. 

ASSUMING  THE  EDITORSHIP  OF  THE  “TRIBUNE.” 

After  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Greeley  for  Presi- 
dent in  1872  Mr.  Reid  was  made  editor-in-chief  of 
' the  Tribune — an  office  accepted  by  him  with  genu- 
ine reluctance,  but  with  courage  and  determination. 


324 


LIFE  AND  PUiiLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Untrammeled  by  tradition,  he  made  the  Tribune 
the  exponent  of  abroad  and  catholic  Americanism. 
In  this  he  failed  not  to  rally  to  his  support  schol- 
arly and  sagacious  veterans  of  the  Tribune  estab- 
lishment. After  the  disastrous  close  of  the  cam- 
paign of  1872,  that  which  astonished  friend  and 
foe  alike  was  the  enormous  amount  of  resources  Mr. 
Reid’s  conduct  gained  for  him  in  the  shape  of  cap- 
ital freely  and  confidently  placed  at  his  disposal. 
He  Avas  thus  enabled  to  obtain  entire  control  of  the 
Tribune. 

Mr.  Reid’s  public  services  as  a journalist  led  his 
friends  repeatedly  to  urge  him  to  enter  other  de- 
partments of  public  life.  President  Hayes  and 
President  Garfield  offered  him  the  position  of  Amer- 
ican Minister  to  Germany,  but  on  both  occasions 
he  declined  it.  In  1878.  the  New  York  Legisla- 
ture elected  him  for  life  a Regent  of  the  State  Uni- 
versity. Finally,  in  March,  1889,  he  was  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  from  President  Harrison  the  ap- 
pointment of  Minister  to  France,  and  thereupon 
resigned  the  editorship  of  the  Tribune.  After  se- 
curing the  repeal  of  the  French  decree  prohibiting 
the  importation  of  American  meats  and  negotiating 
reciprocity  and  extradition  treaties,  he  resigned 
office  and  came  home  in  April,  1892.  On  his  re- 
turn he  Avas  honored  Avith  dinners  by  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce,  the  Ohio  Society  and  the  Lotos  Club. 
In  1881  Mr.  Reid  married  the  daughter  of  D.  O. 
Mills,  and  they  have  tAvo  children. 


HOIST.  WHITELAW  EEID. 


MR.  REID’S  NOMINATION  AT  MINNEAPOLIS. 

Commenting  on  Mr.  Reid’s  nomination  the  New 
York  Herald  said : “ As  long  ago  as  the  middle  of 
February,  when  reviewing  the  Republican  situa- 
tion, we  took  occasion  to  refer  to  Mr.  Whitelaw 
Reid  as  the  strongest  candidate  for  second  place  on 
the  party’s  ticket. 

“ He  had  performed  the  onerous  duties  of  Min- 
ister to  France  with  such  diplomatic  tact  and  skill, 
had  made  for  himself  so  enviable  a record  by  dil- 
igence and  executive  ability  that  we  felt  justified 
in  urging  his  claims  to  recognition  as  a leader  in 
the  approaching  contest. 

“ In  doing  this  the  Herald  accentuated  its  polit- 
ical independence  and  its  interest  in  the  people 
rather  than  in  this  or  that  organization,  its  desire 
being  to  have  the  highest  offices  filled  by  the  best 
men,  whether  they  are  Democrats  or  Republicans. 
Mr.  Reid  had  done  good  service,  and  we  therefore 
asked  for  his  nomination. 

“ The  Minneapolis  Convention  accepted  our  sug- 
gestion, and  the  ticket  is  Harrison  and  Reid.” 

MR.  REID  RECEIVES  THE  NEWS. 

Mr.  Reid  received  the  news  of  his  naming  for 
Vice-President  at  his  summer  home,  Ophir  Farm, 
three  miles  from  White  Plains,  and  he  was  up 
until  long  after  midnight  receiving  the  congratula- 
tions of  his  New  York  friends. 

When  seen  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Reid  showed 
that  he  was  somewhat  fatigued  by  loss  of  sleep. 


326 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Replying  to  the  reporter’s  questions  as  to  whether 
his  nomination  was  a surprise  or  not,  Mr.  Reid 
said : 

“ I assure  you  that  I had  no  expectation  of  being 
nominated.  When  I was  apprised  of  the  fact  last 
night  it  was  very  much  of  a surprise.  I should 
like  to  say  just  here  that  as  I occupy  a secondary 
position  on  the  ticket  it  therefore  becomes  me  to 
take  a secondary  position  in  the  matter  of  inter- 
views.” 

“What,  in  your  opinion,  will  be  Mr.  Blaine’s 
attitude  in  the  coming  campaign  ?” 

“ Oh  ! Blaine  is  all  right ! Mr.  Blaine  is  a Re- 
publican, and  as  such  his  attitude  will  be  one  of 
cordial  support  to  the  Republican  ticket.” 

“ Who  will  be  the  Republican  leader  in  New 
York  ?” 

“ There  you  have  me.  I knoAV  absolutely  noth- 
ing concerning  that.” 

“ How  about  Mr.  Platt  ?” 

“ I never  knew  of  any  real  difference  between 
Mr.  Platt  and  the  administration,  and  as  Mr.  Platt 
is  a Republican  bred  in  the  bone,  I think  my  an- 
swer concerning  Mr.  Blaine’s  loyalty  applies  to 
Mr.  Platt’s  case.” 

“ Did  you  not  have  in  mind  your  possible  nomi- 
nation when  the  Tribune's  difficulties  witli  Typo- 
graphical Union  No.  6 were  adjusted  several  days 
ago  ?” 

“ No.  that  was  merely  a coincidence.  I have 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


327 


known  nothing  of  the  trouble  between  the  Union 
and  the  Tribune  since  last  fall,  when  I was  in 
Paris.  I understood  then  from  the  correspondence 
I had  with  the  president  of  the  Union  that  the 
differences  would  he  adjusted  very  easily,  and  I 
am  now  told  that  everything  is  satisfactory  be- 
tween the  Union  and  the  Tribune.” 

“ Shall  you  enter  actively  into  this  campaign, 
Mr.  Reid?” 

“ No,  I shall  not  go  into  the  campaign  to  any 
great  extent,  hut  will  confine  myself  to  work  in 
New  York.  My  throat  troubles  me,  and  on  that 
account  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  do  very 
much  speaking.  My  voice  gives  out  very  easily.” 

All  this  time  Mr.  Reid  was  busy  receiving  con- 
gratulatory messages  over  the  telephone  and  open- 
ing numerous  telegrams  of  the  same  nature.  In 
bidding  the  reporter  good-bye,  Mr.  Reid  said : 

“ It  is  not  an  easy  task  we  have  before  us,  but 
we  shall  make  honest  and  I hope  successful  en- 
deavors to  win.” 

GREETINGS  TO  THE  NOMINEE. 

White  Plains  is  a Democratic  stronghold,  yet 
there  was  not  a man  in  the  village  who  did  not 
feel  proud  that  the  distinguished  owner  of  Ophir 
Farm  had  been  honored  with  the  nomination  for 
the  Yice-Presidency  and  who  hope  that  he  would 
be  elected. 

Mr.  Reid  spent  Sunday  quietly  with  his  family 
enjoying  the  delicious  breezes  of  Ophir  Farm — 


328  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 

that  is,  as  quietly  as  can  be  expected  by  a man 
kept  busy  nearly  all  day  receiving  and  answering 
bushels  of  telegrams  and  messages  of  congratula- 
tion and  whose  neighbors  keep  coming  in  to  see 
him  and  express  their  good  wishes. 

In  the  morning  Mr.  Reid  drove  to  church  down 
In  the  village  with  Mrs.  Reid  and  Colonel  and 
Mrs.  John  Hay,  their  guests.  On  their  return  the 
party  was  surprised  to  find  a half-dozen  camera 
fiends  on  the  lawn  taking  snap  shots  at  the  mam 
slon  and  at  everything  within-  sight.  Mr.  Reid 
laughed  good-naturedly  and  gave  the  amateurs  free 
range. 

In  the  afternoon  Mr.  Reid  took  a horseback  ride 
with  his  little  son,  but  the  rest  of  the  day  was 
spent  in  recemmg  callers  and  reading#and  answer- 
ing telegrams.  Mr.  Reid  came  to  the  city  next 
morning  to  attend  the  funeral  of  his  late  friend, 
Sidney  Dillon. 

TO  DOFF  THE  EDITORIAL  HARNESS. 

I asked  Mr.  Reid  if  lie  would  continue  to  direct 
the  Tribune  in  his  old  place  in  the  editor’s  chair. 

“ No,”  he  replied.  “ I doubt  if  the  position  o ( 
a candidate  for  high  office  would  be  compatible 
with  the  editorship  of  a daily  journal.  As  a mat* 
ter  of  fact  I have  not  yet  taken  hold  since  my 
return  from  Paris.  I have  been  in  the  office  only  twc 
days  to  give  attention  to  office  ivork.  One  of  them, 
by  an  odd  coincidence,  was  Friday,  when  the  nomi- 
nations were  made.  I had  gone  down  to  decide 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


329 


upon  some  proposed  changes  in  the  mechanical 
departments  of  the  office.” 

Here  are  some  of  the  many  telegrams  and  mes- 
sages which  Mr.  Reid  received  : 

Minneapolis,  June  11,  1892. 

Cordial  congratulations.  The  ticket  is  growing 
in  favor  among  those  who  opposed  it.  The  others 
are  enthusiastic. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew. 

New  York,  June  11,  1892. 

The  Republicans  of  your  old  Assembly  district, 
the  Eighteenth,  take  great  pleasure  in  congratulat- 
ing you  on  your  unanimous  nomination  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  We  will  do  our  level  best  to  see  that 
the  action  of  the  Convention  is  ratified  at  the 
polls. 

Bernard  Biglin. 

New  York,  June  12,  1892. 

The  Republican  League  of  the  State  of  New 
York  congratulates  you,  the  party,  and  the  Nation 
on  the  nominations  made  at  Minneapolis,  and 
pledges  its  most  energetic  support.  It  will  labor 
earnestly  and  continuously  to  secure  Republican 
success  in  the  approaching  contest,  believing  that 
the  Nation’s  best  interests  are  subserved  by  con- 
tinuing the  Republican  party  in  power. 

E.  A.  McAlpin. 

Thomas  Jefferson  Coolidge,  Mr.  Reid’s  suc- 
cessor, as  Minister  to  Paris,  cabled  : 

Paris,  June  11. 

I take  much  pleasure  in  congratulating  you 
upon  the  deserved  compliment  paid  you  by  the 


330 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


Republican  party.  Messrs.  Yignau  d’Jay  an.d  the 
attaches  join  with  me  in  good  wishes. 

GRATIFYING  MESSAGES. 

Governor  McKinley  stopped  over  on  his  way 
home  from  Minneapolis  to  send  a cordial  and 
enthusiastic  greeting. 

Rev.  Marion  R.  Vincent,  of  the  Union  Theo- 
logical Seminary,  and  formerly  pastor  of  the 
Church  of  the  Covenant,  where  Mr.  Reid  used  to 
attend,  wrote  a glowing  letter,  and  so  did  the  Rev. 
Daniel  G.  Wylie,  of  the  Central  Presbyterian 
Church. 

V.  H.  P.  Joubert,  a French  gentleman,  now  an 
American  citizen,  wrote  an  enthusiastic  letter  in 
his  native  tongue. 

Robert  Bonner  wrote : 

It  must  be  most  gratifying  to  all  newspaper  men 
to  have  one  of  their  own  number  nominated  to  one 
of  the  two  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  people. 
Accordingly  I congratulate  you  on  having  now, 
unsolicited,  this  distinguished  honor. 

Greetings  of  similar  tenor  were  received  from 
hundreds  of  prominent  Republicans,  newspaper 
men,  and  personal  friends,  among  the  last  men- 
tioned class  being  Archbishop  Corrigan. 

R.  T.  Wilson,  the  father  of  Mrs.  Ogden  Goelet, 
and  a Democrat,  telegraphed  : 

Newport,  R.  I.,  June  11,  1892. 

Your  many  friends,  without  regard  to  political 
differences,  appreciate  this  recognition  of  your 
services  to  our  country. 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


331 


Mrs.  George  W.  Allen,  whose  husband  is  the 
son  of  one  of  Ohio’s  most  famous  Democrats,  sent  an 
enthusiastic  message.  She  has  named  her  Demo- 
cratic baby  boy  after  Whitelaw  Reid. 

John  King,  president  of  the  Erie  Railway  Com- 
pany, wired  that  he  would  certainly  support  the 
Republican  national  ticket. 

MR.  REID’S  SERVICE  AS  MINISTER  TO  FRANCE. 

The  absence  of  a trained  diplomatic  service, 
representing  the  United  States  abroad,  is  often 
deplored  by  people  who  are  familiar  with  the 
history  of  every  country  but  their  own,  and  are 
unaware  how  much  better  the  United  States  is 
served  under  its  present  system  than  it  would  be 
by  men  who  had  lived  so  long  abroad  that  they 
had  ceased  to  know  or  appreciate  the  interests  of 
their  own  country.  It  is  of  more  serious  conse- 
quence that  the  important  and  valuable  services 
rendered  by  our  ministers  are  too  frequently  over- 
looked by  the  public  and  forgotten  by  the  coun- 
try. This  is  always  true  of  those  who  are  in  the 
diplomatic  service  of  countries  with  representative 
institutions.  It  is  only  strictly  in  monarchies  that 
the  representative  of  the  crown  abroad  becomes 
prime  minister  abroad,  as  Metternich  and  Gort- 
cliakoff  did  in  a past,  and  Bismarck  and  Cavour 
in  the  present  day. 

Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid’s  nomination  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent is  a happy  proof  that  the  attention  drawn  to 
our  foreign  relations  by  the  reciprocity  clauses. 


332 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES  OF 


of  the  McKinley  tariff  and  the  vigorous  policy  of 
the  present  administration  has  directed  public 
attention  and  party  action  to  a recognition  of  the 
value  of  successful  diplomatic  service.  Mr.  Reid 
has  been  long  in  public  life  as  the  editor  of  a great 
newspaper  ; but  the  first  public  position  of  import- 
ance which  he  has  held  was  the  French  mission, 
which  he  originally  accepted — as  such  posts  are 
apt  to  be  accepted  by  busy  Americans — with  the 
expectation  of  holding  it  for  a comparatively  brief 
period. 

PERSONAL  TACT. 

Fortunately  for  the  country  and  for  Mr.  Reid,  he 
found  the  American  legation  at  Paris  charged  with 
more  important  business  than  has  fallen  to  its  lot 
in  many  years,  and  at  a time  when  it  was  of  es- 
pecial importance  that  the  United  States  should  be 
adequately  represented.  The  French  Exposition 
of  1889,  celebrating  as  it  did  the  birth  of  the  French 
Republic,,  was  accompanied  by  a thinly  disguised 
international  boycott  of  France  by  the  leading 
European  powers,  who  sent  no  official  exhibit  and 
whose  ambassadors  ostentatiously  absented  them- 
selves from  Paris.  The  office  and  function  of  the 
representative  of  the  great  Republic  of  the  West 
was  raised  into  prominence  by  these  circumstances. 

Mr.  Reid  by  his  personal  tact  and  by  assuming 
the  scale  of  living  associated  in  Paris  and  the  eyes 
of  the  French  public  with  the  adequate  represen- 
tation of  a great  power  at  a friendly  capital,  made 
an  impression  on  the  public,  the  press,  and  the  Gov- 


HON.  WHITELAW  REID. 


333 


ernment  of  France  whose  great  value  is  as  little  to 
be  measured  in  precise  terms  as  its  record  is  to  be 
found  in  blue-books  and  dispatches. 

REPEAL  OF  RESTRICTIONS  ON  AMERICAN  MEAT. 

The  result  of  the  impressions  which  Mr.  Reid 
had  in  this  way  made  as  a man  and  the  influence 
he  had  secured  as  a minister  became  apparent  as 
soon  as  he  was  called,  in  the  face  of  the  embittered 
public  opinion  created  by  industrious  English  com- 
ment on  the  McKinley  tariff  to  obtain  the  repeal 
of  the  restrictions  on  the  imports  of  American  pork 
and  concessions  for  other  American  products.  In 
both  Mr.  Reid  was  altogether  successful,  and  this 
success  extended  to  a large  variety  of  lesser  diplo- 
matic questions. 

Services  like  these  would  have  often  passed  with- 
out adequate  recognition  from  the  press  and  still 
less  from  a party  convention.  But,  as  we  have 
already  pointed  out,  this  is  a period  when  public 
interest  in  diplomatic  questions  is  thoroughly  awake. 
The  discussion  of  Mr.  Reid’s  public  services  during 
the  campaign  must  all  draw  attention  to  the  success- 
ful foreign  policy  of  the  administration,  and  adds  to 
the  strength  of  the  ticket  as  a whole.  Mr.  Reid’s 
long  and  successful  conduct  of  a great  daily  news- 
paper renders  it  unnecessary  to  enlarge  upon  his 
ability  as  a man  ; but  it  ought  not  to  be  overlooked 
that  his  present  selection  is  a recognition  of  special 
services  which  every  nation  must  reward  and  en- 
courage if  its  interests  are  to  be  ably  represented 
and  successfully  served  abroad. 


Hon.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 

AND 

Hon.  Wm.  McKINLEY 

ON 

Protection  and  Reciprocity. 

The  following  is  a full  statement  of  the  views  of 
Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  on  the  leading  questions  of 
the  day : 

“Almost  the  first  act  of  the  Republicans,  when 
they  came  into  power  in  1861,  was  the  establish- 
ment of  the  principle  of  protection  to  American 
labor  and  to  American  capital.  This  principle  the 
Republican  party  has  ever  since  steadily  main- 
tained, while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Democratic 
party  in  Congress  has  for  60  years  persistently 
warred  upon  it.  Twice  within  that  period  our 
opponents  have  destroyed  tariffs  arranged  for  pro- 
tection, and  since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  when- 
ever they  have  controlled  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, hostile  legislation  has  been  attempted. 

THE  TARIFF  QUESTION. 

“ Revenue  laws  are  in  their  very  nature  subject 
to  frequent  revision  in  order  that  they  may  be 
(334) 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY.  335 

adapted  to  changes  and  modifications  of  trade. 
The  Republican  party  is  not  contending  for  the 
permanency  of  any  particular  statute.  The  issue 
between  the  two  parties  does  not  have  reference  to 
a specific  law.  It  is  far  broader  and  far  deeper. 
It  involves  a principle  of  wide  application  and 
beneficent  influence  against  a theory  which  we  be- 
lieve to  be  unsound  in  conception  and  inevitably 
hurtful  in  practice.  In  the  many  tariff  revisions 
which  have  been  necessary  for  the  past  30  years, 
or  which  may  hereafter  become  necessary,  the  Re- 
publican party  has  maintained  and  will  maintain 
the  jiolicy  of  protection  to  American  industry, 
while  our  opponents  insist  upon  a revision  which 
practically  destroys  that  policy. 

“The  issue  is  thus  distinct,  well-defined,  and 
unavoidable.  The  pending  election  may  deter- 
mine the  fate  of  protection  for  a generation.  The 
overthrow  of  the  policy  means  a large  and  perma- 
nent reduction  in  the  wages  of  the  American  la- 
borer, besides  involving  the  loss  of  vast  amounts 
of  American  capital  invested  in  manufacturing 
enterprises.  The  value  of  the  present  revenue  sys- 
tem to  the  people  of  the  United  States  is  not  a 
matter  of  theory,  and  I shall  submit  no  argument 
to  sustain  it.  I only  invite  attention  to  certain 
facts  of  official  record  which  seem  to  constitute  a 
demonstration.  - 

“ In  the  census  of  1850  an  effort  was  made,  for 
the  first  time  iu  our  history,  to  obtain  a valua- 


336 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


tion  of  all  the  property  in  the  United  States.  The 
attempt  was  in  large  degree  unsuccessful.  Partly 
from  lack  of  time,  partly  from  prejudice  among 
many  who  thought  the  inquiries  foreshadowed  a 
new  scheme  of  taxation,  the  returns  were  incom- 
plete and  unsatisfactory.  Little  more  was  done 
than  to  consolidate  the  local  valuation  used  in  the 
States  for  purposes  of  assessment  and  that,  as  every 
one  knows,  differs  widely  from  a complete  exhibit, 
of  all  the  property. 

THE  COUNTRY’S  WEALTH. 

“ In  the  census  of  1860,  however,  the  work  was 
done  with  great  thoroughness,  the  distinction  be- 
tween ‘ assessed  ’ value  and  ‘ true  ’ value  being 
carefully  observed.  The  grand  result  was  that  the 
‘ true  value  ’ of  all  the  property  in  the  States  and 
Territories  (excluding  slaves)  amounted  to  fourteen 
thousand  millions  of  dollars  ($14,000,000,000). 
This  aggregate  was  the  net  result  of  the  labor  and 
the  savings  of  all  the  people  within  the  area  of  the 
United  States  from  the  time  the  first  British  colon- 
ist landed  in  1607  down  to  the  year  1860.  It  rep- 
resented the  fruit  of  the  toil  of  250  years. 

“After  1860  the  business  of  the  country  was  en- 
couraged and  developed  by  a protective  tariff.  At 
the  end  of  30  years  the  total  property  of  the  United 
States,  as  returned  by  the  census  of  1890,  amounted 
to  the  enormous  aggregate  of  forty-seven  billions 
four  hundred  and  seventy-five  millions  of  dollars 
($47,475,000,000).  This  great  result  was  attained, 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


337 


nothwithstanding  the  fact  that  countless  millions 
had  in  the  interval  been  wasted  in  the  progress  of 
a bloody  war. 

UNPARALLELED  PROGRESS. 

“ These  results  are  regarded  by  the  older  nations 
of  the  world  as  phenomenal.  That  our  country 
should  surmount  the  peril  and  the  cost  of  a gigan- 
tic war,  and  for  an  entire  period  of  30  years  make 
an  average  gain  to  its  wealth  of  $125,000,000  per 
month  surpasses  the  experience  of  all  other  na- 
tions, ancient  or  modern.  Even  the  opponents  of 
the  present  revenue  system  do  not  pretend  that  in 
the  whole  history  of  civilization  any  parallel  can 
be  found  to  the  material  progress  of  the  United 
States  since  the  accession  of  the  Republican  party 
to  power. 

“ The  period  between  1860  and  to-day  has  not 
been  one  of  material  prosperity  only.  At  no  time 
in  the  history  of  the  United  States  has  there  been 
such  progress  in  the  moral  and  philanthropic  field. 
Religious  and  charitable  institutions,  schools,  sem- 
inaries, and  colleges  have  been  founded  and  endowed 
far  more  generously  than  at  any  previous  time  in 
our  history.  Greater  and  more  varied  relief  has 
been  extended  to  human  suffering,  and  the  entire 
progress  of  the  country  in  wealth  has  been  accom- 
panied and  dignified' by  a broadening  and  elevation 
of  our  national  character  as  a people. 

“ Our  opponents  find  fault  that  our  revenue  sys- 
tem produces  a surplus.  But  they  should  not  for- 
22 


338 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


get  that  the  law  has  given  a specific  purpose  to 
which  all  of  the  surplus  is  profitably  and  honor- 
ably applied — the  reduction  of  the  public  debt  and 
the  consequent  relief  of  the  burden  of  taxation. 
No  dollar  has  been  wasted,  and  the  only  extrava- 
gance with  which  the  party  stands  charged  is  the 
generous  pensioning  of  soldiers,  sailors,  and  their 
families,  an  extravagance  which  embodies  the  high- 
est form  of  justice  in  recognition  and  payment  of 
a sacred  debt.  When  reduction  of  taxation  is  to 
be  made  the  Republican  party  can  be  trusted  to  ac- 
complish it  in  such  form  as  will  most  effectively 
aid  the  industries  of  the  nation. 

OUR  FOREIGN  COMMERCE. 

“A  frequent  accusation  of  our  opponents  is  that 
the  foreign  commerce  of  the  country  has  steadily 
decayed  under  the  influence  of  the  protective  tariff. 
In  this  way  they  seek  to  array  the  importing  in- 
terest against  the  Republican  party.  It  is  a com- 
mon and  yet . ra-dical  error  to  confound  the  com- 
merce of  the  country  with  its  carrying  trade — an 
error  often  committed  innocently  and  sometimes 
designedly — but  an  error  so  gross  that  it  does  not 
distinguish  between  the  ship  and  the  cargo.  Foreign 
commerce  represents  the  exports  and  imports  of  a 
country  regardless  of  the  nationality  of  the  vessel 
that  may  carry  the  commodities  of  exchange.  Our 
carrying  trade  has  from  obvious  causes  suffered 
many  discouragements  since  1860,  but  our  foreign 
commerce  has  in  the  same  period  steadily  and  pro- 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


339 


digiously  increased — increased,  indeed,  at  a rate 
and  to  an  amount  which  absolutely  dwarf  all  pre- 
vious developments  of  our  trade  beyond  the  sea. 
The  balance  in  this  vast  commerce  inclined  in  our 
favor,  but  it  would  have  been  much  larger  if  our 
trade  with  the  countries  of  America,  elsewhere  re- 
ferred to,  had  been  more  wisely  adjusted. 

“ It  is  difficult  even  to  appreciate  the  magnitude 
of  our  export  trade  since  1860.  Evidently  a pro- 
tective tariff  has  not  injured  our  export  trade, 
when,  under  its  influence,  we  exported  in  30  years 
50  per  cent,  more  than  the  total  amount  that  had 
been  exported  in  the  entire  previous  history  of 
American  commerce.  All  the  details,  when  ana- 
lyzed, correspond  with  this  gigantic  result.  The 
commercial  cities  of  the  Union  never  had  such 
growth  as  they  have  enjoyed  since  1860.  Our 
chief  emporium,  the  city  of  New  York,  with  its 
dependencies,  has  within  that  period  doubled  her 
population  and  increased  her  wealth  five-fold. 
During  the  same  period  the  imports  and  exports 
which  have  entered  and  left  her  harbor  are  more 
than  double  in  bulk  and  value  the  whole  amount 
imported  and  exported  by  her  between  the  settle- 
ment of  the  first  Dutch  colony  on  the  island  of 
Manhattan  and  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war  in 
1860. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  THE  TARIFF. 

“ The  agricultural  interest  is  by  far  the  largest 
in  the  nation,  and  is  entitled  in  every  adjustment 


340 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


of  revenue  laws  to  the  first  consideration.  Any 
policy  hostile  to  the  fullest  development  of  agricul- 
ture in  the  United  States  must  be  abandoned. 
Realizing  this  fact,  the  opponents  of  the  present 
system  of  revenue  have  labored  very  earnestly  to 
persuade  the  farmers  of  the  United  States  that 
they  are  robbed  by  a protective  tariff,  and  the 
effort  is  thus  made  to  consolidate  their  vast  influ- 
ence in  favor  of  free  trade.  But  happily  the 
farmers  of  America  are  intelligent,  and  cannot  be 
misled  by  sophistry  when  conclusive  facts  are  be- 
fore them.  They  see  plainly  that  during  the  past 
30  years  wealth  has  not  been  acquired  in  one  sec- 
tion or  by  one  interest  at  the  expense  of  another 
section  or  another  interest.  They  see  that  the 
agricultural  States  have  made  even  more  rapid 
progress  than  the  manufacturing  States. 

“ In  these  extraordinary  developments  the 
farmers  see  the  helpful  impulse  of  a home  market, 
and  they  see  that  the  financial  and  revenue  system, 
enacted  since  the  Republican  party  came  into 
power,  has  established  and  constantly  expanded  the 
home  market.  They  see  that  even  in  case  of  wheat, 
which  is  our  chief  cereal  export,  they  have  sold,  in 
the  average  of  the  years  since  the  close  of  the  war, 
three  bushels  at  home  to  one  they  have  sold 
abroad,  and  that  in  the  case  of  corn,  the  only  other 
cereal  which  we  export  to  any  extent,  100  bushels 
have  been  used  at  home  to  three  and  a half  bushels 
exported.  In  some  years  the  disparity  has  been 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY.  341 

so  great  that  for  every  peck  of  corn  exported  100 
bushels  have  been  consumed  in  the  home  market. 
The  farmers  see  that  in  the  increasing  competition 
from  the  grain  fields  of  Russia  and  from  the  distant 
plains  of  India,  the  growth  of  the  home  market 
becomes  daily  of  greater  concern  to  them,  and  that 
its  impairment  would  depreciate  the  value  of  every 
acre  of  tillable  land  in  the  Union. 

OUR  INTERNAL  COMMERCE. 

“ Such  facts  as  these,  touching  the  growth  and 
consumption  of  cereals  at  home,  give  us  some  slight 
conception  of  the  vastness  of  the  internal  commerce 
of  the  United  States.  They  suggest  also  that  in 
addition  to  the  advantages  which  the  American 
people  enjoy  from  protection  against  foreign  com- 
petition, they  enjoy  the  advantages  of  absolute 
free  trade  over  a larger  area  and  with  a greater 
population  than  any  other  nation.  The  internal 
commerce  of  our  forty-four  States  and  three  Terri- 
tories is  carried  on  without  let  or  hindrance,  with- 
out tax,  detention  or  governmental  interference  of 
any  kind  whatever. 

“ It  spreads  freely  over  an  area  of  3,500,000 
square  miles — almost  equal  in  extent  to  the  whole 
continent  of  Europe.  Its  profits  are  enjoyed 
to-day  by  62,000,000  of  American  freemen,  and 
from  this  enjoyment  no  monopoly  is  created. 
According  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  when  he  dis- 
cussed the  same  subject  in  1790,  ‘the  internal  com- 
petition which  takes  place  does  away  with  every- 


342 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


thing  like  monopoly,  and  by  degrees  reduces  the 
prices  of  articles  to  the  minimum  of  a reasonable 
profit  on  the  capital  employed.’  It  is  impossible 
to  point  to  a single  monopoly  in  the  United  States 
that  has  been  created  or  fostered  by  the  industrial 
system  which  is  upheld  by  the  Republican  party. 

OUR  HOME  TRADE. 

“ Compared  with  our  foreign  commerce  these  do- 
mestic exchanges  are  inconceivably  great  in  amount 
— requiring,  merely  as  one  instrumentality,  as  large 
a mileage  of  railway  as  exists  to-day  in  all  the 
other  nations  of  the  world  combined.  These  inter- 
nal exchanges  are  estimated  by  the  Statistical  Bu- 
reau of  the  Treasury  Department  to  be  annually 
twenty  times  as  great  in  amount  as  our  foreign 
commerce.  It  is  into  this  vast  field  of  home  trade 
— at  once  the  creation  and  the  heritage  of  the 
American  people — that  foreign  nations  are  striving 
by  every  device  to  enter.  It  is  into  this  field  that 
the  opponents  of  'our  present  revenue  system  would 
freely  admit  the  countries  of  Europe — countries 
into  whose  internal  trade  we  could  not  reciprocally 
enter ; countries  to  which  we  should  be  surrender- 
ing every  advantage  of  trade,  from  which  we  should 
be  gaining  nothing  in  return. 

EFFECT  UPON  THE  MECHANIC  AND  THE  LABORER. 

“ A policy  of  this  kind  would  be  disastrous  to 
fhe  mechanics  and  workingmen  of  the  United 
States.  Wages  are  unjustly  reduced  when  an  indus- 
trious man  is  not  able  by  his  earnings  to  live  in 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


343 


comfort,  educate  liis  children,  and  lay  by  a suffi- 
cient amount  for  the  necessities  of  age.  The  reduc- 
tion of  wages  inevitably  consequent  upon  throwing 
our  home  market  open  to  the  world  would  deprive 
them  of  the  power  to  do  this.  It  would  prove  a 
great  calamity  to  our  country.  It  would  produce 
a conflict  between  the  poor  and  the  rich,  and  in  the 
sorrowful  degradation  of  labor  would  plant  the 
seeds  of  public  danger. 

“ The  Republican  party  has  steadily  aimed  to 
maintain  just  relations  between  labor  and  capital, 
guarding  with  care  the  rights  of  each.  A conflict 
between  the  two  has  always  led  in  the  past  and  will 
always  lead  in  the  future  to  the  injury  of  both. 
Labor  is  indispensable  to  the  creation  and  profit- 
able use  of  capital,  and  capital  increases  the  effi- 
ciency and  value  of  labor.  Whoever  arrays  the 
one  against  the  other  is  an  enemy  of  both.  That 
policy  is  wisest  and  best  which  harmonizes  the  two 
on  the  basis  of  absolute  justice. 

“ The  Rejiublican  party  has  protected  the  free 
labor  of  America  so  that  its  compensation  is  larger 
than  is  realized  in  any  other  country.  It  has 
guarded  our  people  against  the  unfair  competition 
of  contract  labor  from  China,  and  may  be  called 
upon  to  prohibit  the  growth  of  a similar  evil  from 
Europe.  It  is  obviously  unfair  to  permit  capital- 
ists to  make  contracts  for  cheap  labor  in  foreign 
countries  to  the  hurt  and  disparagement  of  the  labor 
of  American  citizens. 


344 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


AN  INJURY  TO  ALL  PARTIES. 

“ Such  a policy  (like  that  which  would  leave  the 
time  and  other  conditions  of  home  labor  exclusively 
in  the  control  of  the  employer)  is  injurious  to  all 
parties — not  the  least  so  to  the  unhappy  persons 
who  are  made  the  subjects  of  the  contract.  The 
institutions  of  the  United  States  rest  upon  the  in- 
telligence and  virtue  of  all  the  people.  Suffrage  is 
made  universal  as  a just  weapon-  of  self-protection 
to  every  citizen.  It  is  not  the  interest  of  the  Re- 
public  that  any  economic  system  should  be  adopted 
which  involves  the  reduction  of  wages  to  the  hard 
standard  prevailing  elsewhere.  The  Republican 
party  aims  to  elevate  and  dignify  labor — not  to  de- 
grade it. 

“ As  a substitute  for  the  industrial  system  which 
under  Republican  administrations  has  developed 
such  extraordinary  prosperity,  our  opponents  offer 
a policy  which  is  but  a system  of  experiments  upon 
our  system  of  revenue — a policy  whose  end  must 
be  harm  to  our  manufactures  and  greater  harm  to 
our  labor.  Experiment  in  the  industrial  and  finan- 
cial system  is  the  country’s  greatest  dread,  as  sta- 
bility is. its  greatest  boon.  Even  the  uncertainty 
resulting  from  the  recent  tariff  agitation  in  Con- 
gress has  hurtfully  affected  the  business  of  the 
entire  country.  Who  can  measure  the  harm  to 
our  shops  and  our  homes,  to  our  farms,  and  our 
commerce,  if  the  uncertainty  of  perpetual  tariff  agi- 
tation is  to  be  inflicted  upon  the  country  ? We  are 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


345 


in  the  midst  of  an  abundant  harvest ; we  are  on  the 
eve  of  a revival  of  general  prosperity.  Nothing 
stands  in  our  way  but  the  dread  of  a change  in  the 
industrial  system  which  has  wrought  such  wonders 
in  the  last  thirty  years,  and  which,  with  the  power 
of  increased  capital,  will  work  still  greater  marvels 
of  prosperity  in  the  years  to  come. 

OUR  FOREIGN  POLICY. 

“ Our  foreign  relations  favor  our  domestic  devel- 
opment. We  are  at  peace  with  the  world — at 
peace  upon  a sound  basis,  with  no  unsettled  ques- 
tions of  sufficient  magnitude  to  embarrass  or  dis- 
tract us.  Happily  removed  by  our  geographical 
position  from  participation  or  interest  in  those 
questions  of  dynasty  or  boundary  which  so  fre- 
quently disturb  the  peace  of  Europe,  we  are  left  to 
cultivate  friendly  relations  with  all  and  are  free 
from  possible  entanglements  in  the  quarrels  of  any. 
The  United  States  has  no  cause  and  no  desire  to 
engage  in  conflict  with  any  power  on  earth,  and 
we  may  rest  in  assured  confidence  that  no  power 
desires  to  attack  the  United  States. 

“ With  the  nations  of  the  Western  Hemisphere 
we  should  cultivate  closer  relations,  and  for  our 
common  prosperity  and  advancement  we  should 
invite  them  all  to  join  with  us  in  an  agreement 
that,  for  the  future,  all  international  troubles  in 
North  of  South  America  shall  be  adjusted  by  im- 
partial arbitration  and  not  by  arms.  This  project 
was  part  of  the  fixed  policy  of  President  Garfield’s 


346 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


administration,  and  it  should,  in  my  judgment,  be 
renewed.  Its  accomplishment  on  this  continent 
would  favorably  affect  the  nations  beyond  the  sea, 
and  thus  powerfully  contribute  at  no  distant  day  to 
the  universal  acceptance  of  the  philanthropic  and 
Christian  principles  of  arbitration. 

SPANISH  AMERICA. 

“ The  effect  even  of  suggesting  it  for  the  Spanisli- 
American  States  has  been  most  happy  and  has  in- 
creased the  confidence  of  those  people  in  our 
friendly  disposition.  It  fell  to  my  lot,  as  Secretary 
of  State,  in  June,  1881,  to  quiet  apprehension  in 
the  Republic  of  Mexico,  by  giving  the  assurance  in 
an  official  dispatch  that  ‘ there  is  not  the  faintest 
desire  in  the  United  States  for  territorial  extension 
south  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The  boundaries  of  the 
two  republics  have  been  established  in  conformity 
with  the  best  jurisdictional  interests  of  both.  The 
line  of  demarkation  is  not  merely  conventional.  It 
is  more.  It  sejiarates  a Spanish-American  people 
from  a Saxon-American  people.  It  divides  one 
great  nation  from  another  with  distinct  and  nat- 
ural finality.’ 

“ We  seek  the  conquests  of  peace.  We  desire  to 
extend  our  commerce  and  in  an  especial  degree 
with'  our  friends  and  neighbors  on  this  continent. 
We  have  not  improved  our  relations  with  Spanish  - 
America  as  wisely  and  as  persistently  as  we  might 
have  done.  For  more  than  a generation  the  sym- 
pathy of  those  countries  has  been  allowed  to  drift 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


347 


away  from  us.  We  should  now  make  every  effort 
to  gain  their  friendship.  Our  trade  with  them  is 
already  large.  To  those  who  may  be  disposed  to 
underrate  the  value  of  our  trade  with  the  countries 
of  North  and  South  America,  it  may  be  well  to 
state  that  their  population  is  nearly  or  quite  50,000,- 
000,  and  that,  in  proportion  to  aggregate  num- 
bers, we  import  nearly  double  as  much  from  them 
as  we  do  from  Europe.  But  the  result  of  the  whole 
American  trade  is  in  a high  degree  unsatisfactory. 
We  send  large  sums  to  Europe  in  coin  or  its  equiva- 
lent to  pay  European  manufacturers  for  the  goods 
which  they  send  to  Spanish- America.  We  are  but 
paymasters  for  this  enormous  amount  annually  to 
European  factors — an  amount  which  is  a serious 
draft,  in  every  financial  depression,  upon  our  re- 
sources of  specie. 

THE  NAME  OF  “AMERICAN.” 

“ Cannot  this  condition  of  trade  in  great  part  be 
changed  ? Cannot  the  market  for  our  products  be 
greatly  enlarged  ? We  have  made  a beginning  in 
our  effort  to  improve  our  trade  relations  with 
Mexico,  and  we  should  not  be  content  until  similar 
and  mutually  advantageous  arrangements  have 
been  successfully  made  with  every  nation  of  North 
and  South  America.  While  the  great  powers  of 
Europe  are  steadily  enlarging  their  colonial  domi- 
nation in  Asia  and  Africa  it  is  the  especial  province 
of  this  country  to  improve  and  expand  its  trade 
with  the  nations  of  America.  No  field  promises 


3 ±8  PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 

so  much.  No  field  has  been  cultivated  so  little. 
Our  foreign  policy  should  be  an  American  policy 
in  its  broadest  and  most  comprehensive  sense — a 
policy  of  peace,  of  friendship,  of  commercial  en- 
largement. 

“ The  name  of  ‘American,’  which  belongs  to  us 
in  our  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just 
pride  of  patriotism.  Citizenship  of  the  republic 
must  be  the  panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who 
wears  it.  The  American  citizen,  rich  or  poor,  na- 
tive or  naturalized,  white  or  colored,  must  every- 
where walk  secure  in  his  personal  and  civil  rights. 
The  republic  should  never  accept  a lesser  duty,  it 
can  never  assume  a nobler  one  than  the  protection 
of  the  humblest  man  who  owes  it  loyalty — protec- 
tion at  home  and  protection  which  shall  follow  him 
abroad  into  whatever  land  he  may  go  upon  a law- 
ful errand.” 


THE  HON.  WILLIAM  McKINLEY’S  RE- 
PLY TO  THE  HON.  GROVER 
CLEVELAND. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Ohio  Republi- 
can League : 

It  is  worth  something  in  the  discussion  of  eco- 
nomic questions  to  have  an  avowal  from  our  politi- 
cal opponents  of  the  real  meaning  and  effect  of 
their  economic  theories.  It  is  always  well  in  jio- 
litical  controversy  to  understand  one  another.  It 
was,  therefore,  gratifying  to  the  friends  of  jn'otec- 
tion  to  have  that  eminent  Democratic  leader  from 
the  State  of  New  York,  on  a recent  occasion  in 
the  capital  city  of  our  State,  make  open  confession 
of  the  23ui’2ioses  which  he  and  his  party  associates 
aim  to  accomplish  by  a free  trade  tariff. 

Assigned  to  respond  to  the  inspiring  sentiment, 
“American  Citizenship,”  he  made  “ cheapness  ” 
the  theme  of  his  discourse  and  counted  it  amon«- 

o 

the  highest  aspirations  of  American  life.  His 
avowal  is  only  that  which  protectionists  have 
always  claimed  to  he  the  inevitable  tendency  of 
his  tariff  policy,  which  exalts  chea}}  goods  from 
abroad  above  good  wages  at  home. 

The  tariff  reformer  gravely  asks  why  we  want 

(349) 


'350 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


manufacturing  establishments  in  the  United  S.tates 
when  we  can  buy  our  goods  in  other  countries  as 
cheap  as  we  can  manufacture  them  at  home,  if  not 
cheaper.  Why  maintain  defensive  tariffs  at  all  ? 
Why  not  permit  foreign  goods  to  come  in  unfet- 
tered by  any  customs-house  restraints  ? Why  not 
admit  competing  foreign  products  free  or  at  a low 
revenue  duty  ? 

MANUFACTORIES  DESTROYED. 

The  best  answer,  the  most  conclusive  one,  is 
written  in  our  own  experience  under  the  last  free 
trade  tariff  regime  of  the  Democratic  party,  when 
cheap  foreign  goods,  invited  by  the  low  tariff  of 
that  period,  destroyed  our  manufactories,  checked 
our  mining,  suspended  our  public  works  and  pri- 
vate enterprises,  sent  our  workingmen  from  work 
to  idleness  or  to  the  already  overcrowded  field  of 
agriculture,  from  remunerative  to  starvation  wages 
or  to  no  wasps  at  all,  surrendered  our  markets  to 
the  foreigner,  giving  work  to  his  shops  and  his 
men  by  taking  it  from  our  shops  and  our  men,  and 
diminished  domestic  production  and  domestic  em- 
ployment, thereby  increasing  those  of  other  coun- 
tries and  other  peoples.  This  was  an  era  of 
“ cheapness  ” and  of  “ poverty,”  to  which  the  great 
Democratic  leader  and  his  fraction  of  the  party 
want  us  to  return  and  which  they  have  “conse- 
crated ” themselves  to  secure. 

The  masses  of  the  people  are  in  no  temper  for 
such  a suggestion,  and  they  will  never  consent  to 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


351 


the  inauguration  of  a policy  which  will  scale  down 
their  wages  and  render  it  harder  to  obtain  the 
necessaries  of  life.  The  “ cheap  coats  ” to  which 
the  gentleman  is  so  much  attached  do  not  tempt 
them,  for  many  remember  that  in  previous  free 
trade  eras  of  our  history  they  were  too  poor  to  buy 
them  at  any  price. 

EFFECT  OF  REDUCED  WAGES. 

No  matter  how  low  the  nominal  sum  exacted  for 
the  merchandise,  it  was  beyond  their  power  to  buy, 
for  it  was  made  cheap  at  the  expense  of  their  earn- 
ings and  labor,  the  price  of  the  merchandise  never 
diminishing  in  proportion  to  the  reduced  wages 
which  labor  was  forced  to  take.  It  is  to  maintain 
this  character  of  “ cheapness  ” that  the  Demo- 
cratic leader  raises  his  voice  and  offers  his  services 
once  more  to  his  countrymen.  Hearken  to  his 
words  : “ And  when  they  [the  laboring  men]  are 
borne  down  with  burdens  greater  than  they  can 
bear,  and  are  made  the  objects  of  scorn  by  hard 
taskmasters,  we  will  not  leave  their  side.” 

Can  any  man  familiar  witlr  the  history  of  his 
own  country  believe  that  such  utterance  was  made 
in  soberness  and  good  faith  by  a leader  of  the 
Democratic  party — a party  which  has  imposed  the 
only  involuntary  tasks  and  burdens  ever  borne  by 
American  citizens ; which  for  nearly  three-quar- 
ters of  a century  kept  the  labor  of  almost  one-half 
of  our  great  country  in  slavery,  bought  and  sold 
as  chattels,  and  which  repeatedly,  by  the  enact- 


352  PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 

nient  of  free  trade  tariffs,  undertook  to  place  in 
industrial  slavery  tlie  other  half ; which  strove  by 
every  possible  means  to  dedicate  our  vast  public 
domain,  not  to  free  labor,  but  to  slave  labor ; and 
which  now  offensively  denies  to  labor  in  one  sec- 
tion of  the  country  the  use  of  the  ballot,  which  is 
the  freeman’s  defense  against  wrong  and  oppres- 
sion ? 

THE  POOR  LABORER. 

“ However  much,’  says  this  disciple  of  Cobden, 
“ others  may  mock  and  deride'  cheapness  and  the 
poor,  we  will  stand  forth  in  their  defense.  ” Strange 
words  to  those  acquainted  with  Democratic  history 
and  Democratic  practices ; strange  in  the  light  of 
existing  Democratic  purpose,  which  openly  advo- 
cates a revenue  tariff  policy  to  make  the  poor 
poorer,  and  which  offers  to  them  in  old  age,  when 
no  longer  able  to  work,  the  refuge  of  an  almshouse 
as  their  hope  and  home ! They  defend  American 
labor,  whose  overwhelming  and  controlling  ma- 
jority has  not  now  and  never  has  had  any  regard 
for  it ; who  proposed  in  1888,  and  again  propose, 
if  invested  with  power,  to  tear  down  the  tariff  bar- 
riers which  alone  stand  between  our  labor  and  the 
cheap  and  less-rewarded  labor  of  the  Old  World ! 
Their  professed  defense  is  a delusion  and  a snare  — 
the  kind  of  defense  which  destroys  and  degrades 
the  dignity  and  character  of  American  labor  and 
forces  it  down  to  the  level  of  the  poorest  paid  labor 
of  Europe.  What  think  you  of  this  policy  to  exalt 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


353 


tlie  American  home,  the  foundation  and  corner- 
stone of  its  citizenship,  by  degrading  its  head  ? 

This  cry  of  “ cheapness  ” is  not  new.  It  rung 
through  England  nearly  50  years  ago.  It  was  the 
voice  and  philosophy  of  Cobden ; it  was  the  false 
and  alluring  appeal  urged  for  the  reversal  of  Great 
Britain’s  industrial  policy  from  Protection  to  Free 
Trade.  It  was  the  hypocritical  cant  against  which 
the  beloved  Kingsley  thundered  his  hold  denuncia- 
tions—that  dear  and  revered  churchman,  whose 
memory  is  cherished  wherever  the  English  tongue 
is  spoken.  Here  is  his  characterization  of  it : 

KINGSLEY  ON  FREE  TRADE. 

“ Xext  you  have  the  Manchester  school,  from 
which  Heaven  defend  us ! For  all  narrow,  con- 
ceited, hypocritical,  and  anarchic  schemes  of  the 
universe  the  Cobden  and  Bright  one  is  exactly  the 
worst.  To  pretend  to  be  the  workman’s  friends  by 
keeping  down  the  price  of  bread  when  all  they 
want  thereby  is  to  keep  down  wages  and  increase 
profits,  and  in  the  meantime  to  widen  the  gulf  be- 
tween the  workingman  and  all  that  is  time-hon- 
ored and  chivalrous  in  English  society,  that  they 
may  make  the  men  their  divided  slaves — that  is, 
perhaps,  half  unconsciously,  for  there  are  excellent 
men  among  them,  the  game  of  the  Manchester 
school.” 

I am  charitable  enough  to  believe  that  many  of 
our  tariff  reformers,  blind  followers  of  Cobden,  are 
wholly  unconscious  of  the  end,  the  ultimate  and 

23 


354 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


disastrous  end,  of  their  doctrine  and  policy.  Is 
American  manhood  to  he  degraded  that  merchan- 
dise may  be  cheap  ? Are  cheap  goods  at  such  a 
cost  worthy  of  our  high  purpose  and  destiny,  and 
can  we  believe  that  he  who  would  advocate  them 
at  such  a sacrifice  is  the  true  friend  of  his  country- 
men, however  loud  his  professions  ? 

CHEAP  LABOR  AND  CHEAP  MEN. 

Cheap  coats  at  any  price,  at  any  sacrifice,  even 
to  the  robbey  of  labor,  are  not  the  chief  objects  of 
American  civilization,  and  to  make  them  so  is 
neither  praiseworthy  nor  patriotic,  nor  does  such  a 
sentiment  represent  a noble  aim  in  American  life. 
We  scorn  cheap  coats  upon  any  such  terms  or  con- 
ditions. They  are  “ nasty  ” at  such  a price. 

Our  philosophy  includes  the  grower  of  the  wool, 
the  weaver  of  the  fabric,  the  seamstress,  and  the 
tailor.  Our  tariff  reformers  have  no  thought  of 
these  toilers.  They  can  bear  their  hard  tasks  in 
pinching  poverty  -for  the  sake  of  cheap  coats,  which 
prove  by  far  the  dearest  when  measured  by  sweat 
and  toil.  Our  tariff  reformers  concern  themselves 
only  about  cheap  coats  and  cheap  shoes.  We 
do  not  overlook  the  comfort  of  those  who  make 
the  coats  and  make  the  shoes,  and  who  pro- 
vide the  wool  and  the  cloth,  the  hides  and  the 
leather. 

I gracefully  commend  to  the  new  leader  of  the 
Democracy  the  patriotic  utterances  of  its  old 
leader,  Thomas  Jefferson.  I quote  from  one  of  his 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


355 


letters  to  Jean  Baptiste  Say  : “ The  prohibiting 
duties  Aye  lay  on  all  articles  of  foreign  manufac- 
ture, Avliicli  prudence  requires  us  to  establish  at 
home  with  the  patriotic  determination  of  every 
good  citizen  to  use  no  foreign  article  which  can  be 
made  within  ourselves,  without  regard  to  difference 
of  price,  secures  us  against  a relapse  into  foreign 
dependency.” 

ENCOURAGING  HOME  INDUSTRIES. 

Also  the  following  from  his  letter  to  Benjamin 
Austin  : “We  must  now  place  the  manufacturer 
by  the  side  of  the  agriculturist.  Experience  has 
taught  me  that  manufacturers  are  now  as  necessary 
to  our  independence  as  to  our  comfort,  and  if  those 
Avho  quote  me  as  of  a different  opinion  will  beep 
pace  Avith  me  in  purchasing  nothing  foreign,  where 
an  equivalent  of  domestic  fabric  can  be  obtained, 
without  regard  to  difference  in  price,  it  Avill  not  be 
our  fault  if  we  do  not  soon  have  a supply  at  home 
equal  to  our  demand.” 

Jefferson  was  solicitous  that  the  people  should 
buy  nothing  abroad  Avhich  could  be  had  at  home. 
He  set  the  example  of  buying  the  domestic  goods 
instead  of  the  foreign  goods,  even  though  the  for- 
mer cost  more  than  the  latter.  He  did  not  have 
that  depth  of  sympathy  for  cheap  foreign  goods 
which  the  new  leader  of  the  Democratic  party 
boastfully  confesses  dwells  in  his  breast.  Jefferson 
was  for  the  home  product  and  the  home  producer, 
and  his  exalted  patriotism  is  commended  to  those 


:>66  PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 

ivlio  are  leading  the  party  from  its  ancient  moor- 
ings- 

THE  TRUE  TEST  OF  COST. 

It  is  of  very  little  consequence  to  men  who  have 
no  means  of  payment  who  are  on  half  pay  and 
half  time  that  foreign  products  are  nominally 
cheap.  The  true  test  of  cost,  whether  high  or 
low,  is  not  the  nominal  price  but  the  comparative 
ease  or  difficulty  of  payment.  Does  the  return 
which  we  receive  for  our  labor  and  the  products  of 
our  labor  and  land  make  them  cheap  or  make 
them  dear  ? This  is  the  question — the  real  ques- 
tion. Those  things  of  necessity  or  comfort  are  the 
dearest  which  are  the  most  difficult  to  buy  and  the 
hardest  to  secure  by  the  fruits  of  human  labor. 

I readily  grant  that  persons  living  on  money 
already  accumulated— whose  chief  employment  is 
the  cutting  of  their  coupons  ; who  have  fixed  in- 
comes and  inherited  wealth,  dedicated  to  selfishness 
and  withdrawn  from  the  channels  of  trade ; who 
never  earned  the  price  of  the  “ cheapest  ” and 
“ nastiest  ” coat  by  their  own  exertions  or  labor — 
might  be  benefited  for  a time  at  least  by  cheap 
foreign  .goods  ; but  why  should  they  of  all  others 
be  singled  out  for  the  considerate  care  of  the  tariff 
reformers  ? 

They  can  get  on  under  any  system  of  tariffs  or 
taxation.  As  a rule  they  manage  to  escape  many 
of  the  burdens  of  local  taxation  from  which  their 
poorer  fellow-citizens  cannot  flee.  I have  not 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


357 


failed  to  observe,  nor  have  you,  that  the  men  who 
have  their  money  unemployed  in  productive  enter- 
prises complain  most  of  taxation  and  usually  pay 
the  least.  Their  capital  is  not  in  active  business. 
It  is  secure  from  panics  and  the  financial  distress 
which  now  and  then  sweep  over  the  country. 
When  lands  go  down  their  loans  go  up.  The  de- 
pression of  prices  and  wages  only  serves  to  in- 
crease the  value  of  their  money  and  mortgages. 

OUR  NATION’S  POLICY. 

“ Theirs  is  the  capital,”  as  Cardinal  Manning 
puts  it,  “ which  pays  no  taxes  and  gives  no 
charity ; laid  up  in  secret  and  barren  of  all  good 
to  the  owner  or  his  neighbor.”  The  fiscal  policy 
of  our  nation  is  not  fashioned  for  such  as  these. 
It  is  broader,  more  national,  and  more  humane. 
The  poor  and  also  the  enterprising  must  have 
some  care  and  consideration.  To  them  we  must 
look  for  our  prosperity  ; upon  their  intelligence 
and  welfare  rest  the  permanence  and  purity  of  our 
institutions.  They  are  the  strength  and  pillars  of 
the  Republic. 

Professor  Huxley,  the  British  scientist,  says, 
and  speaks  truthfully  : “A  population  whose  labor 
is  insufficiently  remunerated  must  become  physic- 
ally and  morally  unhealthy  and  socially  unstable, 
and  though  it  may  succeed  for  a while  in  indus- 
trial competition  by  reason  of  the  cheapness  of  its 
produce,  it  must  in  the  end  fall  through  hideous 
misery  and  degradation  to  utter  ruin.”  Our  popu- 


358 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


lation  must  be  saved  from  such  a fate.  Our  future 
must  not  rest  upon  such  a citizenship. 

If  “ buying  where  you  can  buy  the  cheajiest  ” 
narrows  the  field  of  employment  at  home  it  will 
be  the  very  dearest  of  all  buying,  the  most  expen- 
sive of  all  trading,  the  most  unprofitable  of  all  ex- 
change. The  more  demands  there  are  for  labor, 
the  more  avenues  inviting  employment  and  enter- 
prise, and  the  more  opportunities  for  the  capitalist 
to  invest  his  money  the  better  each  will  be  off,  the 
better  each  will  be  remunerated,  the  wider  the 
general  prosperity  ; and  here  is  the  connection  be- 
tween varied  industries,  fair  wages,  and  fair  profits. 

FAIR  RETURNS  FOR  TOIL. 

There  must  be  something  for  the  American  citi- 
zen more  than  cheap  clothes.  There  must  be  some 
higher  incentive  than  a cheap  coat  and  a bare  sub- 
sistence. The  farmer’s  products  must  bring  him 
fair  returns  for  his  toil  and  investment.  The  work- 
ingman’s wages  must  be  governed  by  his  work  and 
worth,  and  not  by  what  he  can  barely  live  upon. 
He  must  have  wages  that  bring  hope  and  heart  and 
ambition,  which  give  promise  of  a future  brighter 
and  better  than  the  past,  which  shall  promote  his 
comfort  and  independence,  and  which  shall  stimu- 
late him  to  a higher  and  better  and  more  intelli- 
gent citizenship. 

This  was  what  Lincoln  and  Garfield  taught. 
These  Avere  the  principles  with  Avhich  they  inspired 
the  people.  It  was  not  the  coats  they  wore,  but 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


359 


the  great  ideas  they  stood  for  which  the  people 
loved  and  still  love.  The  great  emancipator  illus- 
trated his  aversion  to  cheap  men  when  he  made 
them  free  and  gave  them  their  own  earnings  and 
labor,  and  the  beloved  Garfield  showed  his  sym- 
pathy with  God’s  poor  when  he  voted  to  make 
them  citizens. 

The  gentleman  who  is  now  so  insistent  for  cheap 
necessaries  of  life  while  in  office  and  clothed  with 
authority  was  unwilling  that  sugar,  an  article  of 
prime  necessity  to  every  household,  should  come 
untaxed  to  the  American  people  when  it  was  known 
that  it  was  an  annual  burden  upon  them  of  $60,- 
000,000.  He  stood  then  as  the  uncompromising 
friend  of  dear  sugar  for  the  masses.  During  all  of 
his  years  at  the  head  of  the  Government  he  was 
dishonoring  one  of  our  precious  metals,  one  of  our 
own  great  products,  discrediting  silver  and  enhanc- 
ing the  juice  of  gold. 

SILVER  COINAGE. 

He  endeavored  even  before  his  inauguration  to 
office  to  stop  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars,  and  after- 
ward and  to  the  end  of  his  administration  per- 
sistently used  his  power  to  that  end.  He  was  de- 
termined to  contract  the  circulating  medium  and 
demonetize  one  of  the  coins  of  commerce,  limit  the 
volume  of  money  among  the  people,  make  money 
scarce  and  therefore  dear.  He  would  have  in- 
creased the  value  of  money  and  diminished  the 
value  of  everything  else — money  the  master,  every- 


360 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


thing  else  its  servant.  He  was  not  thinking  of 
“ the  poor  ” then.  He  had  left  “ their  side.”  He 
was  not  “ standing  forth  in  their  defense.”  Cheap 
coats,  cheap  labor,  and  dear  money ; the  sponsor 
and  promoter  of  these  professing  to  stand  guard 
over  the  welfare  of  the  poor  and  lowly  ! Was  there 
ever  more  glaring  inconsistency  or  reckless  assump- 
tion ? 

The  tariff  reformer  has  at  last,  in  his  wild  ecstasy 
over  a so-called  victory,  been  betrayed  into  an 
avowal  of  his  real  design.  ITe-  believes  that  pov- 
erty is  a blessing  to  be  promoted  and  encouraged, 
and  that  a shrinkage  in  the  value  of  everything 
but  money  is  a national  benediction.  He  no  longer 
conceals  his  love  for  cheap  merchandise,  even 
though  it  entails  the  beating  down  of  the  price  of 
labor  and  curtails  the  comforts  and  opportunities 
of  the  masses.  He  has  uncovered  at  last.  He 
would  make  the  cheapest  articles  of  comfort  and 
necessity  dearer  to  the  poor,  for  he  would  diminish 
the  rewards  of  their  labor. 

The  Democratic  victory  has  had  still  further 
uses.  It  has  established  beyond  dispute  or  contro- 
versy the  partnership  between  the  Democratic  Free 
Trade  leaders  of  the  United  States  and  the  states- 
men and  ruling  classes  of  Great  Britain.  It  is  a 
powerful  alliance — a resolute  and  aggressive  com- 
bination. If  you  have  any  doubt  of  it  I beg  you 
will  read  the  English  press  and  the  Democratic 
press  of  the  United  States  just  before  and  since 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY, 


361 


the  elections,  and  yon  will  be  convinced  that  they 
are  fighting  in  the  same  unpatriotic  cause,  engaged 
in  the  same  crusade  against  our  industries. 

WARFARE  AGAINST  AMERICAN  LABOR. 

They  rejoice  together  over  the  same  victory. 
Theirs  is  a joint  warfare  against  American  labor 
and  American  wages,  a plot  against  the  industrial 
life  of  the  nation,  a blow  at  the  American  Common- 
wealth. Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  chief  of  Demo- 
- cratic  tariff  reformers,  the  Hon.  David  A.  Wells, 
of  Connecticut,  should  have  felt  constrained  to  ad- 
vise his  co-partners  across  the  Atlantic  that  they 
were  retarding  the  cause  they  wished  to  promote 
by  too  open  a demonstration  ? 

In  a letter  in  September  last  to  the  Right  Hon- 
orable A.  J.  Mundella,  M.  P.,  whom  Mr.  Wells 
addresses  as  “ My  Dear  Mundella,”  he  says  : “ If 
it  is  the  desire  of  the  British  people  to  induce  the 
people  of  this  country  [the  United  States]  to  main- 
tain and  extend  their  existing  policy  of  imposing- 
high  or  prohibitive  duties  on  imports  I can  con- 
ceive of  no  more  effective  way  of  achieving  such 
results  than  the  holding  of  a series  of  popular 
meetings,  like  that  at  Sheffield,  for  the  purpose  of 
denouncing  the  McKinley  tariff  bill  and  favoring 
retaliatory  legislation  on  the  part  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain. 

“ Such  action  on  the  part  of  any  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  people  of  Great  Britain  is  suggestive  of 
a desire  to  intermeddle  with  our  internal  affairs. 


362 


PROTECTION  AND  PECIPROCITY. 


There  is  nothing  which  the  people  of  the  United 
States  will  quicker  resent  than  even  a suspicion  of 
such  purpose.  The  high-tariff  advocates  in  this 
country  have  been  quick  to  see  the  opportunity 
afforded  them  by  the  Sheffield  meeting,  and  have 
tried  to  make  capital  for  their  cause  by  using  the 
above  ideas  to  create  popular  prejudice  against  the 
policy  of  tariff  reform.”  He  admonishes  them  to 
be  less  demonstrative  and  more  diplomatic,  and 
leave  to  the  members  of  the  firm  in  the  United 
States  the  open  management  of  the  crusade  against 
our  Protective  tariff  and  industrial  independence. 

LOW  PRICES  AND  LOW  WAGES. 

Mr.  President,  that  country  is  the  least  prosper- 
ous where  low  prices  are  secured  through  low 
wages.  Cheap  foreign  goods,  free  or  practically 
free,  in  competition  with  domestic  goods  involve 
cheap  labor  at  home  or  dependence  upon  foreign 
manufacturers.  Those  who  advocate  duties  solely 
for  revenue  see  only  as  a result  cheaper  prices, 
which  are  but  temporary  at  best,  and  do  not  see 
the  other  side,  that  of  lower  wages,  cheaper  labor, 
agricultural  depression,  and  general  distress. 

The  Protective  system, -by  encouraging  capital 
to  engage  in  productive  enterprises,  lias  accorded 
to  labor,  skill,  and  genius  higher  opportunities  and 
greater  rewards  than  could  otherwise  be  secured, 
defending  them  against  ruinous  foreign  competi- 
tion while  promoting  home  competition,  and  giving 
the  American  consumer  better  products  at  lower 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


363 


prices  and  the  former  a better  market  than  was 
ever  enjoyed  under  the  Free  Trade  tariffs  of  the 
Democratic  party. 

England  is  the  only  country  which  imposes  a 
tariff  exclusively  for  revenue.  This  has  been  her 
policy  for  nearly  half  a century.  It  has  therefore 
been  tried,  and  under  the  most  favorable  circum- 
stances. Does  her  condition  present  a picture 
inviting  to  Americans  ? Is  the  condition,  of  the 
great*Dody  of  her  people  encouraging  or  hopeful  or 
assuring  ? Listen,  to  the  words  of  Cardinal  Man- 
ning, written  in  December,  1890,  and  published  in 
the  Nineteenth  Century , an  English  magazine.  No 
one  will  question  their  sincerity  and  truth  : 

CARDINAL  MANNING’S  VIEWS. 

“ There  is  no  doubt  that  Free  Trade,  freedom  of 
contract,  buying  in  the  cheapest  market  and  sell- 
ing in  the  dearest,  are  axioms  of  commercial  pru- 
dence. They  are  hardly  worthy  of  being  called  a 
science.  Nevertheless  this  freedom  of  trade  has 
immensely  multiplied  all  branches  of  commerce 
and  developed  the  energies  of  all  our  industrial 
population.  But  it  has  created  two  things — the 
irresponsible  wealth . which  stagnates,  and  the 
starvation  wages  of  the  labor  market.  This 
cheapest  market  is  the  market  of  the  lacklands, 
penniless,  and  helpless.  In  four  of  our  western 
counties  wages  are  so  low  that  men  come  to  London 
by  thousands  every  year,  and,  being  here,  crowd 
the  dock-gates  and  underbid  the  permanent  work- 


364 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


ingmen,  wlio  have  already  reason  not  to  be  content 
with  their  hire. 

“ We  have  these  two  worlds  always  and  openly 
face  to  face — the  world  of  wealth  and  the  world  of 
want ; the  world  of  wealth  saying  in  its  heart,  ‘ I 
sit  as  queen  over  all  toilers  and  traders,’  and  the 
world  of  want  not  knowing  what  may  be  on  the 
morrow.  Every  city  and  town  has  its  unemployed. 
Millions  are  in  poverty.  Agriculture  languishes  ; 
land  is  going  out  of  cultivation  ; trades  are  going, 
down  ; mills  and  furnaces  are  working  half  time  ; 
strikes  are  running  through  every  industry.  Is 
there  a blight  upon  our  mountainous  wealth  ? At 
this  day  we  have  3,000,000  of  poor  who  in  the 
course  of  the  year  are  relieved  in  some  way  by  the 
poor  laws.” 

WE  WANT  NO  OLD  COUNTRY  MISERY. 

Does  this  plain  statement  from  this  great  Chris- 
tian teacher  and  philanthropist,  who  speaks  from 
knowledge,  incline  Americans  to  adopt  a policy 
which  has  made  these  things  possible  and  true  ? 
Do  the  conditions  he  describes  offer  anything  to 
the  agriculturist  of  this  country  better  than  he  has 
already,  or  so  good  ; or  to  the  laborer  a hope  or 
an  inspiration  which  does  not  make  the  heart 
sick ; or  to  our  countrymen  generally,  whatever 
may  be  their  occupation,  a wish  to  transplant  the 
want  and  misery  here?  God  forbid!  We  want 
none  of  it.  Our  hearts  go  out  in  sympathy  for 
the  sufferers  beyond  the  sea,  and  we  shall  contest 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


365 


every  inch  of  the  ground  which  points  that  way 
for  our  industrial  people. 

Mr.  President,  we  find  nothing  in  history  or  in 
our  own  experience  to  justify  the  reversal  of  our 
protective  system  or  a change  in  our  protective 
laws.  We  have  nothing  to  take  hack,  nothing  to 
apologize  for.  A low  tariff  has  always  increased 
the  importation  of  foreign  goods  until  our  money 
runs  out ; multiplied  our  foreign  obligations  ; pro- 
duced a balance  of  trade  against  the  country ; 
supplanted  the  domestic  producer  and  manufac- 
turer ; impaired  the  farmer’s  home  market  without 
improving  his  market  abroad ; undermined  do- 
mestic prosperity  ; decreased  the  industries  of  the 
nation  ; diminished  the  value  of  nearly  all  our 
property  and  investments,  and  robbed  labor  of  its 
just  rewards.  The  lower  the  tariff  the  more  wide- 
spread and  aggravated  have  been  these  conditions 
which  paralyze  our  progress  and  industries.  This 
is  the  verdict  of  history. 

EVILS  OF  LOW  TARIFFS. 

Industry  and  property  were  excessively  de- 
pressed from  1784  to  1790,  and  again  from  1818 
to  1824,  under  the  low  tariffs  then  in  operation. 
Also  from  1837  to  the  end  of  1842,  under  the 
compromise  act  of  1833 ; and  again  from  1846  to 
1861,  under  the  free  trade  tariffs  of  1846  and 
1857.  The  depression  which  prevailed  during  all 
of  these  periods  was  felt  in  every  individual  pur- 
suit and  national  industry.  On  the  contrary,  the 


366 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


industries  and  energies  of  the  nation  revived  as  if 
by  magic  from  1825  to  1834,  under  the  protective 
tariffs  of  1824  and  1828  ; and  also  from  1843  to 
the  end  of  1846  under  the  protective  tariff  of 
1842.  Our  progress  in  industrial  development 
and  prosperity  from  1861  to  the  present  time, 
under  the  Morrill  tariff  and  its  supplements,  finds 
no  parallel  in  the  world’s  history.  Labor  was 
never  better  rewarded  than  it  is  now. 

Mr.  Edward  Atkinson,  a careful  student  and 
himself  a tariff  reformer,  recently  wrote : “ The 
share  of  the  annual  product  which  is  now  falling 
to  workmen,  in  the  strictest  sense,  is  a bigger  share 
of  a bigger  product  than  workmen  have  ever  at- 
tained before  in  this  or  any  other  country.” 

Invention,  improved  machinery,  and  new  pro- 
cesses, stimulated  by  our  industrial  conditions, 
made  possible  by  our  protective  laws,  have  im- 
proved the  products  of  our  workshops  and  have 
brought  articles  of  comfort  and  necessity  within 
the  easy  reach  of  the  masses  with  no  diminution  of 
the  rewards  of  their  labor. 

WHAT  PROTECTION  HAS  DONE  FOR  US. 

Thirty  years  of  protection  have  brought  us  from 
the  lowest  to  the  highest  rank  of  industrial  prog- 
ress ;•  have  lifted  up  our  labor  to  that  high  plane 
so  necessary  to  American  citizenship  and  equal 
suffrage  ; have  given  to  agriculture  a home  market 
unrivaled  on  the  globe ; have  given  to  the  Na- 
tion’s promises  a name  without  a financial  stain  ; 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


367 


liave  raised  our  national  credit  from  dishonor  to 
honor ; our  national  obligations  from  a discount 
to  a premium.  Every  American  must  have  a feel- 
ing of  pride  in  such  a record.  If  we  have  cheap 
garments,  they  are  woven  here ; the  wool  was 
grown  here ; the  labor  was  employed  here ; the 
machinery  made  here ; the  wages  paid  here ; and 
the  purchase-price  kept  here,  all  promoting  the 
general  good — all  tending  to  the  welfare  and  pros- 
perity. of  the  people. 

Shall  we  turn  away  from  this  ? The  weight  of 
the  nations  is  overwhelmingly  on  our  side.  Which 
is  right '?  The  British  Government,  whose  colonies 
and  dependencies,  with  two  exceptions,  have  protec- 
tive tariffs  (applicable  not  alone  to  other  nations, 
hut  operative  against  England  itself),  or  all  the 
civilized  world  ? Call  the  roll  of  the  nations ; 
which  are  for  protection?  Germany,  France, 
Italy,  Spain,  Mexico,  Canada,  South  America, 
Portugal,  Denmark,  most  of  Australasia,  Switzer- 
land, Austria  and  Hungary,  Russia,  Sweden  and 
Norway,  and  the  United  States  of  America.  Which 
are  against  protection  ? England,  New  South 
Wales,  and  New  Zealand. 

HOW  THE  JURY  STANDS. 

It  will  he  noted  that  “ tariff  for  revenue  only  ” 
or  “ tariff  reform  ” is  almost  exclusively  an 
English  decoration.  But  how  stand  the  people  of 
the  world  on  this  question  ? At  least  430,000,000 
people  in  favor  of'  protection ; 38,000,000  of 


368 


PROTECTION  AND  RECIPROCITY. 


Britains  against  it,  to  whom  must  be  added  those 
Americans  whose  numbers  are  not  known,  who, 
while  living  under  our  flag,  seem  to  follow  another. 
That  is  how  the  jury  stands. 

We  have  no  controversy  with  Great  Britain  or 
her  fiscal  system.  She  is  free  to  adopt  the  one 
which  her  statesmen  believe  will  best  subserve  tier 
welfare  and  that  of  her  people.  Each  nation  must 
settle  its  own  domestic  policy  ; each  is  supreme  in 
that  sphere  and  should  brook  no  interference  from 
the  outside.  We  exercise  that  undoubted  funda- 
mental right  ourselves  and  for  ourselves. 

PROTECTION  VINDICATED. 

Time  and  experience  have  vindicated  the  great 
system  ; time  and  truth  will  vindicate  the  new  law 
which  was  founded  upon  it.  False  witnesses  will 
be  confounded  by  the  unimpeachable  testimony  of 
trade  and  experience.'  Their  portents  have 
already  been  impeached.  False  prophecy  must 
fall  before  good,  times  and  abounding  prosperity. 
Campaign  prices  have  already  been  convicted  as 
campaign  lies.  New  industries  are  being  founded  ; 
others  now  established  are  enlarging  their  capacity. 
Idle  mills  are  being  started.  The  only  menace 
to  our  advancement  and  prosperity,  to  our  ^vage- 
earning  and  farming  interests,  is  the  party  which 
is  pledged  to  the  repeal  of  the  new  law  and  the 
substitution  of  the  British  system  in  its  place. 
Free  and  full  discussion  will  avert  the  danger. 
Nothing  else  will. 


interesting 

Facts  about  all  our  Presidents. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  WASHINGTON. 
1789-1797. 

The  4th  of  March,  1789'  was  the  time  appointee 
for  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  go  into 
operation  under  its  new  organization ; but  several 
weeks  elapsed  before  quorums  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  were  assembled.  The  city  of  New  York 
was  the  place  where  Congress  then  met. 

On  the  6th  of  April  the  electoral  votes  were 
counted.  At  that  time,  and  until  1805,  each  elec- 
tor voted  by  ballot  for  two  persons.  If  a majority 
of  all  the  votes  were  cast  for  any  person,  he  who 
received  the  greatest  number  of  votes  became 
President,  and  he  who  received  the  next  greatest 
number  became  Vice-President.  When  the  votes 
were  counted  they  were  found  to  be  for  George 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  69  (all  of  the  electors 
having  voted  for  him),  John  Adams,  of  Massachu- 
setts received  34  votes,  and  35  votes  were  cast  for 
various  other  candidates. 

Charles  Thompson,  the  oldest  secretary  of  Con- 
gress, was  sent  to  Mount  Vernon  to  notify  Wash- 
ington of  his  election.  Washington  promptly  sig- 
nified his  acceptance  of  the  office,  and,  two  days 
later,  started  for  New  York.  He  was  desirous  of 
2 C17) 


18  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

travelling  as  quietly  and  unostentatiously  as  possi- 
ble, but  the  people  of  the  States  through  which  he 
passed  would  not  permit  him  to  do  so.  His  jour- 
ney was  a constant  ovation.  Crowds  greeted  him 
at  every  town  with  the  most  enthusiastic  demon- 
strations of  affection  and  confidence ; triumphal 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


erches  were  erected,  and  his  way  was  strewn  with 
dowers  by  young  girls;  and  maidens  and  mothers 
greeted  him  with  songs  composed  in  his  honor. 
In  consequence  of  these  demonstrations  his  pro- 
gress was  so  much  retarded  that  he  did  not  reach 
New  York  until  the  latter  part  of  April. 

On  the  30th  of  April  Washington  appeared  on 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


19 


the  balcony  of  Federal  Hall,  New  York,  on  the 
site  of  which  the  United  States  Treasury  now 
stands,  and  took  the  oath  of  office  in  the  presence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  and 
a large  crowd  of  citizens  assembled  in  the  streets 
below.  He  then  repaired  to  the  Senate  chamber, 
and  there  delivered  an  address  to  both  Houses  of 
Congress.  The  plan  of  the  new  government 
being  now  completed,  Congress  proceeded  to  its  or- 
ganization through  the  departments  of  the  judi- 
ciary, of  state,  of  the  treasury,  of  war,  and  of 
attorney-general. 

President  Washington  appointed  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  State,  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
General  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary 
of  War.  John  Jay,  of  New  York,  was  made  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  Edmund  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General. 

Frederick  A.  Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania,  was 
chosen  Speaker  of  the  House ; but  his  election  was 
not  a party  triumph,  for  parties  were  still  in  a 
state  of  utter  confusion.  Between  the  extreme 
Anti-Federalists,  who  considered  the  Constitution 
a long  step  toward  a despotism,  and  the  extreme 
Federalists,  who  desired  a monarchy  modeled  on 
that  of  England — there  were  all  varieties  of  polit- 
ical opinion.  Washington,  through  the  universal 
confidence  in  his  integrity  and  good  judgment,  had 
the  ability  to  hold  together  the  conservative  men 


20  FACTS  ABOTjT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  all  parties  for  a time,  and  prevent  party  contest 
upon  the  interpretation  of  Federal  powers  until 
the  Constitution  should  be  tested  and  its  value  de- 
monstrated to  the  people. 

In  1792  the  second  Presidential  election  took 
place.  Washington  was  anxious  to  retire,  but 
yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  and  was  again 
chosen  President  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the 
electoral  colleges  of  the  several  States. 

The  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  February, 
1793,  and  found  to  be  for  George  Washington  132 
(all  the  electors  having  voted  for  him),  for  John 
Adams  77,  for  George  Clinton  50,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  4,  and  for  Aaron  Burr  1.  Washington 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1793. 

At  the  close  of  his  term  of  office  Washington 
withdrew  to  his  home  at  Mount  Vernon,  to  enjoy 
the  repose  he  had  so  well  earned,  and  which  was 
so  grateful  to  him.  His  administration  had  been 
eminently  successful.  When  he  entered  upon  the 
duties  of  the  Presidency  the  government  was  new 
and  untried,  and  its  best  friends  doubted  its  ability 
to  exist  long ; the  finances  were  in  confusion,  and 
the  country  was  burdened  with  debt ; the  disputes 
with  Great  Britain  threatened  to  involve  the 
country  in  a new  war ; and  the  authority  of  the 
general  government  was  uncertain  and  scarcely 
recognized.  When  he  left  office  the  state  of  affairs 
was  changed.  The  government  had  been  severely 
tested,  and  had  been  found  equal  to  any  demand 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  M 

upon  it.  The  disputes  with  England  had  been  ar- 
ranged, and  the  country,  no  longer  threatened  with 
war,  but  was  free  to  devote  its  energies  to  its  im- 
provement. Industry  and  commerce  were  growing 
rapidly. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1797 — 4th  of  March,  1801. 

At  the  elections  held  in  the  fall  of  1796  the 
Federalists  put  forward  John  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, as  their  candidate,  while  the  Republicans 
or  Democrats  supported  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  contest  was  very  bitter,  and  resulted  in 
the  election  of  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Jefferson,  receiv- 
ing the  next  highest  number  of  votes,  was  de- 
clared Vice-President,  in  accordance  with  the  law 
as  it  then  stood. 

The  electoral  vote  was  counted  in  February  and 
was  as  follows  : For  John  Adams  71,  for  Thomas 
Jefferson  68,  for  Thomas  Pinckney  59,  for  Aaron 
Burr  30,  and  the  rest  scattering. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1797,  Mr.  Adams,  the 
second  President  of  the  United  States,  was  inau- 
gurated at  Philadelphia,  in  the  presence  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  was  in- 
augurated as  Vice-President.  Mr.  Adams  was 
dressed  in  a full  suit  of  pearl-colored  broadcloth, 
and  wore  his  hair  powdered.  He  was  in  the  sixty- 
second  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  full  vigor  of 
health  and  intellect. 


the  severest  test,  and  was  to  be  triumphantly  vin- 
dicated by  the  trial.  Mr.  Adams  began  his  official 
career  with  the  declaration  of  his  “ determination 
to  maintain  peace  and  inviolate  faith  with  all 
nations,  and  neutrality  and  impartiality  with  the 
belligerent  powers  of  Europe.” 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


22  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


Mr.  Adams  made  no  changes  in  the  cabinet 
left  by  President  Washington,  and  the  policy  of 
his  administration  corresponded  throughout  with 
thar  of  his  great  predecessor.  He  came  into  office 
at  a time  when  this  policy  was  to  be  subjected  to 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  23 

During  the  summer  of  the  year  1800  the  seat  of 
the  general  government  was  removed  from  Phila- 
delphia to  the  new  federal  city  of  Washington,  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  On  the  22d  of  Novem- 
ber, the  session  of  Congress  was  opened  in  the  un- 
finished capitol  of  Washington. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  JEFFERSON. 

4th  of  March,  1801 — 4th  of  March,  1809. 

The  elections  for  President  and  Vice-President 
Were  held  in  the  autumn  of  1800.  John  Adams 


24  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

was  the  Federalist  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  the  candidate 
of  that  party  for  Vice-President.  The  Republican 
or  Democratic  party  nominated  Thomas  Jefferson 
for  the  Presidency,  and  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  of. 
New  York,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  alien 
and  sedition  laws  had  rendered  the  Federalist  party 
so  unpopular  that  the  electors  chosen  at  the  polls 
failed  to  make  a choice,  and  the  election  was 
thrown  upon  the  House  of  Representatives,  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  Constitution. 

The  votes  of  the  electoral  college  were  for 
Jefferson,  73;  Burr,  73;  Adams,  65;  Pinckney, 
64;  and  John  Jay,  1.  The  States  that  cast  the 
electoral  votes  of  their  colleges  for  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Colonel  Burr  were  nine ; to  wit,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  South  Carolina,  and 
Georgia.  Those  that  cast  the  electoral  votes  of 
their  colleges  for  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney 
were  seven;  to  wit,  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  and  Delaware.  Rhode  Island  cast  one 
vote  for  Mr.  Jay,  to  prevent  that  equality  of  votes 
on  the  Federal  ticket,  which,  for  the  want  of  a 
like  precaution,  resulted  on  the  Republican  side, 
and  which  caused  so  much  excitement  and  confu- 
sion. Mr.  Jefferson  and  Colonel  Burr  having  re- 
ceived an  equal  number  of  votes,  there  was  no 
election  by  the  colleges,  as  the  Constitution  then 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  25 

stood.  It  then  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, voting  by  States,  to  choose  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
Colonel  Burr. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  1801,  after  thirty-six 
ballots,  the  House  elected  Thomas  Jefferson  Presi- 
dent, and  Aaron  Burr  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  for  a term  of  four  years  from  and  after  the 
4th  of  March,  1801. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  the  new  capitol, 
in  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1801.  He  was  in  his  fifty-eighth  year,  and  had 
long  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious 
men  in  America.  He  was  the  author  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence,  had  represented  the 
country  as  minister  to  France,  had  served  in  the 
cabinet  of  General  Washington  as  Secretary  of 
State,  and  had  filled  the  high  office  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams. 
He  was  the  founder  of  the  Democratic  party,  and 
was  regarded  by  it  with  an  enthusiastic  devotion 
which  could  see  no  flaw  in  his  character.  By  the 
Federalists  he  was  denounced  with  intense  bitter, 
ness  as  a Jacobin,  and  an  enemy  of  organized  gov 
eminent.  He  was  unquestionably  a believer  in 
the  largest  freedom  possible  to  man ; but  he  was 
too  deeply  versed  in  the  lessons  of  statesmanship, 
and  was  too  pure  a patriot  to  entertain  for  a me^ 
ment  the  levelling  principles  with  which  his  ene- 


26  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

mies  charged  him.  Under  him  the  government  of 
the  republic  suffered  no  diminution  of  strength,  but 
his  administration  was  a gain  to  the  country. 

Mr.  Jefferson  began  his  administration  by  seek- 
ing to  undo  as  far  as  possible  the  evil  effects  of 
the  sedition  act  of  1798.  A number  of  persons 
were  in  prison  in  consequence  of  sentences  under 
this  act  at  the  time  of  his  inauguration.  These 
were  at  once  pardoned  by  the  President  and  re- 
leased from  prison. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  seventh  Congress,  in 
December,  1801,  President  Jefferson,  in  pursuance 
of  an  announcement  made  some  time  before,  in- 
augurated the  custom  which  has  since  prevailed 
of  sending  a written  message  to  each  House  of 
Congress,  giving  his  views  on  public  affairs  and 
the  situation  of  the  country.  Previous  to  this  the 
President  had  always  met  the  two  Houses  upon 
their  assembling,  and  had  addressed  them  in 
person. 

In  the  fall  of  1804  the  fifth  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republicans,  or  Democrats,  voted  for 
Mr.  Jefferson  for  the  office  of  President;  this  time 
Mr.  Burr  was  dropped  by  his  party,  who  nomi- 
nated George  Clinton,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  his  place.  The  Federals  supported  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and  Rufus 
King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  was  one 
hundred  and  sixty-two  electoral  votes  for  Mr. 
Jefferson  and  Mr.  Clinton,  and  fourteen  only  for 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  2? 

Mr.  Pinckney  and  Mr.  King.  By  States  the  vote 
stood : fifteen  for  the  Democratic  or  Republican 
ticket,  and  only  two  States  for  the  Federal.  These 
two  were  Connecticut  and  Delaware.  So  popular 
was  Mr.  Jefferson’s  Administration,  that  the  cen- 
tralizing party,  styling  itself  “ Federal,”  had  be- 
come almost  extinct.  He  was  inaugurated  for  a 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1805. 

Aaron  Burr  had  at  last  experienced  the  reward 
of  his  insincerity : both  parties  had  come  to  dis- 
trust him.  After  his  defeat  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
he  had  been  nominated  by  his  party  as  their  can- 
didate for  governor  of  New  York.  He  was  warmly 
opposed  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  mainly 
instrumental  in  bringing  about  his  defeat.  Burr 
never  forgave  Hamilton  for  'his  course  in  this 
election,  and  took  advantage  of  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  challenge  him  to  a duel.  They  met  at 
Weehawken,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  opposite 
New  York,  on  the  11th  of  July,  1804.  Hamilton, 
who  had  accepted  the  challenge  in  opposition  to 
his  better  judgment,  and  who  had  expressed  his 
intention  not  to  fire  at  Burr,  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  died  within  twenty-four  hours.  In  him  per- 
ished one  of  the  brightest  intellects  and  most 
earnest  patriots  of  the  republic.  His  loss  was 
regarded  as  second  only  to  that  of  Washington, 
and  the  sad  news  of  his  death  was  received  in  all 
parts  of  the  country  with  profound  and  unaffected 
sorrow. 


28  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  murder  of  Hamilton,  for  it  was  nothing 
else,  closed  Burr’s  political  career.  His  remaining 
years  were  passed  in  restless  intrigue. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  MADISON. 

4th  of  March,  1809 — 4th  of  March,  1817. 

In  the  election  of  1808  Mr.  Jefferson,  following 
the  example  of  President  Washington,  declined  to 
be  a candidate  for  a third  term,  and  the  Democratic 
or  administration  party  supported  James  Madison 
for  the  Presidency,  and  George  Clinton  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  The  Federal  party  again  nominated 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  for  President,  and 
Rufus  King  for  Vice-President.  The  result  of  the 
election  was,  122  electoral  votes  for  Madison  and 
47  for  Pinckney,  for  President,  and  113  for  Clinton 
and  47  for  King  for  Vice-President.  By  States 
the  vote  stood : 12  for  the  Democratic  ticket,  and 
5 for  the  Federal.  These  five  were  New  Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
and  Delaware. 

James  Madison,  the  fourth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1809.  He  was  in  the  fifty-eighth 
year  of  his  age,  and  had  long  been  one  of  the  most 
prominent  men  in  the  Union.  He  had  borne  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  convention  of  1787,  and 
was  the  author  of  the  Virginia  resolutions  of  1786, 
which  brought  about  the  assembling  of  this  con* 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


29 


vention.  He  had  entered  the  convention  as  one 
of  the  most  prominent  leaders  of  the  national 
party,  which  favored  the  consolidation  of  the 
States  into  one  distinct  and  supreme  nation,  and 
had  acted  with  Randolph,  Hamilton,  Wilson, 
Morris,  and  King,  in  seeking  to  bring  about  such 
a result.  When  it  was  found  impossible  to  carry 
out  this  plan  Mr.  Madison  gave  bis  cordial  support 
to  the  system  which  was  finally  adopted  by  the 
convention;  and  while  the  constitution  was  under 
discussion  by  the  States,  he  united  with  Hamilton 
and  Jay  in  earnestly  recommending  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution  by  the  States,  in  a series  of  able 
articles,  to  which  the  general  title  of  the  “ Feder- 
alist” was  given.  After  the  organization  of  the 
government  Mr.  Madison  was  a member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Federalist  party,  and  gave 
to  Hamilton  his  cordial  support  in  the  finance 
measures  of  that  minister.  Towards  the  close  of 
Washington’s  administration,  however,  Mr.  Madi- 
son’s political  views  underwent  a great  change. 
He  was  a near  neighbor  and  warm  friend  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  opin- 
ions and  the  strong  personal  character  of  that  great 
statesman.  As  the  political  controversies  of  the 
time  deepened,  he  became  more  and  more  inclined 
towards  the  Republican  or  “ Strict  Construction  ” 
party,  and  in  Mr.  Adams’  administration  took  his 
position  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  that  party.  At 


'AMES  MADISON. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


31 


the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Presidency,  Mr. 
Jefferson  having  withdrawn  from  public  life,  Mr. 
Madison  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  the  Republican  party  had  come  to 
be  called. 

In  1812  Mr.  Madison  was  again  nominated  foir 
President  by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Elbridge 
Gerry,  of  Connecticut,  for  Vice-President.  De 
Witt  Clinton,  of  New  York,  was  supported  by  the 
anti-administration  or  old  Federal  party  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Jared  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
Vice-President.  Mr.  Madison  received  128  elec- 
toral votes  for  President,  and  Mr.  Clinton  89.  Mr 
Gerry  received  131  for  Vice-President,  and  Mr. 
Ingersoll  86.  By  States,  the  vote  stood : For  the 
regular  Democratic  candidates,  11 ; and  for  tin 
Opposition  candidates,  7.  The  eleven  States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Madison  were  : Vermont,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  and 
Louisiana;  and  the  seven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clin- 
ton were : New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Delaware. 

Mr.  Madison  was  inaugurated  President  for  a 
second  time,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1813.  The 
most  distinguishing  feature  of  his  administration 
was  the  war  with  Great  Britain.  Whatever  may 
be  thought  of  the  wisdom  or  the  policy  of  that 
war,  or  of  its  general  conduct,  the  result  unques= 


32 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


tionably  added  greatly  to  the  public  character  of 
the  United  States  in  the  estimation  of  foreign 
powers.  The  price  at  which  this  had  been  pur- 
chased was  in  round  numbers  about  one  hundred 
million  dollars  in  public  expenditures,  and  the  loss 
of  about  thirty  thousand  men,  including  those  who 
fell  in  battle  as  well  as  those  who  died  of  disease 
contracted  in  the  service.  At  the  close  of  his 
term  Mr.  Madison  retired  from  office,  leaving  the 
country  at  peace  with  the  world,  and  rapidly  re- 
covering from  the  injurious  effects  of  the  late  war. 
He  returned  to  his  home  at  Montpelier,  Virginia, 
where  he  enjoyed  the  society  of  his  friends  and  the 
general  esteem  of  his  countrymen. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  MONROE. 

4th  of  March,  1817 — 4th  of  March,  1825. 

The  eighth  presidential  election  took  place  in  the 
fall  of  1816.  Mr.  Madison  having  declined  to  be 
a candidate  for  a third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
nominated  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia,  for  Presi- 
dent ; Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  for 
Vice-President,  and  elected  them  by  large  majori- 
ties over  the  Federal  candidates,  who  were : For 
President,  Rufus  King,  of  New  York ; for  Vice- 
President,  John  Howard,  of  Maryland.  The  re- 
sult of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was  183 
for  Mr.  Monroe,  and  34  for  Mr.  King,  for  President ; 
183  for  Mr.  Tompkins,  and  22  for  Mr.  Howard,  for 
Vice-President.  The  vote  by  States  at  this  election 


JAMES  MONROE. 


3 


im 


34 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


stood : 16  for  the  Democratic,  and  3 for  the  Federal 
candidates.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Monroe  and  Mr.  Tompkins  were : New  Hamp- 
shire, Rhode  Island,  Vermont,.  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, Ohio,  Louisiana,  and  Indiana.  The  3 that 
voted  for  Mr.  King  were  : Massachusetts,  Connec- 
ticut, and  Delaware. 

James  Monroe,  the  fifth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1817,  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age.  His  in- 
augural address  gave  general  satisfaction  to  all 
parties.  His  cabinet  were  : John  Quincy  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  State ; William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  Secretary  of 
War;  William  Wirt, of  Virginia,  Attorney-General; 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  These  were  all  men  of  distinguished 
ability,  and  thoroughly  identified  with  the  Demo- 
cratic party  at  the  time. 

In  the  fall  of  1820  Mr.  Monroe  and  Governor 
Tompkins  were  re-elected  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Monroe  re- 
ceived at  the  polls  a majority  of  the  votes  of  every 
State  in  the  Union,  and  every  electoral  vote  but 
one.  The  electoral  college  of  New  Hampshire 
cast  one  vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  4th  of  March  this  year  coming  on  Sunday, 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


35 


Mr.  Monroe  was  inaugurated  for  the  second  term 
on  the  succeeding  day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that 
month. 

Monroe’s  election  had  been  so  nearly  unanimous, 
and  party  divisions  had  nominally  so  far  disap- 
peared, that  his  administration  is  commonly 
called  the  era  of  good  feeling.  In  reality  there  was 
as  much  bad  feeling  between  the  Strict  Construc- 
tionists and  the  Loose  Constructionists  of  his  party 
as  could  have  existed  between  two  opposing  parties. 
The  want  of  regularly  organized  parties  had  only 
the  effect  of  making  the  next  Presidential  election 
a personal  instead  of  a party  contest,  the  worst 
form  a political  struggle  can  take. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JOHN  QUINCY 
ADAMS. 

4th  of  March,  1825 — 4th  of  March,  1829. 

In  the  fall  of  1824  the  presidential  election  was 
held  amid  great  political  excitement.  The  “era 
of  good  feeling  ” was  at  an  end,  and  party  spirit 
ran  high.  There  were  four  candidates  in  the  field, 
Mr.  Monroe  having  declined  a third  term  ; Andrew 
Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, and  Henry  Clay.  None  of  these  received  a 
popular  majority,  and  the  election  was  thrown  into 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress,  and  re- 
sulted in  the  choice  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  as  President  of  the  United  States. 


36  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  result  of  the  electoral  vote  was  99  for 
Andrew  Jackson,  84  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  41 
for  William  IJ.  Crawford,  and  37  for  Henry  Clay, 
for  President ; and  182  for  John  C.  Calhoun  for 
Vice-President,  with  some  scattering  votes  for 
others.  The  States  that  voted  for  Gen.  Jackson 
were  : New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Alabama — eleven 
in  all.  Those  which  voted  for  John  Quincy  Adams 
were : Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  and  New 
York — seven  in  all.  Those  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Crawford  were : Delaware,  Virginia,  and  Georgia. 
While  those  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were : Ken- 
tucky, Ohio,  and  Missouri. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  having  received  a large  majority 
of  the  electoral  votes,  was  duly  declared  elected 
Vice-President ; but  neither  of  the  candidates  for 
President  having  received  a majority  of  the  votes 
of  the  Electoral  Colleges,  the  choice,  under  the 
Constitution,  devolved  upon  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, voting  by  States.  This  choice  was 
made  on  the  9th  of  February,  1825 ; when,  upon 
counting  the  ballots,  it  was  found  that  John  Quincy 
Adams  received  the  votes  of  thirteen  States, 
Andrew  Jackson  the  votes  of  seven  States,  and 
Mr.  Crawford  the  votes  of  four  States.  Mr.  Adams 
having  received  the  votes  of  a majority  of  the 
States  was  declared  elected  to  succeed  Mr.  Monroe. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  37 

This  election  produced  great  discontent  through- 
out the  country,  and  most  seriously  affected  the 
popularity  of  Mr.  Clay,  as  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams  was  attributed  mainly  to  his  agency,  which 
had  been  exerted,  as  was  supposed  by  many, 
with  a view  to  defeat  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson, 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

who  by  the  returns  of  the  electoral  vote  seemed  to 
stand  highest  in  the  popular  favor. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1825,  John  Quincy  Adams 
was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  the  son  of  John  Adams,  the  second  Presi- 
dent of  the  republic,  and  was  in  his  fifty-eighth 


58  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

year.  He  was  a man  of  great  natural  ability,  of 
strong  personal  character,  and  of  unbending  integ- 
rity. He  had  been  carefully  educated,  and  was 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  in  the  Union.  Apart 
from  his  general  education  he  had  received  a special 
training  in  statesmanship.  He  had  served  as  min- 
ister to  the  Netherlands,  and  in  the  same  capacity 
at  the  courts  of  Portugal,  Prussia,  Russia,  and 
England,  where  he  had  maintained  a high  reputa- 
tion. He  had  represented  the  State  of  Massachu- 
setts in  the  Federal  Senate,  and  had  been  secretary 
of  state,  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Monroe,  during  the 
last  administration.  He  was,  therefore,  thoroughly 
qualified  for  the  duties  of  the  high  office  upon 
which  he  now  entered.  He  called  to  his  cabinet 
men  of  marked  ability,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Henry  Clay,  who  became  secretary  of  state.  The 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams  was  one  of  remark- 
able prosperity.  The  country  was  growing 
wealthier  by  the  rapid  increase  of  its  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  commerce  ; and  abroad  it  com- 
manded the  respect  of  the  world.  Still  party 
spirit  raged  with  great  violence  during  the  whole 
of  this  period. 

During  Mr.  Adams’  administration  the  tariff 
question  again  engaged  the  attention  of  the  country. 
The  manufacturing  interests  were  still  struggling 
against  foreign  competition,  and  it  was  the  opinion 
of  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States  that  the  general 
government  should  protect  them  by  the  imposition 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


39 


of  high  duties  upon  products  of  foreign  countries 
imported  into  the  Union.  The  South  was  almost 
a unit  in  its  opposition  to  a high  tariff.  Being,  as 
we  have  said,  an  agricultural  section,  its  interests 
demanded  a free  market,  and  it  wished  to  avail 
itself  of  the  privilege  of  purchasing  where  it  could 
buy  cheapest.  The  South  and  the  West  were  the 
markets  of  the  East,  and  the  interests  of  that  sec- 
tion demanded  the  exclusion  of  foreign  competition 
in  supplying  these  markets. 

In  July,  1827,  a convention  of  manufacturers 
was  held  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  and  a me- 
morial was  adopted  praying  Congress  to  increase 
the  duties  on  foreign  goods  to  an  extent  which 
would  protect  American  industry.  When  Congress 
met  in  December,  1827,  the  protective  policy  was 
the  most  important  topic  of  the  day.  It  was 
warmly  discussed  in  Congress  and  throughout  the 
country.  The  interests  of  New  England  were 
championed  by  the  matchless  eloquence  of  Daniel 
Webster,  who  claimed  that  as  the  adoption  of  the 
protective  policy  by  the  government  had  forced 
New  England  to  turn  her  energies  to  manufac- 
tures, the  government  was  bound  to  protect  her 
against  competition.  The  Southern  representatives 
argued  that  a protective  tariff  was  unconstitutional, 
and  was  injurious  in  its  operations  to  the  interests 
of  the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  who,  being 
producers  of  staples  for  export,  ought  to  have 
liberty  to  purchase  such  articles  as  they  needed 


40  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

wherever  they  could  find  them  cheapest.  They 
declared  that  duties  under  the  protective  policy 
were  not  only  bounties  to  manufacturers,  but  a 
heavy  tax  levied  upon  their  constituents  and  a 
great  majority  of  the  consumers  in  all  the  States, 
which  never  went  into  the  public  treasury.  The 
tariff  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  on  the  15th  of 
April,  1828,  and  was  approved  by  the  President  a 
little  later.  It  was  termed  by  its  opponents  the 
“ Bill  of  Abominations.” 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the  presidential 
election  occurred.  Mr.  Adams  was  a candidate 
for  re-election.  The  contest  between  the  two 
parties,  the  Administration  and  Opposition,  over 
the  powers  and  limitations  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, became  almost  as  hot  and  fierce  as  it  was  in 
1800,  between  the  Federalists  and  Republicans  of 
that  day.  General  Jackson,  without  any  caucus 
nomination,  was  supported  by  the  Opposition  every- 
where for  President,  and  Mr.  Calhoun  for  Vice- 
President.  The  friends  of  the  Administration  put 
forth  the  utmost  of  their  exertions  for  the  re-elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  office  of  President,  and 
Richard  Rush  to  the  office  of  Vice-President.  The 
result  of  the  vote  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  was,  178 
for  Jackson,  and  83  for  Adams;  171  for  Mr. 
Calhoun,  and  83  for  Mr.  Rush.  The  vote  for 
President  by  States  stood : 15  for  Jackson  and  9 
for  Adams.  The  15  States  that  voted  for  Jackson 
were : New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  41 

Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, Ohio,  Louisiana,  Indiana,  Mississippi,  Illi- 
nois, Alabama,  and  Missouri ; the  9 that  voted  for 
Mr.  Adams  were : Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

March  4th,  1829 — March  4th,  1837. 

Andrew  Jackson,  the  seventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington,  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1829. 

President  Jackson  was  in  many  respects  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  day.  He  pos- 
sessed a combination  of  qualities  seldom  met  with 
in  any  one  person.  Education  had  done  but  little 
for  him  ; but  by  nature  he  was  fitted  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  men  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  Cabi- 
net. During  the  Administration  of  the  elder 
Adams  he  had  occupied  a seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate  from  Tennessee,  and  gave  a most  cordial 
support  to  the  principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Resign- 
ing his  place  in  that  body,  he  was  afterwards 
elected  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
his  State.  His  military  achievements  in  the  wars 
against  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indians,  and  his 
victory  over  the  British  at  New  Orleans,  have  been 
fWly  recorded. 

The  election  of  General  Jackson  to  the  Presi* 


fJW 


ANDREW  JACKSON 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  43 

dency  was  regarded  with  some  anxiety,  for  though 
his  merits  as  a soldier  were  conceded,  it  was  feared 
by  many  that  his  known  imperiousness  of  will  and 
his  inflexibility  of  purpose  would  seriously  dis- 
qualify him  for  the  delicate  duties  of  the  Presi- 
dency. Nature  had  made  him  a ruler,  however, 
and  his  administration  was  marked  by  the  fearless 
energy  that  characterized  every  act  of  his  life,  and 
was  on  the  whole  successful  and  satisfactory  to 
the  great  majority  of  his  countrymen. 

General  Jackson  began  his  administration  by 
appointing  a new  cabinet,  at  the  head  of  which  he 
placed  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State.  Until  now  the  postmaster-general 
had  not  been  regarded  as  a cabinet  officer.  General 
Jackson  invited  that  officer  to  a seat  in  his  cabinet 
and  a share  in  its  deliberations,  and  his  course  has 
been  pursued  by  all  of  his  successors. 

Early  in  1831,  the  question  of  the  Presidential 
succession  was  agitated.  The  Legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania put  General  Jackson  in  nomination  for 
re-election,  he  having  consented  to  be  a candidate. 

The  election  took  place  in  the  fall  of  1832. 
General  Jackson  was  supported  for  the  Presidency 
by  the  Democratic  party,  and  Mr;  Clay  by  the 
Whig  party.  The  contest  was  marked  by  intense 
bitterness,  for  Jackson’s  veto  of  the  charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  his  other  vetoes  of 
public  improvement  bills,  and  his  attitude  in  the 
“Nullification”  controversy  between  the  United 


44  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

States  and  South  Carolina,  had  created  a strong 
opposition  to  him  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  In 
spite  of  this  opposition  he  was  re-elected  by  a tri- 
umphant majority,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of 
New  York,  the  Democratic  nominee,  was  chosen 
Vice-President. 

The  following  electoral  votes  were  cast  for  the 
respective  candidates  : for  Jackson,  219  ; for  Clay, 
49 ; and  for  Wirt,  the  Anti-Masonic  candidate,  7 
votes.  For  Vice-President,  the  electoral  votes 
stood : for  Martin  Van  Buren,  189 ; for  John 
Sergeant,  49 ; for  Anlos  Ellmaker,  7:  The  vote 
by  States  for  the  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
stood:  16  for  Jackson;  6 for  Clay;  and  1 for 
Wirt.  The  16  States  that  voted  for  Jackson  were: 
Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  Ohio,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  and  Missouri ; the  6 States  that 
voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were : Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and 
Kentucky ; the  State  that  voted  for  Mr.  Wirt  was: 
Vermont;  South  Carolina  cast  her  vote  for  John 
Floyd,  of  Virginia,  for  President,  and  Henry  Lee, 
of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 

President  Jackson  was  inaugurated  for  his 
second  term  on  the  4th  of  March,  1833. 

In  the  meantime  serious  trouble  had  arisen  be- 
tween the  general  government  and  the  State  of 
South  Carolina.  During  the  year  1832  the  tariff 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  45 


was  revised  by  Congress,  and  that  body,  instead  of 
diminishing  the  duties,  increased  many  of  them. 
This  action  gave  great  offence  to  the  Southern 
States,  which  regarded  the  denial  of  free  trade  as 
a great  wrong  to  them.  They  were  willing  to  sub- 
mit to  a tariff  sufficient  for  a revenue,  but  were 
utterly  opposed  to  a protective  tariff  for  the  reasons 
we  have  already  stated. 

The  State  of  South  Carolina  resolved  to  “ nul- 
lify ” the  law  within  its  own  limits.  A convention 
of  the  people  of  the  State  was  held,  which  adopted 
a measure  known  as  the  “ Nullification  Ordinance.” 
This  ordinance  declared  that  the  tariff  act  of  1832, 
being  based  upon  the  principle  of  protection,  and 
not  upon  the  principle  of  raising  revenue,  was  un- 
constitutional, and  was  therefore  null  and  void. 
This  ordinance  was  to  take  effect  on  the  12th  of 
February,  1833,  unless  in  the  meantime  the  general 
government  should  abandon  its  policy  of  protection 
and  return  to  a tariff  for  revenue  only. 

The  country  at  large  was  utterly  opposed  to  the 
course  of  South  Carolina,  and  denied  its  right  to 
nullify  a law  of  Congress,  or  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union  in  support  of  this  right.  Intense  excitement 
prevailed,  and  the  course  of  the  President  was 
watched  with  the  gravest  anxiety.  He  was 
known  to  be  opposed  to  the  protective  policy ; but 
it  was  generally  believed  that  he  was  firm  in  his 
intention  to  enforce  the  laws,  however  he  might 
disapprove  of  them. 


46  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS, 

President  Jackson  took  measures  promptly  to 
enforce  the  law.  He  ordered  a large  body  of  troops 
to  assemble  at  Charleston,  under  General  Scott, 
and  a ship  of  war  was  sent  to  that  port  to  assist 
the  federal  officers  in  collecting  the  duties  on  im- 
ports. Civil  war  seemed  for  a time  inevitable. 
The  President  was  firmly  resolved  to  compel  the 
submission  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  issue  of  such 
a conflict  could  not  be  doubtful. 

Fortunately  a peaceful  settlement  of  the  trouble 
was  effected.  Mr.  Verplanck,  of  New  York,  a sup- 
porter of  the  administration,  introduced  a bill  into 
Congress  for  a reduction  of  the  tariff,  and  the  State 
of  Virginia  sent  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  a dis- 
tinguished citizen,  as  commissioner  to  South  Caro- 
lina, to  urge  her  to  suspend  the  execution  of  her 
ordinance  until  March  4th,  as  there  was  a proba- 
bility that  a peaceful  settlement  of  the  difficulty 
would  be  arranged  before  that  time.  South  Caro- 
lina consented  to  be  guided  by  this  appeal. 

Henry  Clay,  with  his  usual  patriotic  self-sacrifice, 
now  came  forward  in  the  Senate  with  a compromise 
which  he  hoped  would  put  an  end  to  the  trouble. 
He  introduced  a bill  providing  for  the  gradual  re- 
duction in  ten  years  of  all  duties  then  above  the 
revenue  standard.  “ One-tenth  of  one-half  of  all  the 
duties  for  protection  above  that  standard  was  to  be 
taken  off  annually  for  ten  years,  at  the  end  of 
which  period  the  whole  of  the  other  half  was  to  be 
taken  off,  and  thereafter  all  duties  were  to  be 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  47 

levied  mainly  with  a view  to  revenue  and  not  for 
protection.”  This  measure  with  some  modifica- 
tions was  adopted  by  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
and  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  2d  of 
March,  1833.  The  people  of  South  Carolina 
rescinded  their  “ Nullification  Ordinance,”  and  the 
trouble  was  fortunately  brought  to  an  end. 

The  Administration  of  Gen.  Jackson  was  distin- 
guished for  many  acts  of  foreign  as  well  as  domes- 
tic policy  which  cannot  be  embraced  in  this  brief 
sketch.  Taken  all  together,  it  made  a deep  and 
lasting  impression  upon  the  policy  and  history  of 
the  States.  On  his  retirement,  following  the  ex- 
ample of  Washington,  he  issued  a Farewell  Address* 
in  which  he  evinced  the  most  ardent  patriotism  and 
the  most  earnest  devotion  to  the  cause  of  constitu- 
tional liberty. 

The  presidential  election  was  held  in  the  fall  of 
1836.  General  Jackson  having  declined  to  be  a 
candidate  for  a third  term,  the  Democratic  party 
supported  Martin  Yan  Buren  for  President,  and 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Yan  Buren  was  elected;  but  the 
electors  having  failed  to  make  a choice  of  a candi- 
date for  Vice-President,  that  task  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  which  elected  Colonel  Richard  M. 
Johnson  by  a majority  of  seventeen  votes. 

The  electoral  votes  cast  for  the  several  can- 
didates for  President  were  as  follows:  170  for 
Martin  Yan  Buren,  14  for  Daniel  Webster,  73  for 


4.8  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  11  for  W.  P.  Mangiim, 
of  N.  C.,  and  26  for  H.  L.  White,  of  Tennessee. 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  having  received  a majority,  was 
duly  declared  President  for  the  next  term.  The 
vote  by  States  in  this  election  was : 15  for  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  7 for  General  Harrison,  2 for  Mr. 
White,  and  1 for  Mr.  Webster.  The  15  States 
that  voted  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  were:  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas, 
and  Michigan;  the  7 that  voted  for  General  Har- 
rison were:  Vermont,  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  and  Indiana;  the  2 
that  voted  for  Mr.  White  were  : Georgia  and  Ten- 
nessee ; the  one  State  that  voted  for  Mr.  Webster 
was  Massachusetts. 

The  votes  of  the  Electoral  Colleges  for  Vice- 
President  were : 147  for  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of 
Kentucky  ; 77  for  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York; 
47  for  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia;  and  23  for  Wil- 
liam Smith,  of  Alabama.  Neither  of  the  candi- 
dates for  Vice-President  having  received  a majority 
of  the  votes,  the  choice  of  that  officer  devolved  upon 
the  Senate,  and  that  body  elected  Col.  Johnson  by 
a vote  of  33,  against  16  for  Mr.  Granger. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  VAN  BUREN. 

4th  of  March,  1837 — 4th  of  March,  1841. 

Martin  Van  Buren,  the  eighth  President  of  the 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


49 


United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4 tli  of 
March,  1837,  in  the  55th  year  of  his  age.  “At  high 
noon  the  President  elect  took  his  seat,  with  his 
venerable  predecessor,  General  Jackson,  in  a car- 
riage,  made  from  the  wood  of  the  frigate  Con- 
stitution, presented  to  General  Jackson  by  the 
Democracy  of  the  city  of  New  York.  In  this  from 
the  White  House  they  proceeded  to  the  Capitol. 
After  reaching  the  Senate  Chamber  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
attended  by  the  ex-President,  and  the  members  of 
the  Senate,  led  the  wray  to  the  rostrum,  where  the 
Inaugural  Address  was  delivered  in  clear  and  im- 
pressive tones.  At  the  close  of  the  Address  the 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- Justice 
Taney.” 

In  the  Address  Mr.  Van  Buren  indicated  his 
purpose,  on  all  matters  of  public  policy,  to  follow 
in  the  “ footsteps  of  his  illustrious  predecessor.” 

A distinguished  writer,  in  speaking  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren’s  Administration,  as  a whole,  says : 

“ The  great  event  of  General  J ackson’s  Admin- 
istration was  the  contest  with  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  its  destruction  as  a Federal 
institution — that  of  Madison’s  was  the  war — while 
Jefferson’s  was  a general  revolution  of  the  anti- 
Democratic  spirit  and  policy  of  the  preceding 
Administration.  The  great  event  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren’s  Administration,  by  which  it  will  hereafter 
be  known  and  designated,  is,  the  divorce  of  Bank 
and  State  in  the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  Federal  Gov- 


4 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN 


fscn 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


51 


eminent,  and  the  return,  after  half  a century  of 
deviation,  to  the  original  design  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.” 

In  the  fall  of  1840  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Vice-President 
Johnson  were  nominated  for  re-election  by  the 
Democratic  party,  and  the  Whigs  supported  Gen- 
eral William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  financial  distress  of  the  country  which 
had  been  very  great  since  1837,  was  generally 
attributed  bj7  the  people  to  the  interference  of  the 
government  with  the  currency.  This  feeling  made 
the  Democratic  nominees  exceedingly  unpopular, 
and  the  political  campaign  was  one  of  the  most 
exciting  ever  conducted  in  this  country. 

The  principal  issues  in  this  contest  were  the 
sub-treasury  system,  extravagant  appropriations, 
defalcations,  and  profligacy  of  numerous  subordi- 
nate officers.  The  “gold  spoons”  furnished  the 
Executive  Mansion  figured  prominently  in  the 
canvass.  All  the  opposing  elements  united  under 
the  Whig  banner.  This  party  held  a general  con- 
vention at  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  4 th 
of  December,  1839,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President.  It 
was  generally  supposed  that  Mr.  Clay  would  re- 
ceive the  nomination  of  this  body  for  President. 
But  his  course  on  the  Tariff  Compromise  of  1833 
had  greatly  weakened  him  with  the  Protectionists. 


52  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

When  he  adopted  that  course  he  was  told  it  would 
lose  him  the  Presidency.  His  reply  at  the  time 
was,  “ I would  rather  be  right  than  be  President.” 
The  Democratic  party  held  their  general  conven- 
tion in  Baltimore  on  the  5th  of  May,  1840.  Log- 
cabins  and  hard  cider,  which  were  supposed  to  be 
typical  of  Harrison’s  frontier  life,  became  very 
popular  with  the  Whigs.  The  result  of  the  elec- 
tion, after  a heated  canvass,  was  234  electoral 
votes  for  Harrison  for  President,  and  234  for  John 
Tyler  for  Vice-President.  Mr.  Van  Buren  re- 
ceived 60  electoral  votes  for  President;  Richard 
M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  received  48  for  Vice- 
President;  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  11, 
and  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  1.  The  vote 
for  President  by  States  stood  19  for  General  Har- 
rison and  7 for  Mr.  Van  Buren.  The  seven  States 
that  voted  for  Mr..  Van  Buren  were : New  Hamp- 
shire, Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Illinois,  Alabama, 
Missouri,  and  Arkansas. 

ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  HARRISON  AND 
TYLER. 

4th  of  March,  1841 — 4th  of  March,  1845. 

William  Henry  Harrison,  the  ninth  President 
of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1841,  in  the  sixty-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
The  city  of  Washington  was  thronged  with  people, 
many  of  whom  were  from  the  most  distant  States 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


53 


of  the  Union.  A procession  was  formed  from  his 
hotel  quarters  to  the  capitol.  The  President-elect 
was  mounted  upon  a white  charger,  accompanied 
by  several  personal  friends,  but  his  immediate  escort 
were  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  fought  under 
him.  The  inaugural  address  was  delivered  on  a 


WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 


platform  erected  over  the  front  steps  of  the  portico 
of  the  east  front  of  the  capitol.  The  oath  of  office 
was  administered  by  Chief- Justice  Taney,  before 
an  audience  estimated  at  60,000  people. 

He  was  a man  of  pure  life  and  earnest  character, 
and  the  certainty  of  a change  of  policy  in  the 
measures  of  the  federal  government  had  caused 


54  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

the  people  of  the  country  to  look  forward  to  his 
administration  with  hope  and  confidence.  He 
began  by  calling  to  seats  in  his  cabinet  men  of 
prominence  and  ability.  At  the  head  of  the  cab- 
inet he  placed  Daniel  Webster  as  Secretary  of 
State.  The  President  was  not  destined  to  fulfil 
the  hopes  of  his  friends.  He  was  suddenly  at- 
tacked with  pneumonia,  and  died  on  the  4 th  of 
April — -just  one  month  after  his  inauguration. 

It  was  the  first  time  that  a President  of  the 
United  States  had  died  in  office,,  and  a gloom  was 
cast  over  the  nation  by  the  sad  event.  The  mourn- 
ing of  the  people  was  sincere,  for  in  General  Har- 
rison the  nation  lost  a faithful,  upright,  and  able 
leader.  He  had  spent  forty  j’ears  in  prominent 
public  positions,  and  had  discharged  every  duty 
confided  to  him  with  ability  and  integrity,  and 
went  to  his  grave  a poor  man. 

The  office  of  President  now,  for  the  first  time,  de- 
volved upon  the  Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  who, 
by  the  death  Of  General  Harrison,  became  the  tenth 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  was  not  in  the 
City  of  Washington  at  the  time  of  the  death  of  his 
predecessor,  but  repaired  to  that  city  without  loss 
of  time,  upon  being  notified  of  the  death  of  General 
Harrison,  and  on  the  6th  of  April  took  the  oath  of 
office  before  Judge  Cranch,  Chief- Justice  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia.  Mr.  Tyler  was  in  his  fifty-second 
year,  and  had  served  as  governor  of  Virginia,  and 
as  representative  and  senator  in  Congress  from 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  55 

that  State.  On  the  9th  of  April  President  Tyler 
issued  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  there  was  no  indication  of  a departure 
from  the  policy  announced  in  the  inaugural  of  Gen- 
eral Harrison.  He  retained  the  cabinet  ministers  of 
his  predecessors  in  their  respective  positions. 

The  last  years  of  Mr.  Tyler’s  administration 
were  devoted  to  the  effort  to  secure  the  annexation 


JOHN  TYLER. 


of  the  republic  of  Texas  to  the  United  States.  The 
territory  embraced  within  the  limits  of  Texas  con- 
stituted a part  of  the  Spanish-American  possessions, 
and  was  generally  regarded  as  a part  of  Mexico. 

In  April,  1844,  Texas  formally  applied  for  ad- 
mission into  the  United  States,  and  a treaty  for 
that  purpose  was  negotiated  with  her  by  the  gov- 


56  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

ernment  of  this  country.  It  was  rejected  by  the 
Senate. 

In  the  fall  of  1844  the  presidential  election  took 
place.  The  leading  political  question  of  the  day 
was  the  annexation  of  Texas.  It  was  advocated 
by  the  administration  of  President  Tyler  and  by 
the  Democratic  party.  This  party  also  made  the 
claim  of  the  United  States  to  Oregon  one  of  the 
leading  issues  of  the  campaign.  Its  candidates 
were  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  and  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Whig  party  sup- 
ported Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  Theodore 
Frelinghuysen,  of  New  Jersey,  and  opposed  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

During  this  campaign,  which  was  one  of  unusual 
excitement,  the  Anti-slavery  party  made  its  appear- 
ance for  the  first  time  as  a distinct  political  organ- 
ization, and  nominated  James  G.  Birney  as  its 
candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  was  a decisive  vic- 
tory for  the  DemocratSi  This  success  was  gen- 
erally regarded  as  an  emphatic  expression  of  the  pop- 
ular will  respecting  the  Texas  and  Oregon  questions. 

The  result  of  the  election  by  the  colleges  was: 
170  electoral  votes  for  James  K.  Polk,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  170  for  George  M.  Dallas,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent ; 105  for  Henry  Clay,  for  President,  and  105 
for  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  for  Vice-President. 
By  States  the  vote  stood:  15  for  the  Democratic 
ticket,  and  11  for  the  Whig  ticket.  Mr.  Birney 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  57 

received  no  electoral  vote ; but  local  returns 
showed  that,  out  of  the  popular  vote  of  upwards 
of  two  and  a half  millions,  there  were  polled  for 
him  only  64,653.  The  fifteen  States  that  voted 
for  Mr.  Polk  were : Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  and  Michigan ; the 
eleven  that  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  were : Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  and  Ohio. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office,  Mr. 
Tyler  retired  from  the  seat  of  Government  to  his 
residence  in  Virginia.  His  administration  was  a 
stormy  one,  but  signalized  by  many  important 
events.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the  electro- 
telegraphic system  was  established  by  Morse.  A 
room  was  furnished  him  at  the  Capitol  for  his  ex- 
perimental operations  in  extending  his  wires  to 
Baltimore ; and  among  the  first  messages  ever 
transmitted  over  them  was  the  announcement  of 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  for  the  Presidency. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  K.  POLK. 
4th  of  March,  1845 — 4th  of  March,  1849. 

James  K.  Polk,  the  eleventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1845,  in  the  50th  year  of  his  age.  The 
oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- Justice 


58  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Taney,  in  the  presence  of  a large  assemblage . of 
citizens.  In  his  inaugural,  the  new  President 
spoke  favorably  of  the  late  action  of  Congress  in 
relation  to  Texas,  and  asserted  that  the  title  of  the 
United  States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear 
and  indisputable,  and  intimated  his  intention  to 
maintain  it  by  force  if  necessary. 


JAMES  K.  POLK. 

The  new  cabinet  consisted  of  James  Buchanan, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  State;  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; 
William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of 
War;  George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy;  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee, 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  59 

Postmaster-General;  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Attorney-General. 

President  Polk  had  served  the  country  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  for  fourteen 
years  had  been  a member  of  Congress  from  that 
State,  and  had  been  chosen  speaker  of  that  body. 
Two  important  questions  presented  themselves  to 
the  new  administration  for  settlement : the  troubles 
with  Mexico  growing  out  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  and  the  arrangement  of  the  northwestern 
boundary  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1844  the 
Democratic  party  adopted  as  its  watchword,  “ all 
of  Oregon  or  none,”  and  the  excitement  upon  the 
question  ran  high.  The  election  of  Mr.  Polk 
showed  that  the  American  people  were  resolved  to 
insist  upon  their  claim  to  Oregon,  and  when  the 
new  President  in  his  inaugural  address  took  the 
bold  ground  that  the  American  title  to  “ Oregon 
territory  ” “ was  clear  and  indisputable,”  and  de- 
clared his  intention  to  maintain  it  at  the  cost  of 
war  with  England,  the  matter  assumed  a serious 
aspect,  and  for  a while  it  seemed  that  party  pas- 
sion would  involve  the  two  countries  in  hostilities. 
President  Polk,  upon  a calmer  consideration  of  the 
subject,  caused  the  secretary  of  state  to  reopen  the 
negotiations  by  proposing  to  Great  Britain  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  latitude  as  a boundary,  and 
that  was  finally  agreed  upon. 

During  the  fall  of  1848  another  Presidential 


60  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

election  came  off.  The  combined  elements  . of 
opposition  to  the  administration,  in  the  main, 
continued  to  bear  the  name  of  Whigs,  though  the 
anti-slavery  element  now  formed  a distinct  organi- 
zation known  as  “ Free-Soilers.”  The  Democratic 
party  held  their  General  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
on  the  2‘2d  of  May,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  General  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  and 
for  the  Yice-Presidency  General  William  0.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky.  The  Whigs  held  their  Convention 
at  Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of  June,  and  put  in 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  General  Zachary 
Taylor,  of  Louisiana,  and  for  the  Yice-Presidency 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York.  The  Free-Soilers 
held  their  Convention  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  on  the 
8th  of  August,  and  put  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  Martin  Yan  Buren,  of  New  York,  and 
for  the  Yice-Presidency  Charles  Francis  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts, 

The  result  of  the  election  was  163  electoral 
votes  for  the  Whig  ticket  and  127  for  the  Demo- 
cratic. The  Free-Soil  ticket  received  no  electoral 
vote ; but  local  returns  showed  that  out  of  a popu- 
lar vote  of  nearly  3,000,000,  there  were  polled  for 
it  nearly  300,000  votes.  The  vote  for  Taylor  and 
Fillmore  by  States  stood  15;  and  for  Cass  and 
Butler  15  also.  The  15  States  that  voted  for 
Taylor  and  Fillmore  were  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  61 

Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Louisiana, 
and  Florida ; the  15  that  voted  for  Cass  and  Butler 
were  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  South 
Carolina,  Ohio,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Ala- 
bama, Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan,  Texas,  Iowa, 
and  Wisconsin.  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  having 
received  a majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  were 
declared  elected  to  the  offices  of  President  and 
Vice-President. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1849,  Mr.  Polk  retired  to 
his  home  in  Tennessee.  His  administration  had 
been  a stormy  one.  It  will,  however,  always  be 
distinguished  in  history  by  its  eminently  wise 
financial  and  revenue  policy,  the  settlement  of  the 
Oregon  question  with  England,  and  the  immense 
acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico.  During  its 
period  also,  great  lustre  was  added  to  the  military 
renown  of  the  United  States. 

ADMINISTRATIONS  OF 
TAYLOR  AND  FILLMORE. 

4th  of  March,  1849 — 4th  of  March,  1853 

The  4th  of  March,  1849,  coming  on  Sunday 
General  Taylor  was  duly  inaugurated  as  the 
twelfth  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  next 
day,  Monday,  the  5th  of  that  month,  in  the  65th 
year  of  his  age.  The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief- Justice  Taney,  in  the  presence  of  an 
immense  concourse  of  people. 

The  new  President  was  a native  of  Virginia, 


(62) 


ZAtn'UKY  TAYLOR, 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


63 


but  had  removed  with  his  parents  to  Kentucky  at 
an  early  age,  and  had  grown  up  to  manhood  on  the 
frontiers  of  that  State.  In  1808,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  commissioned  a lieutenant  in 
the  army  by  President  Jefferson,  and  had  spent 
forty  years  in  the  military  service  of  the  country. 
His  exploits  in  the  Florida  war  and  brilliant  vic- 
tories in  Mexico  had  made  him  the  most  popular 
man  in  the  United  States,  and  had  won  him  the 
high  office  of  the  Presidency  at  the  hands  of  his 
grateful  fellow-citizens.  He  was  without  political 
experience,  but  he  was  a man  of  pure  and  stain- 
less integrity,  of  great  firmness,  a sincere  patriot, 
and  possessed  of  strong  good  sense.  He  had  re- 
ceived a majority  of  the  electoral  votes  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  and  was  free  from 
party  or  sectional  ties  of  any  kind.  His  inaugural 
address  was  brief,  and  was  confined  to  a statement 
of  general  principles.  His  cabinet  was  composed 
of  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  with  John  M. 
Clayton,  of  Delaware,  as  Secretary  of  State.  The 
last  Congress  had  created  a new  executive  depart- 
ment— that  of  the  interior — to  relieve  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  of  a part  of  his  duties,  and 
President  Taylor  was  called  upon  to  appoint  the 
first  secretary  of  the  interior,  which  he  did  in  the 
person  of  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio.  The  new  de- 
partment was  charged  with  the  management  of  the 
public  lands,  the  Indian  tribes,  and  the  issuing  of 
patents  to  inventors. 


64  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Since  the  announcement  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  had  been  in- 
cessant, and  had  increased  instead  of  diminishing 
with  each  succeeding  year.  It  was  one  of  the  chief 
topics  of  discussion  in  the  newspaper  press  of  the 
country,  and  entered  largely  into  every  political 
controversy,  however  local  or  insignificant  in  its 
nature.  The  opponents  of  slavery  regarded  the 
annexation  of  Texas  and  the  Mexican  war  as 
efforts  to  extend  that  institution,  and  were  resolved 
to  put  an  end  to  its  existence  at  any  cost.  The 
advocates  of  slavery  claimed  that  the  Southern 
States  had  an  equal  right  to  the  common  property 
of  the  States,  and  were  entitled  to  protection  for 
their  slaves  in  any  of  the  Territories  then  owned 
by  the  States  or  that  might  afterwards  be  acquired 
by  them.  The  Missouri  Compromise  forbade  the 
existence  of  slavery  north  of  the  line  of  36°  3(y 
north  latitude,  and  left  the  inhabitants  south  of 
that  line  free  to  decide  upon  their  own  institutions. 
The  Anti-slavery  party  was  resolved  that  slavery 
should  be  excluded  from  the  territory  acquired 
from  Mexico,  and  in  the  Wilmot  Proviso  struck 
their  first  blow  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  pur- 
pose. 

Upon  the  organization  of  the  House  President 
Taylor  sent  in  his  first  and  only  message.  He  re- 
cognized the  danger  with  which  the  sectional  con- 
troversy threatened  the  country,  expressed  his 
views  of  the  situation  in  moderate  terms,  and  inti- 


MILLARD  FILLMORE. 


(65) 


S 


66  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

mated  that  he  should  faithfully  discharge,  his 
duties  to  the  whole  country. 

About  the  last  of  June,  1850,  President  Taylor 
was  stricken  down  with  a fever,  which  soon  ter- 
minated fatally.  He  died  on  the  9 th  of  July  amid 
the  grief  of  the  whole  country,  which  felt  that  it 
had  lost  a faithful  and  upright  chief  magistrate. 
Though  the  successful  candidate  of  one  political 
party,  his  administration  had  received  the  earnest 
support  of  the  best  men  of  the  country  without 
regard  to  party,  and  his  death  was  a national 
calamity.  He  had  held  office  only  sixteen  months, 
but  had  shown  himself  equal  to  his  difficult  and 
delicate  position. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  the  office  of 
President  devolved  upon  Millard  Fillmore,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  10th  of 
July  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  at  once  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  new  position. 

Mr.  Fillmore  was  a native  of  New  York,  and 
was  born  in  that  State  in  the  year  1800.  He  had 
served  his  State  in  Congress,  and  as  governor,  and 
was  personally  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Presidents.  The  cabinet  of  General  Taylor  re- 
signed their  offices  immediately  after  his  death, 
and  the  new  President  filled  their  places  by  ap- 
pointing a new  cabinet  with  Daniel  Webster  at  its 
head  as  Secretary  of  State. 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1851,  the  corner-stone  of 
the  two  new  wings  of  the  capitol  was  laid.  Mr. 


TACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  67 

Webster  delivered  a speech  on  the  occasion  which 
was  considered  one  of  the  greatest  of  his  life.  It 
was  delivered  to  an  immense  audience,  on  a plat- 
form erected  on  the  east  side  of  the  capitol.  In  it, 
among  other  things,  he  said : 

“If  it  shall  hereafter  be  the  will  of  God  that 
this  structure  shall  fall  from  its  base— that  its 
foundations  shall  be  upturned,  and  the  deposit  be- 
neath this  stone  be  brought  to  the  eyes  of  men — 
be  it  then  known  that  on  this  day  the  Union  of  the 
United  States  of  America  stands  firm,  that  this 
Constitution  still  exists  unimpaired,  and,  with  all 
its  usefulness  and  glory,  is  growing  every  day 
stronger  in  the  affections  of  the  great  body  of  the 
American  people,  and  attracting  more  and  more 
the  admiration  of  the  world.” 

During  the  fall  of  this  year  (1852)  another 
Presidential  election  took  place. 

The  Democratic  party  nominated  Franklin 
Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  for  President,  and  Wil- 
liam R.  King,  of  Alabama,  for  Vice-President. 
The  Whig  party  nominated  General  Winfield  Scott 
for  President,  and  William  A.  Graham,  of  North 
Carolina,  for  Vice-President.  The  Anti-slavery 
party  put  in  nomination  John  P.  Hale,  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of  the  candi- 
dates of  the  Democratic  party  by  an  overwhelming 
majority. 

Mr.  King,  the  Vice-President  elect,  did  not  long 


68  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

survive  his  triumph.  His  health  had  been  deli- 
cate for  many  years,  and  he  was  obliged  to  pass  the 
winter  succeeding  the  election  in  Cuba.  Being 
unable  to  return  home,  he  took  the  oath  of  office 
before  the  American  consul,  at  Havana,  on  the  4th 
of  March.  He  then  returned  to  the  United  States, 
and  died  at  his  home  in  Alabama  on  the  18th  of 
April,  1853. 

The  result  of  the  election  was : 251  electoral 
votes  for  Pierce  and  King ; and  42  for  Scott  and 
Graham ; by  States,  27  for  Pierce  and  King,  and 
4 for  Scott  and  Graham.  The  States  which  voted 
for  General  Scott  were  : Massachusetts,  Vermont, 
Kentucky,  and  Tennessee. . The  anti-slavery  ticket 
received  no  electoral  vote,  but  out  of  the  popular 
vote  of  nearly  3,500,000,  it  polled  155,825  indi- 
vidual votes,  being  little  over  half  of  what  it  polled 
at  the  previous  election.  - 

In  October,  1852,  the  whole  country  was  again 
thrown  into  mourning  by  the  announcement  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Webster,  the  last  survivor  of  the  great 
senatorial  “trio,”  Clay,  Calhoun  and  Webster. 

They  were  regarded  as  the  three  greatest  states- 
men of  the  country  in  their  day.  They  were  all 
men  of  very  great  ability,  of  very  different  charac- 
ters of  mind,  as  well  as  styles  of  oratory.  They 
differed  also  widely  on  many  questions  of  public 
policy.  But  they  were  all  true  patriots  in  the 
highest  sense  of  that  term. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  69 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  PIERCE. 

4th  of  March,  1853— 4th  of  March,  1857. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1853,  Franklin  Pierce,  of 
New  Hampshire,  the  fourteenth  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  duly  inaugurated  in  the  49th 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 

year  of  his  age.  The  oath  of  office  was  adminis- 
tered by  Chief-Justice  Taney. 

General  Pierce  was  an  accomplished  orator,  and 
his  inaugural  address  was  delivered  in  his  happiest 
style,  in  a tone  of  voice  that  was  distinctly  heard 
at  a great  distance.  It  was  responded  to  by  shouts 
from  the  surrounding  multitudes. 


70  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

The  most  important  measure  of  Mr.  Pierce’s  ad- 
ministration was  the  bill  to  organize  the  Territories 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  The  region  embraced 
in  these  Territories  formed  a part  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  and  extended  from  the  borders  of  Mis- 
souri, Iowa,  and  Minnesota  to  the  summit  of  the 
Rocky  mountains,  and  from  the  parallel  of  36°  30' 
north  latitude  to  the  border  of  British  America. 
This  whole  region  by  the  terms  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  had  been  secured  to  free  labor  by  the 
exclusion  of  slavery. 

The  people  engaged  warmly  in  the  discussion 
aroused  by  the  reopening  of  the  question  of  slavery 
in  the  Territories.  The  North  resented  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  in  the  South  a large 
and  respectable  party  sincerely  regretted  the  repeal 
of  that  settlement.  By  the  passage  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  the  Thirty-third  Congress  assumed 
a grave  responsibility,  and  opened  the  door  to  a 
bloody  and  bitter  conflict  in  the  Territories  between 
slavery  and  free  labor.  The  troubles  in  Kansas 
which  followed  gave  rise  to  a new  party  which 
called  itself  Republican,  and  which  was  based 
upon  an  avowed  hostility  to  the  extension  of 
slavery.  A third  party,  called  the  American,  or 
Know  Nothing,  also  took  part  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1856,  and  was  based  upon  the  doctrine 
that  the  political  offices  of  the  country  should  be 
held  only  by  persons  of  American  birth.  The 
Democratic  party  nominated  James  Buchanan,  of 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


71 


Pennsylvania,  for  the  Presidency,  and  John  C. 
Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 
The  Republican  nominee  for  the  Presidency  was 
John  C.  Fremont,  of  California;  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey. 
The  American  or  Know  Nothing  party  supported 
Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency, 
and  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  The  Whig  party  had  been 
broken  to  pieces  by  its  defeat  in  1852,  and  had 
now  entirely  disappeared. 

The  canvass  was  unusually  excited.  Slavery 
was  the  principal  question  in  dispute.  Party  ties 
had  little  influence  upon  men.  The  sentiment  of 
the  nation  at  large  had  been  outraged  by  the  re- 
peal of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  thousands 
of  Democrats,  desiring  to  rebuke  their  party  for  its 
course  in  bringing  about  this  repeal,  united  with 
the  Republican  party,  which  declared  as  its  lead- 
ing principle  that  it  was  “both  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism — polygamy  and 
slavery.” 

The  elections  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  James 
Buchanan,  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party. 
Mr.  Buchanan  received  174  electoral  votes ; Gen- 
eral Fremont  114,  and  Fillmore  8.  The  vote  by 
States  was : 19  for  the  Democratic  ticket;  11  for 
the  Republican,  and  1 for  the  American.  The 
nineteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan  were: 


72  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Alabama,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Texas,  and  California.  The  eleven  that  voted  for 
Fremont  were  : Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont, 
New  York,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin. 
The  one  that  voted  for  Fillmore  was  Maryland. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

March  4th,  1857— March  4th,  1861. 

James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  the  fifteenth 
President  of  the  United  States,  was  inaugurated 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1857,  in  the  66th  year  of 
his  age,  and  was  a statesman  of  ripe  experience. 
The  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief- 
Justice  Taney.  His  inaugural  was  conciliatory, 
and  approbatory  of  the  principles  of  the  Kansas 
and  Nebraska  bill  upon  which  he  had  been  elected. 
He  was  born  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1791,  and  was 
by  profession  a lawyer.  He  had  served  his  State 
in  Congress  as  a representative  and  a senator,  had 
been  minister  to  Russia  under  President  Jackson, 
and  had  been  a member  of  the  Cabinet  of  Presi- 
dent Polk,  as  Secretary  of  State.  During  the  four 
years  previous  to  his  election  to  the  Presidency, 
he  had  resided  abroad  as  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  that  capaty 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


74  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

it y had  greatly  added  to  his  reputation  as  a states- 
man. The  intense  sectional  feeling  which  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  slavery  question  had  aroused  had 
alarmed  patriotic  men  in  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
and  it  was  earnestly  hoped  that  Mr.  Buchanan’s 
administration  would  be  able  to  effect  a peaceful 
settlement  of  the  quarrel.  Mr.  Buchanan  selected 
his  Cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the  Democratic 
party.  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State ; Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury ; John  B.  Floyd,  of  Vir- 
ginia, Secretary  of  War;  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connec- 
ticut, Secretary  of  the  Navy;  Jacob  Thompson,  of 
Mississippi,  Secretary  of  Interior;  Aaron  V.  Brown, 
of  Tennessee,  Postmaster-General,  and  Jeremiah  S. 
Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  Attorney-General.  The 
two  leading  subjects  which  immediately  engaged 
the  attention  of  the  new  administration  were 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Utah  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Kansas  on  the  other. 

On  the  night  of  the  16th  of  October,  1859,  John 
Brown,  who  had  acquired  a considerable  notoriety 
as  the  leader  of  a Free  Soil  company  during  the 
war  in  Kansas,  entered  the  State  of  Virginia,  at 
Harper’s  Ferry,  with  a party  of  twenty-one  men, 
and  seized  the  United  States  arsenal  at  that  place. 
He  then  sent  out  parties  to  induce  the  negro  slaves 
to  join  him,  his  avowed  object  being  to  put  an  end 
to  slavery  in  Virginia  by  exciting  an  insurrection 
of  the  slaves.  Several  citizens  were  kidnapped  by 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


75 


these  parties,  but  the  slaves  refused  to  join  Brown, 
or  to  take  any  part  in  the  insurrection. 

The  effect  of  Brown’s  attempt  upon  the  South- 
ern people  was  most  unfortunate.  They  regarded 
it  as  unanswerable  evidence  of  the  intention  of  the 
people  of  the  North  to  make  war  upon  them  under 
the  cover  of  the  Union.  The  John  Brown  raid 
was  the  most  powerful  argument  that  had  ever 
been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  disunionists,  and 
in  the  alarm  and  excitement  produced  by  that 
event,  the  Southern  people  lost  sight  of  the  fact 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  Northern  people  sin- 
cerely deplored  and  condemned  the  action  of 
Brown  and  his  supporters. 

While  the  excitement  was  at  its  height  the 
Presidential  campaign  opened  in  the  spring  of 
1860.  The  slavery  question  was  the  chief  issue 
in  this  struggle.  The  Convention  of  the  Democra- 
tic party  met  at  Charleston,  in  April,  but  being 
unable  to  effect  an  organization,  adjourned  to  Bal- 
timore, and  reassembled  in  that  city  in  June.  The 
extreme  Southern  delegates  were  resolved  that  the 
convention  should  be  committed  to  the  protection 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories  by  Congress,  and  fail- 
ing to  control  it  withdrew  from  it  in  a body,  and 
organized  a separate  convention,  which  they  de- 
clared represented  the  Democratic  party,  but  which, 
in  reality,  as  the  vote  subsequently  proved,  repre- 
sented but  a minority  of  that  party. 

The  original  convention,  after  the  withdrawal 


76  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

of  these  delegates,  nominated  for  the  Presidency 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  and  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency  Herschell  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia.  It 
then  proceeded  to  adopt  the  platform  put  forward 
by  the  entire  party  four  years  before,  at  Cincinnati, 
upon  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  this 
additional  declaration  : “ That  as  differences  of 
opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  party  as  to  the 
nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a territorial 
legislature,  and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Con- 
gress under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
over  the  institution  of  slavery  within  the  Territo- 
ries, . . . the  party  will  abide  by  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the 
questions  of  constitutional  law.” 

The  “ Seceders’  Convention,”  as  it  was  commonly 
called,  also  adopted  the  Cincinnati  platform,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  non-interference  by  Congress 
with  slavery  in  the  Territories  or  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  This'  party  held  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  Constitution  recognized  slavery  as  existing  in 
the  Territories,  and  sanctioned  and  protected  it 
there,  and  that  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  of 
the  Territories  could  frame  any  law  against 
slavery  until  the  admission  of  such  Territories 
into  the  Union  as  States.  The  “ Seceders’  Con- 
vention ” put  forward  as  its  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

The  Republican  party  took  issue  with  both  wings 


FACTS  ABOUT'  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  77 


of  the  Democratic  party.  Its  convention  was  held 
at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  its  candidates  were,  for 
President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  for 
Vice-President  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine.  The 
platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the  Republican 
Convention  declared  that  “ the  maintenance  of  the 
principles  promulgated  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  embodied  in  the  federal  Constitution 
is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican 
institutions.  . . . That  all  men  are  created  equal ; 
that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  cer- 
tain inalienable  rights.” 

A fourth  party,  known  as  the  “American  or 
Constitutional  Union  Party,”  proclaimed  as  its 
platform  the  following  vague  sentence  : “ The  con- 
stitution of  the  country,  the  union  of  the  States, 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.”  The  convention 
of  this  party  met  at  Baltimore,  and  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachu- 
setts. 

The  contest  between  these  parties  was  bitter 
beyond  all  precedent,  and  resulted  as  follows : 

Popular  vote  for  Lincoln,  . 1,866,452 

“ “ Douglas,  . 1,375,157 

“ “ Breckinridge,  847,953 

“ “ Bell,  . . 590,631 

The  electoral  vote  stood  as  follows:  For  Lincoln, 
180;  for  Breckinridge,  72;  for  Bell,  39;  for 
Douglas,  12. 


78  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


Mr.  Lincoln  was  thus  elected  by  a plurality  oi 
the  popular  vote,  which  secured  for  him  the  elec- 
toral votes  of  eighteen  States.  These  States  were 
entirely  north  of  the  sectional  line,  and  he  received 
not  a single  electoral  vote  from  a Southern  State. 
The  States  which  cast  their  electoral  votes  for 
Breckinridge,  Bell,  and  Douglas,  were  entirely 
slaveholding.  The  division  thus  made  was  alarm- 
ing. It  was  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
republic  that  a President  had  been  elected  by  the 
votes  of  a single  section  of  the  Union. 

The  eighteen  States  that  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln, 
under  the  plurality  count  of  the  popular  vote, 
were : Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  California,  Minnesota, 
and  Oregon.  The  eleven  that  voted  for  Mr. 
Breckinridge  were  : Delaware,  Maryland;  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  Mis- 
sissippi, Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida,  and  Texas. 
The  three  that  so  voted  for  Mr.  Bell  were : Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  and  Tennessee;  and  the  one  that 
so  voted  for  Mr.  Douglas  was  Missouri.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln did  not  receive  the  majority  of  the  popular 
vote  in  but  sixteen  of  the  thirty-three  States  then 
constituting  the  Union ; so  he  had  been  constitu- 
tionally elected,  without  having  received  a majority 
of  the  popular  vote  of  the  States  or  of  the  people. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


n 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN. 

March  4th,  1861 — April  15th,  1865. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  sixteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1861.  As  it  was  feared 
that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  prevent  the  in- 
auguration, the  city  was  held  by  a strong  body  of 
regular  troops,  under  General  Scott,  and  the  Presi- 
dent  elect  was  escorted  from  his  hotel  to  the  capito! 
by  a military  force.  No  effort  was  made  to  inter- 
fere with  the  ceremonies,  and  the  inauguration 
passed  off  quietly. 

The  new  President  was  in  his  fifty-third  year, 
and  was  a native  of  Kentucky.  When  he  was  but 
eight  years  old  his  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and 
the  boyhood  of  the  future  President  was  spent  in 
hard  labor  upon  the  farm.  Until  he  reached  man- 
hood he  continued  to  lead  this  life,  and  during  this 
entire  period  attended  school  for  only  a year.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-one  he  removed  to  Illinois, 
where  he  began  life  as  a storekeeper.  Being  anx 
ious  to  rise  above  his  humble  position,  he  deter- 
mined to  study  law.  He  was  too  poor  to  buy  the 
necessary  books,  and  so  borrowed  them  from  a 
neighboring  lawyer,  read  them  at  night,  and  re- 
turned them  in  the  morning.  His  genial  character, 
great  good  nature,  and  love  of  humor,  won  him 


80  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  fttfSSIDENTS. 


the  friendship  of  the  people  among  whom  he  re- 
sided, and  they  elected  him  to  the  lawer  house  of 
the  legislature  of  Illinois.  He  now  abandoned  his 
mercantile  pursuits,  and  began  the  practice  of  the 
law,  and  was  subsequently  elected  a representative 


to  Congress  from  the  Springfield  district.  He  took 
an  active  part  in  the  politics  of  his  State,  and  in 
1858  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party 
for  United  States  senator.  In  this  capacity  he  en- 
gaged in  a series  of  debates  in  various  parts  of  the 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  81 

State  with  Senator  Douglas,  the  Democratic  can- 
didate for  re-election  to  the  same  position.  This 
debate  was  remarkable  for  its  brilliancy  and  intel- 
lectual vigor,  and  brought  him  prominently  before 
the  whole  country,  and  opened  the  way  to  his 
nomination  for  the  Presidency.  In  person  he  was 
tall  and  ungainly,  and  in  manner  he  was  rough  and 
awkward,  little  versed  in  the  refinements  of  so- 
ciety. He  was  a man,  however,  of  great  natural 
vigor  of  intellect,  and  was  possessed  of  a fund  of 
strong  common  sense,  which  enabled  him  to  see  at 
a glance  through  the  shams  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded, and  to  pursue  his  own  aims  with  single- 
ness of  heart  and  directness  of  purpose.  He  had 
sprung  from  the  ranks  of  the  people,  and  he  was 
never  false  to  them.  He  was  a simple,  unaffected, 
kind-hearted  man ; anxious  to  do  his  dutj’  to  the 
whole  country ; domestic  in  his  tastes  and  habits ; 
and  incorruptible  in  every  relation  of  life.  He 
was  fond  of  humor,  and  overflowed  with  it ; find- 
ing in  his  “little  stories”  the  only  relaxation  he 
ever  sought  from  the  heavy  cares  of  the  trying 
position  upon  which  he  was  now  entering.  He 
selected  his  cabinet  from  the  leading  men  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  placed  William  H.  Seward, 
of  New  York,  as  Secretary  of  State ; Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; Simon 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of  War; 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of  the 
6 


82  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Interior;  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  Post 
master-General ; and  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri, 
Attorney-G  e neral . 

The  Great  Civil  "War  was  the  all-important 
event  of  Mr.  Lincoln’s  administration. 

In  1864  the  next  Presidential  election  was  held. 
The  Republican  National  Convention  met  at  Bal- 
timore, June  7,  and  adopted  a platform  declaring 
war  upon  slavery,  and  demanding  that  no  terms 
but  unconditional  surrender  should  be  given  to  the 
rebellious  States.  It  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  Illinois,  for  President,  and  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee,  for  Vice-President. 

The  latter  was  a United  States  Senator  when 
his  State  allied  itself  to  the  Confederacy.  He, 
however,  continued  to  hold  his  seat,  and  was  the 
only  Senator  from  any  of  the  States,  who  did  so 
after  the  withdrawal  of  their  States  from  the 
Federal  Union. 

The  Democratic  Convention  met  at  Chicago  Au- 
gust 29,  and  nominated  for  the  Presidency  General 
George  B.  McClellan,  of  the  Federal  army,  and  for 
the  Vice-Presidency,  George  H.  Pendleton,  of 
Ohio.  The  result  was  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  John- 
son carried  the  electoral  votes  of  every  State  ex- 
cept three,  to  wit : New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and 
Kentucky ; of  the  popular  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket  received  1,802,237,  against  2,213,665  cast 
for  Lincoln  and  Johnson. 

Abraham  Lincoln  having  been  duly  elected  was 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  89 

inaugurated  for  his  second  term  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1865.  On  the  night  of  April  14th,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  was  assassinated  at  Ford’s  Theatre 
in  Washington  City,  by  John  Wilkes  Booth. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

15th  of  April,  1865 — 4th  of  March,  1869. 

Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  Andrew  John- 
son, the  Vice-President,  by  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
stitution, became  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  15th  of  April, 
and  at  once  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties.  His  first  act  was  to  retain  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Cabinet  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Johnson  was  a native  of  North  Carolina, 
having  been  born  in  Raleigh,  on  the  29th  of  De- 
cember, 1808.  At  the  age  of  ten  he  was  bound  as 
an  apprentice  to  a tailor  of  that  city.  He"  was  at 
this  time  unable  to  read  or  write.  Some  years 
later,  being  determined  to  acquire  an  education, 
he  learned  the  alphabet  from  a fellow-workman, 
and  a friend  taught  him  spelling.  He  was  soon 
able  to  read,  and  pursued  his  studies  steadily, 
working  ten  or  twelve,  hours  a day  at  his  trade, 
and  studying  two  or  three  more.  In  1826  he  re- 
moved to  Greenville,  Tennessee.  He  was  subse- 
quently chosen  alderman  of  his  town,  and  with 
this  election  entered  upon  his  political  career. 
Studying  law  he  abandoned  tailoring,  and  devoted 
himself  to  legal  pursuits  and  politics.  He  was 


ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  85 


successively  chosen  Mayor,  Member  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, Presidential  elector,  and  State  Senator.  He 
was  twice  elected  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and 
three  times  a Senator  of  the  United  States  from 
that  State.  Upon  the  secession  of  Tennessee  from 
the  Union,  he  refused  to  relinquish  his  seat  in  the 
Senate,  and  remained  faithful  to  the  cause  of  the 
Union  throughout  the  war,  winning  considerable 
reputation  during  the  struggle  by  his  services  in 
behalf  of  the  national  cause.  He  was  an  earnest, 
honest-hearted  man,  who  sincerely  desired  to  do 
his  duty  to  the  country.  His  mistakes  were  due 
to  his  temperament,  and  proceeded  from  no  desire 
to  serve  his  own  interests  or  those  of  any  party. 
In  his  public  life  he  was  incorruptible.  A man  of 
ardent  nature,  strong  convictions,  and  indomitable 
will,  it  was  not  possible  that  he  should  avoid 
errors,  or  fail  to  stir  up  a warm  and  determined 
opposition  to  his  policy. 

The  first  duty  devolving  upon  the  new  adminis- 
tration was  the  disbanding  of  the  army,  which  at 
the  close  of  the  war  numbered  over  a million  of 
men.  It  was  prophesied  by  foreign  nations  and 
feared  by  many  persons  at  home,  that  the  sudden 
return  of  such  a large  body  of  men  to  the  pursuits 
of  civil  life  would  be  attended  with  serious  evils, 
but  both  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  soldiers 
went  back  quietly  and  readily  to  their  old  avoca- 
tions. Thus  did  these  citizen-soldiers  give  to  the 
world  a splendid  exhibition  of  the  triumph  of  law 


SO  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

find  order  in  a free  country,  and  a proof  of  the 
stability  of  our  institutions. 

The  restoration  of  the  Southern  States  to  their 
places  in  the  Union  was  the  most  important  work 
of  Mr.  Johnson’s  administration. 

In  the  fall  of  1868  another  Presidential  election 
was  held.  The  Republican  party  nominated  Gen- 
eral Ulysses  S.  Grant  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  Democratic  party  nominated  Horatio 
Seymour,  of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency,  and 
Frank  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency. The  election  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
General  Grant  by  a popular  vote  of  2,985,031  to 
2,648,830  votes  cast  for  Mr.  Seymour.  In  the 
electoral  college  Grant  received  217  votes  and 
Seymour  77.  The  States  of  Virginia,  Mississippi 
and  Texas  were  not  allowed  to  take  part  in  this 
election,  being  still  out  of  the  Union. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  ULYSSES  S. 
GRANT. 

4th  of  March,  1869 — 4th  of  March,  1877, 
Ulysses  S.  Grant,  the  eighteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
with  imposing  ceremonies  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1869.  He  was  born  at  Mount  Pleasant,  Ohio,  on 
the  27th  of  April,  1822.  His  father  was  a tanner, 
and  wished  him  to  follow  his  trade,  but  the  boy 
had  more  ambitious  hopes,  and  at  the  age  of  seven- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


87 


teen  a friend  secured  for  him  an  appointment  as 
a cadet  at  West  Point,  where  he  was  educated. 
Upon  graduating  he  entered  the  army.  Two 
years  later  he  was  sent  to  Mexico,  and  served 
through  the  war  with  that  country  with  distinc- 


tion. He  was  specially  noticed  by  his  comman- 
ders, and  was  promoted  for  gallant  conduct.  Soon 
after  the  close  of  the  war  he  resigned  his  commis- 
sion, and  remained  in  civil  life  and  obscurity  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  civil  war,  when  he  volun- 


88  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

teered  his  services,  and  was  commissioned  V 
Governor  Yates  Colonel  of  the  Twenty-first  Illi- 
nois regiment.  He  was  soon  made  a Brigadier- 
General,  and  fought  his  first  battle  at  Belmont. 
His  subsequent  career  has  been  related  in  all  his- 
tories of  the  Great  Civil  War.  He  selected  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet  more  because  of  his  per- 
sonal friendship  for  them  than  for  their  weight 
and  influence  in  the  party  that  had  elected  him. 

General  Grant  was  the  fifth  President  whose 
military  achievements  had  contributed  more  to  his 
election  to  this  high  office  than  any  services  ren- 
dered in  the  civil  departments  of  the  government. 
His  inaugural,  delivered  before  an  immense  crowd 
of  enthusiastic  admirers,  on  the  east  portico  of  the 
capitol,  was  brief  and  pointed.  He  was  no  orator, 
and  his  address  on  this  occasion  was  rehearsed 
from  a manuscript  before  him.  It  might  be  char- 
acterized as  a good  specimen  of  the  “ multum  in 
pawo.”  He  said  “ he  should  have  no  policy  of  his 
own,  except  to  carry  out  the  will  of  the  people,  as 
expressed  by  the  legislative  department,  and  ex- 
pounded by  the  judiciary.  Laws,”  said  he,  “are 
to  govern  all  alike,  those  opposed,  as  well  as  those 
who  favor  them.  I know  of  no  method  to  secure 
the  repeal  of  bad  or  obnoxious  laws  so  effective  as 
their  stringent  execution.”  The  oath  of  office  was 
administered  by  Chief- Justice  Chase. 

His  cabinet  consisted  at  first  of  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burne,  of  Illinois,  Secretary  of  State;  Alexander 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


89 


T.  Stewart,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury;  John  D.  Rawlins,  of  Illinois,  who  had 
been  his  chief  of  staff  from  the  beginning  of  the 
great  war  until  its  termination,  Secretary  of  War; 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior ; John  A.  J.  Cresswell,  of  Maryland, 
Postmaster-General ; and  Ebenezer  R.  Hoar,  of 
Massachusetts,  Attorney-General. 

Several  changes  in  the  cabinet  were  afterwards 
made,  the  most  notable  of  which  were  George  S. 
Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  instead  of  Alexander  T.  Stewart,  the 
famous  merchant  of  New  York.  Soon  after  the 
confirmation  of  the  latter  by  the  Senate,  it  was 
ascertained  that  he  was  ineligible  under  the  law, 
because  of  his  being  engaged  in  commerce.  Mr. 
Washburne  also  gave  up  his  place  to  accept  the 
position  of  Minister  to  France,  and  the  vacant 
Secretaryship  of  the  State  Department  was  given 
to  Hamilton  Fish  of  New  York. 

The  President  on  the  20th  of  March,  1870,  issued 
a proclamation  announcing  that  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  had  been  duly  ratified  by  a sufficient 
number  of  States,  and  therefore  declared  it  to  be 
part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  fall  of  1872,  another  presidential  election 
occurred.  The  canvass  was  marked  by  the  most 
intense  partisan  bitterness.  The  Republican  party 
renominated  General  Grant  for  the  presidency,  and 


90 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


supported  Henry  Wilson  for  the  vice-presidency. 
The  measures  of  the  administration  had  arrayed  a 
large  number  of  Republicans  against  it.  These 
now  organized  themselves  as  the  Liberal  Republican 
party,  and  nominated  Horace  Greeley  of  New  York 
for  the  presidency,  and  B.  Gratz  Brown  of  Missouri 
for  the  vice-presidency.  The  Democratic  party 
made  no  nominations,  and  its  convention  indorsed 
the  candidates  of  the  Liberal  Republican  party. 
The  election  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the 
Republican  candidates  by  overwhelming  majorities. 

The  elections  were  scarcely  over  when  the 
country  was  saddened  by  the  death  of  Horace 
Greeley.  He  had  been  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  had  been  closely  identified 
with  the  political  history  of  the  country  for  over 
thirty  years.  He  was  the  “Founder  of  the  New 
York  Tribune ,”  and  had  done  good  service  with  his 
journal  in  behalf  of  the  cause  he  believed  to  be 
founded  in  right.  He  was  a man  of  simple  and 
childlike  character,  utterly  unaffected,  and  generous 
to  a fault.  In  his  manner  and  dress  he  was  eccen- 
tric, but  nature  had  made  him  a true  gentleman  at 
heart.  His  intellectual  ability  was  conceded  by  all. 
His  experience  in  public  life  and  his  natural  dis- 
position induced  him  to  favor  a policy  of  concilia- 
tion in  the  settlement  of  the  reconstruction  ques- 
tion, and,  influenced  by  these  convictions,  he  signed 
the  bail-bond  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  secured  the 
release  of  the  fallen  leader  of  the  South  from  his 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


91 


imprisonment.  This  act  cost  him  a large  part  of 
his  popularity  in  the  North.  He  accepted  the 
presidential  nomination  of  the  Liberal  party  in  the 
belief  that  his  election  would  aid  in  bringing  about 
a better  state  of  feeling  between  the  North  and  the 
South.  He  was  attacked  by  his  political  opponents 
with  a bitterness  which  caused  him  much  suffering, 
and  many  of  his  old  friends  deserted  him  and 
joined  in  the  warfare  upon  him.  Just  before  the 
close  of  the  canvass,  his  wife,  to  whom  he  was 
tenderly  attached,  died,  and  his  grief  for  her  and 
the  excitement  caused  by  the  political  contest 
broke  him  down  and  unsettled  his  mind.  He  was 
conveyed  by  his  friends  to  a private  asylum,  where 
he  died  on  the  29th  of  November,  1872,  in  the 
sixty-second  year  of  his  age.  The  result  of  the 
election  by  States  was  286  electoral  votes  for  Grant, 
for  President,  286  for  Wilson,  for  Vice-President, 
and  47  for  B.  Gratz  Brown,  for  Vice-President. 

Mr.  Greeley  having  died  soon  after  the  election, 
and  before  the  meeting  of  the  Electoral  Colleges, 
the  electoral  votes  that  he  carried  at  the  popular 
election  (only  65)  were  cast  in  the  colleges  for  a 
number  of  persons  whose  names  had  never  been 
connected  with  Lie  office. 

The  votes  by  States  for  Grant  were  Alabama, 
California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Florida,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Mississippi,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Ne- 
vada, North  Carolina.  New  Hampshire,  New 


92 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


Jersey,  New  York,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  West  Virginia,  Vir- 
ginia, Vermont,  Wisconsin — 29.  Those  casting 
electoral  votes  against  Grant  were  Maryland, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  and 
Texas — 6.  The  electoral  votes  of  the  States  of 
Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  not  counted. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1876,  the  United  States 
of  America  completed  the  one  hundredth  year  of 
their  existence  as  an  independent  nation.  The 
day  was  celebrated  with  imposing  ceremonies  and 
with  the  most  patriotic  enthusiasm  in  all  parts  of 
the  Union.  The  celebrations  began  on  the  night 
of  the  3d  of  July,  and  were  kept  up  until  midnight 
on  the  4th.  Each  of  the  great  cities  of  the  Union 
vied  with  the  others  in  the  splendor  and  complete- 
ness of  its  rejoicings;  but  the  most  interesting  of 
all  the  celebrations  was  naturally  that  which  was 
held  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  city  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  was  adopted. 

In  the  summer  of  1876  the  various  political  par- 
ties met  in  their  respective  conventions  to  nomi- 
nate candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presi- 
dency of  the  United  States,  which  officers  were  to 
be  chosen  at  the  general  election  in  November. 
The  Republican  Convention  assembled  at  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio,  on  the  14th  of  June,  and  resulted  in 
the  nomination  of  Governor  Rutherford  B.  Hayes, 
of  Ohio,  for  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
of  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  for  Vice- 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  93 

President.  The  Democratic  Convention  was  held 
at  St.  Louis  on  the  27th  of  June,  and  nominated 
Governor  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  for  the 
Presidency,  and  Governor  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of 
Indiana,  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  A third  Conven- 
tion, representing  the  Independent  Greenback  party, 
met  at  Indianapolis  on  the  18th  of  May,  and  nomi- 
nated Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  for  President, 
and  Samuel  F.  Cary,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President. 

The  campaign  which  followed  these  nominations 
was  one  of  intense  bitterness,  and  was  in  many 
respects  the  most  remarkable  the  country  has  ever 
witnessed. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  7th  of  November. 
The  popular  vote  was  as  follows : 


For  Samuel  .J.  Tilden 4,284,265 

“ Ttutherford  B.  Hayes 4,033,295 

“ Peter  Cooper 81,737 


Tilden  thus  received  a popular  majority  of 
250,970  votes  over  Hayes,  and  a majority  of  169,- 
233  votes  over  both  Hayes  and  Cooper. 

Both  sides  claimed  the  success  of  their  tickets, 
in  several  of  the  States  there  were  two  returns- 
Three  hundred  and  sixty-nine  was  the  aggregate 
number  of  votes  of  the  electoral  college.  It  re- 
quired 185  to  elect.  The  advocates  of  Tilden  and 
Hendricks  maintained  that  by  right  they  were  en- 
titled to  the  electoral  votes  of  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  and  Louisiana,  which  would  give  them  an 


94  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

aggregate  of  203  votes ; but  that  if  the  votes  of 
these  three  States,  amounting  to  19,  were  given  to 
Hayes  and  Wheeler,  Tilden  and  Hendricks  would 
still  have  184  undisputed  votes,  and  that  they  were 
clearly  entitled  to  one  vote  from  Oregon,  which 
would  give  them  185 — the  requisite  majority. 
Meantime  the  Republican  leaders  maintained  that 
upon  a right  count  of  the  vote  of  the  four  States 
in  dispute  Hayes  and  Wheeler  had  the  majority. 
Leading  Republicans  in  Congress  maintained  that 
the  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  had  a right  to 
count  the  votes  as  sent  up  from  the  several  States, 
and  to  decide  questions  of  dispute  between  differ- 
ent returning  boards.  The  Democrats  proposed 
that  the  matter  should  be  settled  and  adjusted 
under  the  previously  existing  joint  rule  of  the  two 
Houses  on  the  subject  of  counting  the  electoral 
votes.  This  the  Republicans  refused  to  do.  The 
condition  of  affairs  was  assuming  a threatening 
aspect,  when  a proposition  was  made  to  provide  by 
law  for  a Joint  High  Commission  to  whom  the 
whole  subject  should  be  referred.  This  was  to 
consist  of  five  members  of  the  House,  five  of  the 
Senate,  and  five  of  the  Supreme  Court.  The  five 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  were  Clifford,  Miller, 
Field,  -Strong,  and  Bradley ; the  Senators  were 
Edmunds,  Morton,  Frelinghuysen,  Bayard,  and 
Thurman ; the  members  of  the  House  were  Payne, 
Hunton,  Abbott,  Garfield,  and  Hoar. 

To  the  commission  thus  constituted,  the  whole 
subject  was  referred  by  special  act  of  Congress. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  95 

The  two  Houses  of  Congress  met  in  joint  con- 
vention on  the  1st  of  February,  1877,  and  began 
the  counting  of  the  electoral  vote.  When  the 
vote  of  Florida  was  reached,  three  certificates  were 
presented  and  were  referred  to  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission. This  body,  upon  hearing  the  arguments 
of  the  counsel  of  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties,  decided  that  it  had  no  power  to  go  behind 
the  action  of  the  Return  Board,  and  that  the  cer 
tificate  of  that  body  giving  the  vote  of  that  State 
to  Hayes  must  be  accepted  by  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress.  The  vote  by  which  this  decision  was 
reached  stood  eight  (all  Republicans)  in  favor  of 
it,  and  seven  (all  Democrats)  against  it.  A similar 
conclusion  was  come  to  in  the  case  of  Louisiana. 
Objections  were  made  to  the  reception  of  the  votes 
of  Oregon  and  South  Carolina.  In  the  Oregon 
case  the  decision  was  unanimously  in  favor  of 
counting  the  votes  of  the  Hayes  electors.  In  the 
South  Carolina  case  the  commission  decided  that 
the  Democratic  electors  were  not  lawfully  chosen  ; 
but  on  the  motion  to  give  the  State  to  Hayes  the 
vote  stood  8 yeas  to  7 nays.  So  South  Carolina 
was  counted  for  Hayes.  Objection  was  made  on 
the  ground  of  ineligibility  to  certain  electors  from 
Michigan,  Nevada,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island, 
Vermont,  and  Wisconsin,  but  the  objections  were 
not  sustained  by  the  two  Houses. 

This  Commission  made  its  final  report  on  all  the 
cases  submitted  to  them,  on  the  2d  day  of  March, 


96  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

and  according  to  their  decision,  Hayes  and  Wheeler 
received  185  votes,  and  Tilden  and  Hendricks  184 
votes.  The  States  that  voted  for  Hayes  and 
Wheeler  were  California,  Colorado,  Florida,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Louisiana,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New 
Hampshire,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  Pennsyl- 
vania, South  Carolina,  Vermont  and  Wisconsin; 
and  those  which  voted  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks 
were  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Georgia,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  and  West  Virginia. 

General  Grant,  on  the  expiration  of  his  second 
term,  retired  from  office,  but  remained  in  Wash- 
ington City,  receiving  marked  demonstrations  of 
the  admiration  of  his  friends  for  some  months, 
before  starting  upon  an  extensive  travel  through 
Europe  and  around  the  world. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  RUTHERFORD  B. 
HAYES. 

4th  of  March,  1877 — 4th  of  March,  1881. 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  the  nineteenth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  inaugurated  at  Washington 
on  Monday,  March  5th,  1877.  As  the  4th  of 
March  fell  on  Sunday,  the  President-elect  simply 
took  the  bath  of  office  on  that  day.  The  inaugural 
ceremonies  were  carried  out  on  the  5th  at  the 


®s§ 


98 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


capitol  with  the  usual  pomp  and  parade,  and  in 
the  presence  of  an  enormous  multitude  of  citizens 
and  visiting  military  organizations  from  all  parts 
of  the  country.  After  the  customary  reception  by 
the  Senate,  the  new  President  was  escorted  to  the 
eastern  portico  of  the  capitol,  where  he  delivered 
his  inaugural  address  to  the  assembled  multitude, 
after  which  the  oath  of  office  was  publicly  adminis- 
tered to  him  by  Chief-Justice  Waite. 

The  new  President  was  a native  of  Ohio,  having 
been  born  at  Delaware,  in  that  State,  on  the  4th 
of  October,  1822.  He  graduated  at  Kenyon  Col- 
lege, Ohio,  and  obtained  his  professional  education 
at  the  law  school,  Cambridge,  Mass.  He  began  the 
practice  of  law  at  Cincinnati  in  1856.  Soon  after 
the  opening  of  the  war  he  enlisted  in  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  Volunteers,  with  which  regiment  he 
served  as  major,  lieutenant-colonel  and  colonel. 
He  led  his  regiment,  which  formed  a part  of 
General  Reno’s  division,  at  the  battle  of  South 
Mountain,  in  September,  1862,  and  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  arm  in  that  engagement.  In  the. 
fall  of  1862  he  was  made  colonel  of  the  regiment, 
and  in  1864  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier- 
general  of  volunteers,  and  was.  bre vetted  major- 
general,  “for  gallant  and  distinguished  services 
during  the  campaigns  of  1864  in  West  Virginia, 
and  particularly  in  the  battles  of  Fisher’s  Hill  and 
Cedar  Creek.”  At  the  time  of  this  last  promotion 
he  was  in  command  of  a division.  He  served 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


99 


until  the  close  of  the  war,  receiving  four  wounds 
and  having  five  horses  shot  under  him  during  his 
military  career.  In  the  fall  of  1864  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  and  was  returned  a second  time  in 
1866.  In  1867,  before  the  expiration  of  his  Con- 
gressional term,  he  was  elected  Governor  of  Ohio, 
and  was  re-elected  to  that  office  in  1869,  being 
each  time  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party. 
In  1870  General  Hayes  was  again  elected  to  Con- 
gress, and  in  1874  was  nominated  for  a third  term 
as  Governor  of  Ohio.  His  opponent  was  Governor 
William  Allen,  one  of  the  most  popular  of  the 
Democratic  leaders  of  Ohio.  General  Hayes  was 
elected  by  a handsome  majority.  He  resigned  this 
office  in  March,  1877,  to  enter  upon  his  new  duties 
as  President  of  the  United  States. 

President  Hayes  selected  as  his  cabinet  William 
M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  State ; 
John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ; 
George  W.  McCrary,  of  Iowa,  Secretary  of  War; 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy;  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri,  Secretary  of 
the  Interior;  David  M.  Key,  of  Tennessee,  Post/ 
master-General ; and  Charles  E.  Devens,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Attorney-General.  The  cabinet  was  of  a 
composite  character  and  generally  regarded  as  a very 
conservative  one.  Mr.  Hayes,  early  in  his  admin- 
istration, adopted  several  reforms  in  the  civil  service, 
one  of  which  was  not  to  allow  Federal  office- 
holders to  take  active  part  in  elections. 


100  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

Few  Presidents  were  ever  so  embarrassed  upon 
entering  on  the  duties  of  the  office  as  he  was.  At 
this  time  the  States  of  South  Carolina  and  Lou- 
isiana were  in  a quasi  civil  war.  Two  Governors 
in  each  were  claiming  to  be  entitled  to  the  execu- 
tive chair.  Two  legislatures  in  each  were  also 
claiming  to  be  rightfully  entitled  to  the  law-making 
power. 

Mr.  Haves  displayed  the  most  consummate  skill 
in  the  conduct  and  settlement  of  these  most  em- 
barrassing questions.  In  the  summer  of  1880  the 
various  political  parties  of  the  country  met  in  Con- 
vention to  nominate  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  The 
Republican  Convention  met  in  Chicago  on  the  2d 
of  June,  and  nominated  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio, 
for  President,  and  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New 
York,  for  Vice-President.  (The  platform  and  all 
the  ballots  of  this  convention  will  be  found  in 
another  part  of  this  work.)  The  Democratic  Con- 
vention met  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  22d  of  June,  and 
nominated  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  President,  and  William  H.  English,  of 
Indiana,  for  Vice-President.  The  Greenback  Con- 
vention met  at  Chicago,  on  the  9th  of  June,  and 
nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  election  was  held  on  the  2d  of  November, 
and  resulted  in  the  choice  of  General  James  A. 


PACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  101 


Garfield,  who  received  214  electoral  votes  to  155 
electoral  votes  cast  for  General  Hancock. 

The  States  that  voted  for  Garfield  and  Arthur 
were : Colorado,  Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan, 
Minnesota,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  New  York, 
Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Ver- 
mont, Wisconsin ; and  those  that  voted  for  Han- 
cock and  English  were : Alabama,  Arkansas,  Del- 
aware, Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Nevada,  New 
Jersey,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee, 
Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

The  State  of  California  was  divided.  She  cast 
one  vote  for  Garfield  and  Arthur,  and  five  for 
Hancock  and  English. 

The  last  days  of  Mr.  Hayes’  administration  were 
the  happiest  he  spent  in  the  White  House.  At 
the  close  of  his  term,  he  retired  to  his  residence  at 
Fremont,  Ohio,  followed  by  the  good  will  of  mil- 
lions of  his  fellow-citizens. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GARFIELD. 

4th  of  March,  1881 — 19th  of  September,  1881. 

On  Friday,  March  4th,  1881,  the  inauguration 
ceremonies  took  place  upon  a scale  of  unusual  mag 
nificence,  and  were  participated  in  by  numerouy 
military  and  civic  organizations,  and  by  thousands 
of  citizens  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  After  tin 


an  able  and  eloquent  inaugural  address,  and  took 
the  oath  of  office  at  the  hands  of  Chief- Justice 
Waite. 

The  new  President  had  been  long  and  favorably 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


102  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 


new  Vice-President  had  taken  the  oath  of  office, 
President-elect  Garfield  was  formally  received  by 
the  Senate,  and  escorted  to  the  eastern  portico  of 
the  capitol,  where,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense 
multitude  of  citizens  and  soldiery,  he  delivered 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  103 

known  to  his  countrymen.  He  was  in  his  fiftieth 
year,  and  in  vigorous  health.  A man  of  command- 
ing presence,  he  was  dignified  and  courteous  in  his 
demeanor,  accessible  to  the  humblest  citizen,  and 
deservedly  popular  with  men  of  all  parties.  Born 
a poor  boy,  without  influential  friends,  he  had  by 
his  own  efforts  secured  a thorough  collegiate  edu- 
cation, and  had  carefully  fitted  himself  for  the 
arduous  duties  he  was  now  called  upon  to  dis- 
charge. Entering  the  army  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
civil  war,  he  had  won  a brilliant  reputation  as  a 
soldier,  and  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major- 
General  of  volunteers.  Elected  to  Congress  from 
Ohio,  in  1862,  he  had  entered  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  December,  1863,  and  had  seen  almost 
eighteen  years  of  constant  service  in  that  body,  in 
which  he  had  long  ranked  as  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant and  trusted  leaders  of  the  Republican  party. 
Early  in  1880  be  had  been  chosen  a United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio,  but  had  been  prevented  from 
taking  his  seat  in  the  Senate  by  his  election  to  the 
Presidency.  Immediately  after  his  inauguration 
the  names  * of  the  new  cabinet  were  sent  to  the 
Senate,  and  were  confirmed  without  opposition. 
James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was  Secretary  of  State  ; 
William  Windom,  of  Minnesota,  was  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ; Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  son  of 
ex-Fresident  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  Secretary  of 
War;  William  H.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  was  Secretary 
of  the  Navy ; Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  wras  Sec- 


104  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

retary  of  the  Interior  ; Thomas  L.  James,  of  New 
York,  was  Postmaster-General,  and  Wayne  Me 
Yeagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  Attorney-General. 

The  Cabinet  was  regarded,  generally,  as  one 
very  judiciously  selected,  being  all  men  of  marked 
ability,  though  of  somewhat  different  shades  of 
opinion  in  the  Republican  party. 

As  the  time  wore  on,  President  Garfield  gained 
steadily  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  His 
purpose  to  give  to  the  nation  a fair  and  just  ad- . 
ministration  of  the  government  was  every  day 
more  apparent,  and  his  high  and  noble  qualities 
became  more  conspicuous.  Men  began  to  feel  for 
the  first  time  in  many  years  that  the  Executive 
chair  was  occupied  by  a President  capable  of  con- 
ceiving a pure  and  noble  standard  of  duty,  and 
possessed  of  the  firmness  and  strength  of  will 
necessary  to  carry  it  into  execution.  The  country 
was  prosperous,  and  there  was  every  reason  to  ex- 
pect a continuance  of  the  general  happiness. 

On  the  morning  of  July  2d,  President  Garfield, 
accompanied  by  a distinguished  party,  including 
several  members  of  the  Cabinet,  preceeded  to  the 
Baltimore  and  Potomac  depot,  in  Washington,  to 
take  the  cars  for  Long  Branch.  The  President 
arrived  in  company  with  Secretary  Blaine.  They 
left  the  President’s  carriage  together,  and  walked 
arm-in-arm  into  the  depot.  In  passing  through 
the  ladies’  waiting-room,  the  President  was  fired  at 
twice  by  a man  named  Charles  J.  Guiteau.  The 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  105 

first  shot  inflicted  a slight  wound  in  the  President’s 
right  arm,  and  the  second  a terrible  wound  in  the 
right  side  of  his  back,  between  the  hip  and  the 
kidney.  The  President  fell  heavily  to  the  floor, 
and  the  assassin  was  secured  as  he  was  seeking  to 
make  his  escape  from  the  building. 

The  whole  city  was  thrown  into  the  greatest 
consternation  and  agitation  when  swift-winged 
rumor  bore  the  news  through  every  street  and 
avenue,  that  the  President  had  been  assassinated ! 
The  wires  carried  the  same  consternation  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union,  as  well 
as  to  foreign  nations. 

In  the  meantime,  the  suffering  President  re- 
ceived every  attention  that  could  be  given.  He 
was  borne  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  Executive 
mansion,  where  many  eminent  surgeons  of  the 
country  were  soon  summoned  to  his  bedside ; but 
no  permanent  relief  was  given.  The  ball  was  not 
found,  and  he  continued  to  suffer  and  languish  for 
weeks.  His  physicians  thought  it  best  to  remove 
him  to  Long  Branch.  Suitable  and  comfortable  ar- 
rangements were  made  for  his  travel  from  the 
White  House  to  Francklyn  Cottage,  at  Elberon,  at 
that  place,  and  his  journey  was  successfully  per- 
formed on  the  6 th  of  September. 

Here  he  continued  to  languish,  with  intervals  of 
hopeful  improvement  until  he  suddenly  grew  worse 
on  the  18th,  and  finally  expired  quietly  at  10.35 
p.  m.,  on  the  19  th  of  September. 


106  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

His  remains  were  taken  to  Washington  arid  lay 
in  state  in  the  rotunda  of  the  capitol,  after  which 
they  were  conveyed  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  there 
interred  with  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  cer- 
emonies. Never  before  was  there  such  universal 
and  unfeigned  sorrow  over  the  death  of  any  public 
official. 

On  the  night  of  the  death  of  the  President  at 
Elberon,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  present  joined 
in  sending  the  following  telegram  to  Mr.  Arthur, 
the  Vice-President,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
city  of  New  York  : , 

“ It  becomes  our  painful  duty  to  inform  you  of 
the  death  of  President  Garfield,  and  to  advise  you 
to  take  the  oath  of  office  without  delay.” 

Mr.  Arthur,  as  advised  by  Mr.  Garfield’s  Cabi- 
net, immediatelv  took  the  oath  of  office  before 
Judge  Brady,  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

On  the  22d  of  September  President  Arthur  again 
took  the  oath  of  office,  this  time  at  the  hands  of 
the  Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States,  and  was 
quietly  inaugurated  in  the  Vice-President’s  room, 
in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  delivering  upon  this 
occasion  a brief  inaugural  address. 

President  Arthur  entered  quietly  upon  the  duties 
of  his  administration,  and  his  first  acts  were  sat- 
isfactory to  a majority  of  his  countrymen.  As  he 
had  been  the  leader  of  “ the  Stalwart  ” section  of 
the  Republican  party,  it  was  felt  by  the  mem 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS.  107 

bers  of  the  Cabinet  of  the  late  President  that  he 
should  be  free  to  choose  his  own  advisers.  There- 
fore, immediately  upon  his  accession  to  the  Execu- 
tive chair,  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  colleagues  tendered 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

him  their  resignations.  They  were  requested, 
however,  by  the  new  President  to  retain  their 
offices  until  he  could  find  suitable  successors  to 


108  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

them.  To  this  they  agreed,  but  before  the  year 
was  out  several  important  changes  had  been  made 
in  the  Cabinet.  The  principal  of  these  were  the  sub- 
stitution of  Frederick  T.  Frelinghuysen,  of  New 
Jersey,  for  Mr.  Blaine,  as  Secretary  of  State,  and 
the  appointment  of  Judge  Charles  J.  Folger,  of 
Ohio,  to  the  Treasury  Department. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  administration 
was  to  cause  the  indictment  of  Charles  J.  Guiteau 
for  the  murder  of  President  Garfield.  After  some 
delay  the  trial  of  the  assassin  began  on  the  14th 
of  November.  It  ended  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1882,  in  the  conviction  of  Guiteau  for  the  murder 
of  the  late  President. 

The  execution  took  place  in  the  District  jail  on 
the  30th  of  June,  1882,  and  was  witnessed  by 
about  200  people,  many  of  whom  were  represen- 
tatives of  the  press. 

The  administration  of  President  Arthur  resulted 
in  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country,  and  was 
satisfactory  to  the  mass  of  the  people. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

The  twenty-second  President  of  the  United 
States  was  Grover  Cleveland.  Mr,  Cleveland  was 
a native  of  New  Jersey,  and  was  born  in  Caldwell, 
Essex  Co.,  March  18,  1837.  He  came  from  sturdy 
New  England  stock,  many  of  his  ancestors  having 
held  honorable  positions  in  their  respective  locali- 
ties Some  of  them  were  ministers,  of  which 


PRESIDENT  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


ao9) 


110  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

number  was  President  Cleveland’s  father.  The 
training  in  the  family  was  such  as  to  make  the 
boys,  of  whom  there  were  several,  upright,  self- 
reliant,  acquainted  with  public  affairs,  and  quali- 
fied for  useful  life. 

President  Cleveland,  after  teaching  two  or  three 
years,  studied  law  in  Buffalo,  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  became  sheriff  of  the  county,  and,  having  re- 
ceived the  nomination  for  Governor  of  New  York, 
was  elected  by  a large  majority.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  his  nomination  in  the  Democratic  Con- 
vention of  1884  and  his  election  in  the  following 
November. 

With  very  imposing  ceremonies  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  inaugurated  at  Washington  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1885.  His  inaugural  address  was  .a  clear, 
manly  and  forcible  presentation  of  the  duties  be- 
longing to  his  high  office,  with  some  suggestions 
concerning  the  vital  questions  of  the  hour. 

President-  Cleveland’s  administration  was  char- 
acterized by  a conservative  policy,  a desire  to  pu- 
rify official  life,  a bold  and  vigorous  dealing  with 
the  tariff  question,  and  a careful  guarding  of  the 
public  treasury.  At  the  close  of  the  third  year  of 
his  administration  the  Democratic  party  naturally 
looked  to  him  to  be  their  standard-bearer  during 
the  ensuing  campaign. 


FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS, 


111 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


Benjamin  Harrison  was  born  at  North  Bend, 
Ohio,  August  2oth,  1833.  John  Scott  Harrison, 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


father  of  Benjamin,  served  as  a Governor  of  the 
Northwestern  Territory,  and  in  this  position  as 


112  FACTS  ABOUT  ALL  OUR  PRESIDENTS. 

well  as  in  that  of  member  of  Congress,  rendered 
good  service.  He  ivas  a farmer  by  occupation, 
and  entered  public  life  only  at  the  call  of  his 
constituents.  His  illustrious  son  graduated  at 
Miami  University,  Ohio,  in  1851,  and  on  October 
20th,  1853,  married  Miss  Caroline  Lavinia  Scott, 
of  Oxford,  Ohio. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  inaugurated  March  4th,  1889. 
His  administration  was  such  as  to  inspire  con- 
fidence in  his  ability,  honesty  of  purpose,  and 
statesmanlike  wisdom.  With  James  G.  Blaine  for 
Secretary  of  State,  matters  at  issue  between  our 
Government  and  Great  Britain  and  Italy  were 
handled  in  a conservative  manner,  and  at  the 
same  time  in  a way  so  positive  that  no  charge 
of  weakness  or  unpatriotic  hesitation  could  be 
brought  against  him. 

Mr.  Harrison  approved  the  tariff  legislation, 
which  had  for  its  object  protection  to  American 
industries.  He  took  decided  ground  in  the  dispute 
with  England  concerning  the  Bering  Sea  fisheries. 
He  approved  the  legislation  upon  the  Chinese 
question,  and  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  reciprocity 
with  the  Republics  of  South  America. 

On  public  occasions  he  showed  the  same  felicity 
of  speech  which  characterized  him  during  the 
campaign  preceding  his  election,  and  his  course 
during  his  term  of  office  was  such  as  to  enhance 
his  popularity  and  gather  to  his  support  the 
substantial,  controlling  elements  of  his  party. 


History  of  the  Republican  Party. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

To  trace  out  the  causes  leading  to  the  birth  of  a 
principle  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  reasons  for 
a remote  cause  leading  to  an  ultimate  cause.  When 
it  becomes  necessary  to  learn  why  the  scion  of  a 
noble  house  is  entitled  to  the  honors  bestowed  upon 
his  ancestors,  the  conscientious  investigator  must 
needs  learn  something  of  the  history  of  those  an- 
cestors. Thus  it  is  that  to  know  why  a great 
political  power  came  into  existence  we  must  of 
necessity  begin  with  its  very  conception. 

The  Republican  party  in  the  United  States  is  a 
reformation  and  continuation  of  the  political  asso- 
ciation which  exalted  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  pres- 
idency at  the  commencement  of  the  present  cen- 
tury. It  originated  in  a high  public  necessity,  which 
became  manifest  during  the  administrations  of 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams.  Its  primary 
object  was  the  defense  of  unsurrendered  rights 
against  the  monocratic  doctrines  and  measures  of 
the  Federalists.  It  was  subsequently  required  to  de' 
fend,  as  well,  our  whole  Republican  system  of  gov' 
eminent,  including  free  speech,  of  the  press,  of 

1 


2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


religion,  and  of  the  person  under  the  protection 
of  the  habeas  corpus,  and  the  right  of  trials  by 
juries  impartially  selected.  It  is  now  resisting 
usurpations  which  have  resulted  from  the  substi- 
tution  by  the  political  party  temporarily  admin- 
istering the  Federal  Government,  of  the  Calhoun 
policy,  so  called,  for  that  of  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  under  which  our  Re- 
publican  system  was  inaugurated,  and  insisting 
upon  a return  to,  and  a resumption  of,  the  policy 
from  which  both  the  executive  and  legislative  de- 
partments have  unwisely  departed. 

After  the  martial  forces  employed  in  the  Ameri- 
can revolution  had  sundered  the  bonds  which  held 
the  colonies  in  allegiance  to  a foreign  government, 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  his  compeers  entered  upon 
ihe  more  difficult  task  of  devising,  constructing, 
and  setting  in  motion,  another  and  better  political 
establishment.  For  although  all  the  illustrious 
men,  whom  we  revere  as  patriots  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, were  very  unanimous  respecting  the  necessity 
of  colonial  independence,  they  were  greatly  divided 
in  regard  to  the  form  and  composition  of  the  struc- 
ture to  be  erected  in  place  of  the  government  re- 
pudiated. Some  of  them  were  unprepared  for  any 
change  whatever,  and  therefore  urged  the  creation 
of  a limited  monarchy,  after  the  British  model. 
Some  had  advanced  with  the  age  so  far  as  to  be 
willing  to  adopt  the  form  of  the  Helvetic  and  Bata- 
vian confederacies;  whilst  others,  among  whom 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  3 

was  Jefferson,  who  confided  less  in  the  strength 
and  solidity  of  any  particular  system,  than  in  the 
moral  force  of  the  voluntary  principle,  preferred  a 
Republic.  This  preference  ultimately  obtained 
with  the  people,  and  our  federal  constitution  is  the 
result.  These  questions  were  succeeded  by  others 
respecting  the  details  and  alleged  defects  of  the 
constitution.  The  larger  States  apprehended  that, 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  sovereign  power 
which  it  lodged  in  the  Federal  Government,  would 
their  own  local  importance  and  influence  with 
their  sister  commonwealths  be  injuriously  dimin- 
ished. 

The  smaller  ones,  by  an  opposite  course  of 
reasoning,  foreboded  for  themselves  an  equally  dis- 
astrous result.  They  were  apprehensive,  also,  of 
being  overslaughed  by  the  larger  States,  through 
combinations  of  interest  or  ambition.  Some  appre- 
hended danger  from  the  gradual  usurpations  of  the 
executive ; others  were  jealous  of  the  absorbing 
power  vested  in  Congress.  Some  regarded  the 
intermixture  of  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
functions  in  the  Senate  as  a mischievous  departure 
from  all  former  ideas  of  government ; others  con- 
sidered the  non-participation  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  same  functions  as  highly 
objectionable.  Some  considered  equality  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  Senate  improper ; others  com- 
plained of  inequality  of  representation  in  the  House. 
Some  disliked  the  compromise  of  sovereignty  be- 


4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


tween  the  Union  and  the  several  States.  Others 
were  opposed  to  the  compromises  of  liberty  by  the 
clause  admitting  representation  in  Congress  for 
slaves.  Some  objected  to  the  power  to  levy  direct 
taxes ; others  disliked  the  power  to  levy  them  in- 
directly. Some  feared  the  powers  of  the  judiciary 
were  too  extensive ; others  professed  to  believe  the 
power  to  keep  up  a standing  army  the  precursor  of 
military  despotism ; and  in  the  States  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  it  was  asserted  in  published 
manifestoes,  “that  there  was  power  enough  lodged 
in  Congress  and  the  Executive  to  enable  them  to 
convert  the  government  into  an  absolute  despotism.” 

James  Madison  was  indicated  by  the  Republican 
party  as  Mr.  Jefferson’s  successor.  George  Clinton 
was  desired  to  continue  in  the  office  of  vice-presi- 
dent. They  were  unanimously  elected  at  a caucus 
held  by  ninety-four  members  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  on  the  19th  of  January,  1808,  at  which 
the  former  received  eighty-three,  and  the  latter  all 
the  votes  given  at  the  informal  ballot.  They  were 
supported  in  the  canvass  against  Charles  C.  Pinck- 
ney, and  Rufus  King,  the  candidates  of  the 
Federalists,  and  confirmed  in  the  colleges  of  that 
year  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  against  forty- 
seven  electoral  votes. 

Mr.  Madison  was  deeply  read  in  all  .the  history, 
philosophy  and  logic  that  appertained  to  institutions 
for  human  government.  He  was  habitually  solemn 
and  contemplative.  Until  now  his  position  had 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  5 

been  less  conspicuous  than  that  of  his  predecessor, 
and  it  had  never  required  of  him  the  exercise  of  higli 
executive  talent ; yet  he  considered  well  all  the 
issues  which  had  been  made  with  the  British  gov- 
ernment, all  the  principles  and  interest  which  had 
been  involved  in  that  controversy,  and  all  the  pledges 
and  guarantees  which  had  been  made  by  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  and  by  the  constitutional  con- 
vention, to  the  people  of  this  country,  in  respect  to 
their,  rights  and  immunities  under  the  new  svstem, 
and  he  had  contributed  liberally  with  his  voice  and 
pen  toward  the  upholding  and  vindicating  of  the 
American  cause.  He  had  drafted  the  memorable 
address  of  the  Federal  Congress  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  issued  by  that  body  on  the  18th 
of  April,  1783,  which  defined  the  rights,  for  which 
the  colonies  contended  with  Great  Britain,  to  be 
the  rights  of  human  nature.  He  had  been  promi- 
nent in  the  convention  which  framed  the  constitu- 
tion, where  the  word  “ slave  ” was  stricken  from 
the  draft  on  his  motion,  because  he  would  not  con- 
sent to  acknowledge  the  “ right  of  property  in 
man.”  He  had  expounded  and  commended  that 
instrument  to  the  favor  of  the  several  States  by  a 
series  of  arguments  alike  patriotic  and  convincing  ; 
and  he  had  been  Secretary  of  State  under  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson for  eight  years,  in  which  position  he  had 
conducted  the  foreign  correspondence  with  great 
ability,  and  identified  himself  with  the  Republican 
policy  which  that  statesman  had  inaugurated. 


G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


THE  PARTY  NAME  CHANGED. 

The  Republican  party  of  the  United  States  kept 
its  faith  and  name  until  after  the  defeat  of  Henry 
Clay  and  John  Sargeantin  the  presidential  election 
of  1832,  when  it  relinquished  the  title  for  one 
more  agreeable  to  Anti-Masons,  who  then  dis- 
banded as  a party,  and  entered  its  ranks.  It  then 
assumed  to  be  the  Whig  party  in  the  country,  with 
republican  principles.  It  claimed  a high  antiquity, 
reaching  back  to  protests  against  crown  prerog- 
atives under  the  reign  of  James  the  Second  of  Eng- 
land, and  extending  through  an  unbroken  series  of 
political  struggles  down  to  the  American  revolu- 
tion. It  claimed  inheritance  of  the  principles 
enunciated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as 
they  were  subsequently  expounded  by  the  author 
of  that  manifesto,  and  .administered  by  himself 
and  all  his  Republican  successors.  It  set  John 
Quincy  Adams,  the  last  Republican  President; 
Henry  Clay,  his  Secretary  of  State ; William  Wirt, 
his  Attorney-General ; Richard  Rush,  his  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury ; John  McLean,  his  Postmaster- 
General  ; Samuel  L.  Southard,  his  Secretary  of 
War,  and  Daniel  Webster,  who  about  that  time 
distinguished  himself  by  a masterly  argument 
against  nullification,  in  the  front  rank  of  its  forces 
as  distinguishing  representatives  of  its  principles. 
And  it  put  itself  at  issue  with  the  Jackson  polity 
respecting  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands,  the 
power  and  duty  of  the  general  government  to  irn* 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


7 


prove  the  interior  of  the  country,  the  rechartering 
of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  the  removal 
from  that  institution  of  the  government  deposits, 
the  payment  of  the  government  dues  in  specie,  and 
the  exposure  of  domestic  industry  to  ruinous  com- 
petitions from  English  workshops.  For  the 
sake  of  Mr.  Clay,  who  had  been  persuaded  into  a 
compromise  with  nullification,  it  withheld  censure 
against  the  President  for  signing  that  bill. 

In  the  State  of  New  York  the  new  party  sig- 
nalized its  advent  by  the  nomination,  in  1834,  of 
'William  H.  Seward,  the  intimate  friend  and  ad- 
mirer, and  since,  the  eulogist  and  biographer  of 
one  of  the  Republican  Presidents,  for  governor. 
This  gave  a complexion  to  its  subsequent  character 
in  the  Northern  Stat3s,  down  to  the  period  when  it 
fell,  with  General  Scott,  under  the  enormous  weight 
of  compromises  with  the  slave  power,  with  which 
its  national  platform  of  1852  was  burthened. 

It  was  inaugurated  in  the  faith  of  the  apostles 
of  civil  liberty,  and  undertook  to  resist  both  the 
allurements  and  encroachments  of  southern  des- 
potism. It  pledged  itself  as  well  to  all  constitu- 
tional measures  for  ameliorating  and  improving 
the  social  condition  of  the  people,  as  to  others  re- 
lating merely  to  their  pecuniary  interests  and  po- 
litical rights ; and  it  committed  itself  particularly 
to  the  policy  of  universal  education,  universal 
suffrage,  and  unrestricted  freedom  of  religion,  of 
speech,  and  of  the  press.  It  avowed  fidelity  to 


8 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  including  its 
reservations  and  compromises;  but  it  dissented 
from  all  attempts  to  construe  the  former  into 
licenses  for  State  rebellion,  or  the  latter  into  war- 
rants for  federal  usurpations.  It  maintained  the 
general  right  of  every  man  to  personal  freedom, 
unless  forfeited  by  crime,  but  disclaimed  the  right 
of  Congress,  or  of  the  Legislature,  or  the  people  of 
non-slave-holding  States  to  interfere  with  slavery 
where  it  existed  under  the  protection  of  the  local 
law. 

From  this  time  forward,  to  1840,  the  growth  of 
the  Whig  party  was  rapid  and  healthy.  It  re- 
ceived large  accessions  from  conservative  Demo- 
crats, who  broke  with  Van  Buren  on  account  of 
his  measures  and  meddling  with  the  currency. 
Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  William  C.  Rives,  Hugh 
S.  Lagare  and  John  C,  Clark  were  of  the  number. 
It  attracted  into  its  ranks  the  young  men  of  the 
country  who  relied  for  support  on  the  rewards  of 
their  own  industry,  which  were  greatly  diminished 
by  the  monetary  pressure  which  the  currency 
measures  of  Van  Buren  occasioned.  And  it  held 
an  incentive  no  less  influential  than  this  — the 
reasonable  certainty  of  success  at  the  next  Presi- 
dential election. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1839,  the  Whig  party 
held  a national  convention  at  Harrisburg,  Penn- 
sylvania, where,  after  twenty-four  ballotings  in 
grand  committee  of  delegates,  who  were  divided 


BISTORT  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


9 


in  choice  between  the  nominees,  Henry  Clay  and 
General  Scott,  General  William  Henry  Harrison, 
of  Ohio,  the  leading  candidate  four  years  before, 
was  unanimously  nominated  for  President ; and 
John  Tyler,  of  Virginia  (after  the  nomination  had 
been  offered  to  Nathaniel  P.  Tallmadge,  by  the 
delegations  from  Ohio,  Virginia,  and  North  Caro- 
lina, and  by  him  declined),  was  designated  for 
Vice-President.  This  convention  was  composed  of 
men  who  were  sagacious  enough  to  adjourn  after 
they  had  performed  their  delegated  work,  without 
incumbering  themselves  and  their  nominees  with 
useless  resolutions.  It  was  the  administration 
which  they  opposed — not  the  Whig  party,  which 
at  that  time  had  public  measures  to  defend.  The 
convention  formally  declared  no  principles;  it 
only  authorized  its  presiding  officer,  Governor 
Barbour,  of  Virginia,  to  announce  that  it  flung  the 
broad  flag  of  liberty  to  the  breeze,  inscribed  : “One 
presidential  term ; the  integrity  of  public  servants; 
the  safety  of  public  money,  and  the  general  good 
of  the  people.” 

Nor  were  the  masses  of  the  party  less  sagacious 
in  the  management  of  the  canvass  which  ensued. 
They  resolved  to  waste  neither  time  nor  money  in 
defending  their  candidates  against  any  charges  or 
aspersions  which  might  be  made  against  them  by 
the  Democrats.  Whatever  epithets  or  sobriquets 
the  adverse  party  applied  to  General  Harrison,  and 
they  were  numerous  as  well  as  ludicrous,  they 


10 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


readily  and  pleasantly  adopted  as  their  own;  and 
thus  reserved  all  their  energies  for  “ rolling  the 
ball  ” directly  on,  against  the  forces  of  the  adverse 
party.  Their  movements  were  all  aggressive,  not 
defensive ; and  the  result  of  the  election  vindicated 
the  policy. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


11 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  PUBLIC  LANDS  BILL. 

After  the  passage  of  the  bill  in  July,  1842, 
which  continued  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds 
of  public  lands,  it  was  sent  to  the  Senate  for  con- 
currence, where  it  passed  by  a vote  of  twenty-five 
against  twenty-three.  All  who  voted  for  the  bill 
were  Whigs,  except  one,  and  all  the  Whigs  in  the 
Senate  voted  for  it  except  Messrs.  Rives,  Graham 
and  Preston.  This  bill  was  then  sent  up  for  execu- 
tive approval,  and  met  another  “ veto,”  called  in 
the  parlance  of  the  day  “ veto  ditto.” 

Mr.  Adams  then  took  the  message  in  hand,  and 
moved  to  raise  a committee  of  thirteen  to  consider 
it,  which  prevailed.  He  prepared  the  report  of 
that  committee,  which  reviewed  the  whole  question 
and  the  President’s  extraordinary  treatment  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  who  had  high  duties 
to  fulfil,  by  enacting  laws  to  relieve  them  from 
the  distresses  under  which  they  were  suffering, 
and  alleged  that,  under  the  circumstances  relating 
to  the  veto  of  the  law  in  question,  he  had  usurped 
the  whole  legislative  power  of  the  nation. 

It  concluded  with  a proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  so  that  a majority  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  the  members  of  Congress  might  pass  a bill, 
notwithstanding  an  executive  veto. 


12 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


Congress  then  succumbed  to  executive  dictation. 
The  House  concluded  to  omit  the  distribution 
clause,  and  pass  the  balance  of  the  bill  separately. 
This  was  done  by  a vote  of  one  hundred  and  five 
against  one  hundred  and  three,  and  afterwards 
concurred  in  by  the  Senate  by  a vote  of  twenty-four 
against  twenty-three,  Mr.  Wright,  of  New  York, 
voting  in  the  affirmative,  as  he  said,  under  the  con 
viction  that  some  such  measure  was  imperatively 
required  by  revenue.  This  bill  received  the  Pres- 
ident’s signature  on  the  30th  of  August,  1842. 

Congress  then  enacted  a separate  law,  which  re- 
pealed the  proviso  to  the  distribution  act,  so  as  to 
allow  distribution  to  be  made,  notwithstanding  the 
increase  of  duties  by  the  new  tariff  bill ; but  this 
was  done  only  for  the  purpose  of  casting  upon  the 
President  the  responsibility  of  its  defeat.  As  the 
issue  had  already  been  fully  and  completely  made, 
the  President  had  only  to  permit  it  to  expire  in 
his  hands. 

During  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives upon  the  second  veto,  Mr.  Richard  Barnwell 
Rhett  revived  the  story  of  nullification  of  1833, 
and  acknowledged  the  gratitude  of  the  people  of 
his  State  for  the  President’s  vote  against  the  “ force 
bill  ” on  that  occasion. 

“ The  President,”  said  Mr.  Rhett,  “ is  himself  a 
party  to  that  compromise.  His  faith  and  character 
are  committed  to  it ; and  the  party  which  sup- 
ported him  for  the  Vice-Presidency  ought  to  have 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


13 


known,  if  they  did  not,  the  historical  fact.  He  ia 
a Virginian,  a name  never  coupled  with  dishonor. 
He  is  now  at  the  head  of  the  government,  and 
being  in  favor  of  the  institutions  of  the  South,  he 
might  rest  assured  of  an  earnest  and  substantial 
support.” 

Mr.  Calhoun,  as  usual,  found  in  the  provision  for 
continuing  distribution  a violation  of  the  constitu- 
tion, and  a tendency  toward  a dissolution  of  the 
Union.  “ Distribute,”  said  he,  “the  revenue  of  the 
Union,  and  you  distribute  the  powers  of  the  Union  ; 
and  in  distributing  the  powers  of  the  Union  to 
States  whose  interests  do  not  harmonize  with 
others,  the  breach  is  widened  between  them.”  He 
understood  the  object  of  the  measure  very  well. 
Two  motives  had  contributed  to  its  conception  and 
consummation.  It  would  not  have  been  thought 
of,  if  there  was  no  desire  to  raise  the  tariff  to  a 
protective  standard,  and  the  States  were  not  in 
debt. 

It  is  a project  to  lay  on  high  duties,  whatever 
may  be  the  declarations  to  the  contrary.  Their 
actions  do  not  disprove  it.  He  could  suppose  a con- 
dition of  things  in  which  the  people  would  submit 
to  taxation;  a condition  in  which  the  government 
having  reformed  and  retrenched  till  the  most 
economical  administration  of  the  proper  functions 
of  government  had  proved  that  the  public  business 
could  not  get  along  without  the  aid  of  additional 
taxation.  But  no  such  circumstance  as  this  bad 


14  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

shown  that  a higher  tariff  was  now  necessary-.  On 
the  contrary,  a fund  which  is  properly  a source  of 
revenue  is  taken  from  the  treasury — a fund 
insisted  on  as  no  tax  at  all ; and  the  deficit  its  ab- 
straction occasions  is  to  be  made  up  by  putting  an 
onerous  burden  on  that  portion  of  the  community 
■which  has  no  right  whatever  to  bear  it.” 

During  this  session  of  Congress  the  subject  of 
the  right  of  petition  was  conspicuous.  Immense 
numbers  of  petitions,  with  almost  all  conceivable 
prayers,  went  up  and  were  presented,  most  of  them 
relating  to  the  slavery  question,  by  Mr.  Adams 
and  Mr.  Giddings  in  the  House,  which  provoked 
great  resistance.  On  one  occasion  Mr.  Adams  pre- 
sented one  which  purported  to  be  from  inhabitants 
of  Georgia,  praying  for  his  removal  from  the  office 
of  chairman  of  the  committee  of  foreign  relations, 
and  moved  its  reference'  to  the  committee  having 
them  in  charge.  This,  being  objected  to  by  a mem- 
ber from  Georgia,  was  laid  on  the  table,  but  called 
up  the  next  day  as  privileged ; when  Mr.  Adams 
said  that  the  entire  slaveholding  representation  in 
the  House,  with  one  exception,  were  against  him. 
He  then  read  a letter  from  a late  senator  from  Ala- 
bama to  his  constituents,  which  disclosed  the  fact 
(here  Mr.  Smith,  of  Virginia,  said  the  House  had 
consented  only  that  he  might  defend  himself  from 
monomania)  that  a coalition  had  been  formed  be- 
tween Southern  Whig  leaders  and  Northern  Feder- 
alists, not  less  for  the  safety  of  the  South  than  for 


HISTORY  OF  TnE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


15 


the  prosperity  of  the  Union,  and  contained  pre- 
cisely the  same  charges  against  those  whom  it 
termed  abolitionists  in  the  North,  which  the  peti- 
tion set  forth  against  him.  But  before  he  had 
finished  his  comments  upon  this  letter,  the  House 
adjourned. 


1G  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 


CHAPTER  III. 

OPPOSITION  TO  MR.  ADAMS. 

The  period  at  length  arrived  for  a signal  demon- 
stration. Among  the  petitions  presented  by  Mr. 
Adams,  to  bring  the  subject  to  a head,  was  one 
signed  by  forty-six  inhabitants  of  Haverhill,  Massa- 
chusetts, praying  for  the  adoption  of  measures 
peaceably  to  dissolve  the  Union,  assigning  as  one 
of  the  reasons  the  inequality  of  benefits  conferred 
upon  the  different  sections,  one  section  being  annu- 
ally drained  to  sustain  the  views  and  course  of  an- 
other, without  adequate  return,  which  he  moved  tc 
a select  committee,  with,  instructions  to  report  an 
answer,  showing  reasons  why  the  prayer  should 
not  be  granted.  Notwithstanding  the  nature  of 
the  instructions,  the  chivalry,  including  Mr.  Wise, 
appeared  to  think  it  a favorable  opportunity  tc 
retaliate  upon  Mr.  Adams,  and  if  possible  to  inflict 
punishment  upon  him  for  persisting  in  his  deter- 
mined course.  Mr.  Gilmore,  of  Virginia,  particu- 
larly, was  sagacious  enough  to  exhibit  his  indigna- 
tion at  the  sage  of  Quincy.  He  introduced  a 
resolution  declaring  that,  in  presenting  a petition 
for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  Mr.  Adams  had 
justly  incurred  the  censure  of  the  House.  But 
Mr.  Marshall,  of  Kentucky,  -wished  to  subject  him 
to  severer  discipline.  He  offered  as  a substitute 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY, 


17 


two  resolutions,  one  declaring  Mr.  Adams  guilty 
of  an  offense  involving  in  its  consequence  high 
treason  ; and  the  other  declaring  him  deserving  of 
expulsion,  but  as  an  act  of  “ grace  and  mercy,” 
their  severest  censures  only  were  to  be  inflicted. 

In  the  debate  on  these  resolutions  which  ensued, 
it  became  evident  that  the  representatives  of  the 
local  despotism  in  Congress  were  indulging  in  new* 
born  hopes  of  a speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  under 
that  administration,  in  consequence  of  the  stand 
which  the  President  had  taken  in  regard  to  the 
tariff  question.  They  appeared  to  feel  assured  that 
the  President  was  now  their  convenient  man  for 
the  approaching  emergency ; and  that  they  had 
only  to  surround  him  with  leading  advisers,  and  to 
invest  the  proposition  with  partisan  importance,  in 
order  to  precipitate  it  to  a result.  Hence  in  debat- 
ing Mr.  Gilmer’s  resolution,  they  alleged  that  there 
were  combinations  of  philanthropists  in  Great 
Britain,  who  were  meditating  the  overthrow  of 
Southern  institutions,  and  that  defensive  measures, 
among  them  the  speedy  annexation  of  Texas,  were 
rendered  necessary.  Mr.  Wise  insisted  that  the 
Hon.  Seth  M.  Gates,  then  a member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  was  an  agent  of  the  incendi- 
aries, as  he  termed  them,  who  stood  ready  with  his 
torch  to  fire  the  magazine,  and  blow  the  Union 
into  fragments. 

In  relation  to  Mr.  Adams,  whom  it  was  proposed 

to  censure,  Mr.  Wise  remarked  that  he  was  time- 
BB 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

honored  and  hoary,  but  not  with  wisdom ; that  ht 
had  the  power  of  age,  station,  fame,  and  eloquence: 
and  that  all  were  greatly  mistaken  who  thought 
him  mad.  Mr.  Adams,  thought  Mr.  Wise,  might 
truly  say,  “ I am  not  mad,  most  noble  Festus,”  even 
if  he  did  not  speak  the  words  of  truth  and  sober- 
ness; that  for  himself  he  did  not  believe  him  mad, 
but  thought  him  more  wicked  than  weak,  and  the 
agent  of  persons  who  meditated  a dissolution  of 
the  Union.  He  was  astute  in  design,  obstinate 
and  zealous  in  power,  and  terrible  in  action;  and 
therefore  well  adapted  to  accomplish  his  treason- 
able purposes. 

To  this  Mr.  Adams  very  complacently  replied 
that  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Marshall  accused  him 
of  crimes  over  which  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction, 
and,  therefore,  they  would  probably  find  it  conve- 
nient to  confine  themselves  to  a “ contempt  ” under 
Mr.  Gilmer’s  resolution  ; that  it  might  be  profitable 
to  advert  to  precedents,  and,  perhaps,  to  the  trial 
in  the  House  four  or  five  years  before,  when  a man 
(Mr.  Wise)  came  into  it  with  his  hands  and  face 
dripping  with  the  blood  of  murder,  the  blotches  of 
which  were  yet  hanging  on  to  him;  and  that,  when 
the  question  was  put  in  that  case,  it  was  decided, 
myself  voting  in  the  affirmative,  that  the  accused 
should  be  sent  where  he  could  have  an  impartial 
trial ; that  it  was  very  probable  that  he  saved  the 
blood-stained  man  at  that  time.  (Mr.  Wise  in- 
quired whether  his  character  and  conduct  were  in- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  19 


volved  in  the  issue,  and  whether  a man  who 
defended  him  then  would  be  permitted  to  now 
charge  him  with  murder?) 

“ I did  not  defend  him,”  said  Mr.  Adams,  “ on 
the  merits  of  the  case,  for  I never  believed  that  he 
was  not  guilty,  nor  that  the  man  who  pulled  the 
trigger  against  Cilley  was  not  an  instrument  in  his 
hands ; but  I contended  that  the  House  had  not 
the  power  to  try  him.  It  was  not  then  an  impar- 
tial tribunal.” 

This  illusion  to  the  Cilley  affair  was  unlooked 
for  by  Mr.  Wise ; it  was  a surprise  upon  him,  as  he 
had  not  estimated  correctly  the  power  of  the  states- 
man he  had  undertaken  to  demolish.  He  had 
carefully  watched  for  an  opportunity  to  assail  Mr. 
Adams,  under  circumstances  where  his  missile® 
would  not  be  likely  to  recoil.  He  had  selected 
this  opportunity  as  one  which  appeared  adventi- 
tious ; but  when  he  found  himself  confronted  with 
the  ghost  of  the  murdered  Cilley,  he  perceived  his 
fatal  mistake.  His  friends  anxiously  interposed  to 
remove  him  from  the  field  which  he  had  selected  for 
the  fight.  Mr.  Adams,  commiserating  his  situation, 
mercifully  forbore  to  punish  him  further. 

“ I came  from  a soil,”  said  Mr.  Adams,  in  con- 
tinuation, “ that  bears  not  a slave.  I represent 
here  the  descendants  of  Winslow,  Carver,  Alden 
and  Bedford,  the  first  who  alighted  on  the  rock  of 
Plymouth ; and  representing  these  men,  the  free 
people  of  Massachusetts,  I am  come  here  to  be 


20  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

tried  for  high  treason,  because  I presented  a pe^ 
tition  which  gentlemen  suspect  contain  anti- slavery 
sentiments,  but,  as  a matter  of  mercy  and  grace, 
not  to  be  expelled,  but  subjected  to  the  severest 
censure,  and  to  have  this  decided  by  a tribunal 
which  contains  one  hundred  slaveholders.  Are 
such  men  impartial  ? Do  they  even  consider 
themselves  impartial  and  competent  to  adjudicate 
in  a case  where  they  have  such  sordid  interests  at 
stake  ? On  this  question,  slaveholders  cannot  be 
impartial.” 

Mr.  Underwood,  of  Kentucky,  said  that,  as  a 
slaveholder,  he  differed  with  his  brethren  in  their 
endeavor  to  suppress  petitions.  He  was  opposed 
to  all  gag  rules  and  said,  Away  with  them.  As  to 
this  proceeding  against  Mr.  Adams,  it  was  to 
punish  him  for  an  imputed,  not  a declared  motive. 
As  he  had  not  announced  himself  to  be  in  favor  of 
the  prayer  of  the  petition  presented  by  him,  how 
could  the  House  judge  of  his  motive?  He  had 
been  guilty  of  no  offence,  nor  had  he  violated  any 
rules.  He  had  presented  a petition,  and  they 
were  endeavoring  to  punish  him  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  represented  his  constituents.  Gentle- 
men should  beware  how  they  put  it  in  the  power 
of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  to  inform  his 
constituents  that  he  had  become  a martyr  to  the 
right  of  petition. 

Mr.  Botts  did  not  think  this  a very  consistent 
employment  for  those  who  favored  the  secession  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


21 


South  Carolina.  He  noticed  among  the  instigators 
of  the  movement  one  (Mr.  Khett)  who  had  him- 
self on  several  occasions  undertaken  to  raise  a 
committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety 
of  dissolving  the  Union.  As  to  Mr.  Adams,  he  did 
not  approve  of  all  he  said  on  that  floor,  yet  he 
would  not  on  any  account  wound  his  feelings.  It 
is  very  likely  that,  under  the  weight  of  years,  he 
had  said  many  things  which  his  subsequent  reflec- 
tion condemned.  But  of  what  is  he  charged  ? He 
has  presented  a petition  here  for  a purpose,  against 
which  he  desired  a committee  to  remonstrate  and 
expostulate  with  them,  for  the  folly  of  their  course. 
He  had  not  undertaken,  as  had  other  gentlemen 
on  that  floor,  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

Mr.  Rhett  denied  that  he  could  be  really  ac- 
cused of  desiring  a dissolution  of  the  Union,  and 
assured  his  friends,  who  had  so  understood  him, 
that  they  had  misapprehended  his  motives.  He 
had,  three  or  four  years  before,  proposed  as  an 
amendment  to  a motion  to  refer,  with  instructions, 
a bill  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia, 
something  of  that  import,  but  that  was  designed 
only  to  place  before  Congress  and  the  country  the 
vital  question  he  supposed  at  issue.  It  was  merely 
a motion  to  go  upon  the  table,  with  the  matter  to 
which  it  was  attached. 

“ It  was,”  said  Mr.  Botts,  “ not  only  the  doc- 
trine of  that  gentleman,  but  of  the  majority  of 
his  State,  where  the  right  of  secession  was  in- 


22 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


flexibly  maintained.  It  was  in  vain  for  the'  gen- 
tlemen to  ignore  the  fact — one  that  had  gone  into 
history,  and  was  read  of  all  men  throughout  the 
Union.  South  Carolina  and  her  representative 
statesman  are  committed  to  the  doctrine  of  seces- 
sion, which  applies  as  well  to  one  State  as  to 
another.  It  was  maintained  by  others.  The  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  the  last  time  he  conversed  with 
me,  was  an  open,  avowed  advocate  of  the  imme- 
diate dissolution  of  the  Union.  (Mr.  Wise  inter- 
rupting, denied  it.)  I repeat  the  statement  and 
will  prove  it  whenever  the  Secretary  himself  denies. 
If  there  were  to  be  trials  for  high  treason,  he  de- 
sired the  Secretary  to  be  respectfully  noticed.” 

Mr.  Saltonstall,  of  Massachusetts,  on  obtaining 
the  floor,  gave  a succinct  history  of  threats  of  a 
forcible  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  demonstrated 
that  they  all  proceeded  from  the  South,  and  had 
arisen  out  of  the  subject  of  slavery ; that  if  they 
were  mere  pretences,  as  he  supposed  they  were, 
their  frequent  repetition  had  rendered  them  dis- 
gusting, and  if  they  were  earnest  intentions,  as  they 
affected  to  be,  they  were  at  the  head  of  the  crimi- 
nal calendar,  where  trials  should  proceed  in  order. 
Whilst  he  regretted  that  the  petition  in  question 
came  from  his  State,  he  felt  that  it  was  in  safe 
hands,  when  controlled  by  his  venerable  colleague, 
who  so  far  from  being  in  favor  of  granting  its 
prayer  was  disposed  to  convince  the  petitioners, 
and  the  people  generally,  that  in  the  union  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


23 


States  rested  their  greatest  safety.  Bat  gentlemen 
might  rest  assured  that  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
would  never  surrender  the  right  of  petition. 

Mr.  Arnold,  of  Tennessee,  was  disgusted  with 
a miserable  outcry  respecting  the  dissolution  of 
the  Union.  He  said  it  was  obvious  to  any  one  who 
Avould  perceive  the  truth,  that  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts  would,  with  permission,  crown  a 
long  and  illustrious  life,  by  sending  forth  in  these 
times  of  confusion  and  degeneracy,  a luminous  and 
convincing  report  in  favor  of  the  American  Union; 
and  yet,  for  presenting  a petition  from  his  constitu- 
ents, it  is  gravely  proposed  to  punish  him  with  the 
censure  of  the  house.  What  a singular  spectacle 
would  a consummation  of  such  purposes  present — • 
the  arrest  and  arraignment  at  the  bar  of  that  ven- 
erable statesman  with  his  palsied  hand,  his  bare 
head,  and  whitened  locks,  to  be  rebuked  by  the 
speaker,  comparatively  a boy,  after  having  been 
visited  by  the  vituperation  of  others,  boys  in  com- 
parison. Such  a proceeding  would  shock  the  sen- 
sibilities of  the  nation,  and  so  far  from  helping  the 
cause  of  the  South,  it  would  kindle  a blaze  of  in- 
dignation that  would  reach  the  heavens. 

The  debate  was  continued  by  others,  until  no 
more  of  his  accusers  desired  to  speak,  when  Mr. 
Adams  entered  upon  his  defense,  which  was  a mas- 
terly exposition  of  all  the  combinations  and  coali- 
tions of  the  slave  power  against  the  liberty  of 
speech,  and  of  the  press,  and  the  right  of  the  peo- 


24  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

pie  to  invoke  the  national  Legislature  upon'  any 
subject  appertaining  to  the  institutions,  of  the 
country,  and  of  the  right  of  every  man  accused  of 
crime  to  an  impartial  trial.  He  administered  a 
withering  rebuke  to  the  nullifiers  for  seeking  to 
punish  him  for  presenting  a petition  from  forty- 
five  of  his  constituents,  whose  views  of  the  subject 
involved  accorded  with  their  own.  But  after  oc- 
cupying the  floor  for  several  days,  without  seem 
ing  to  approach  the  end  of  his  speech,  his  assail- 
ants, to  drop  the  tedious  discussion,  moved  to  table 
the  subject,  which  was  carried  by  a vote  of  106 
against  93.  The  reception  of  the  petition  was 
then  refused  by  106  against  40. 

On  the  21st  of  March,  Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio, 
offered  a resolution,  suggested  by  the  affair  of  the 
brig  “ Creole,”  which  had  just  transpired,  to  the 
effect  that  the  slave  laws  of  the  State  did  not 
extend  on  the  high  seas,  beyond  the  State  jurisdic 
tion,  and  that  the  slaves  on  board  the  “ Creole,” 
in  asserting  their  right  to  liberty,  violated  no  law 
of  the  United  States ; whereupon  Mr.  Botts,  of 
Virginia,  introduced  a resolution  declaring  his  con- 
duct deserving  of  the  condemnation  of  the  people 
and  the  House.  An  exciting  and  confused  debate 
ensued,  when  without  affording  the  accused  an 
opportunity  of  defense,  the  resolution  of  censure 
was  passed  by  a vote  of  129  against  69.  Mr.  Gid- 
dings then  resigned,  returned  home,  and  was  sent 
back  by  his  constituents  with  a vote  of  3,500  over 
the  opposing  candidate. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


25 


Mr.  Webster  remained  in  Tyler’s  cabinet  for  the 
principal  reason  of  negotiating  a treaty  with  Lord 
Ashburton,  for  the  settlement  of  the  northeast 
boundary  question  ; and  there  is  authority  for  as- 
serting that  he  assured  his  friends  that  the  belief 
that  he  could  avert  a war  with  Great  Britain, 
which  was  certain  to  occur  if  he  left  the  adminis- 
tration to  itself,  was  the  only  reason  why  he  con- 
sented to  remain  there.  In  this  Mr.  Webster  was 
successful.  He  concluded  a treaty  which  not  only 
adjusted  the  disputed  boundary,  but  arranged  for 
tbe  united  and  final  suppression  of  the  slave  trade, 
and  the  mutual  extradition  of  fugitives  from  justice. 
After  the  same  was  ratified  by  both  governments, 
he  resigned  his  office  of  Secretary  of  State  in  May, 
1843. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


20 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LOCAL  DESPOTISM  IN  THE  ASCENDENCY. 

We  have  now  reached  a point  in  the  history  of 
the  United  States  where  the  local  despotism,  under 
the  lead  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  attained  complete  ascen- 
dency in  the  government.  The  vetoes  of  the  tariff 
hill  by  President  Tyler  were  taken  by  the  nulli- 
fiers  as  sufficient  indications  that  he  was  their  con- 
venient man  for  the  consummation  of  their  schemes; 
they  set  themselves  immediately  to  work  to  pre- 
pare a case  for  him,  which  might  seem  to  justify 
the  employment  of  the  forces  of  the  government  in 
its  fulfilment.  The  great  desideratum  was  the 
speedy  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States. 

Daring  the  summer  and  autumn  of  1843  they 
held  the  President’s  ear.  They  impressed  him 
with  the  idea  that  the  pending  war  between  Texas 
and  Mexico  was  exhausting  the  physical  energies 
of  both,  and  exposing  them  to  the  designs  of  foreign 
governments,  particularly  that  of  Great  Britain ; 
that  Texas  was  negotiating  loans  and  commercial 
arrangements  with  the  latter  government,  which 
were  likely  to  be  consummated  only  upon  the  con- 
dition of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  that  State  ; and 
that  in  case  no  such  treaty  were  concluded  and 
loans  only  were  effected,  it  would  result  in  a mone- 
tary vassalage  of  Texas  to  Great  Britain,  which 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


‘27 


would  subject  it  to  the  sway  of  influences  adverse 
to  the  profitable  continuation  of  slavery.  They 
also  persuaded  him  that  then  was  the  opportune 
occasion  for  augmenting  the  slave  power  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  render  it  invulnerable  against 
public  sentiment  in  the  North.  This  argument 
prevailed. 

On  the  4th  of  December,  1843,  the  President 
laid  the  matter  before  Congress,  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage, in  which  he  dilated  at  great  length  upon  the 
exhausting  effects  of  the  existing  war  between 
Texas  and  Mexico,  and  the  exposure  of  both  gov- 
ernments to  foreign  interference  which  resulted 
from  its  continuance. 

About  the  time  of  the  delivery  of  this  message, 
it  was  stated  in  a newspaper  published  in  Texas, 
that  authentic  information  had  been  received  by 
that  government  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  concluded  to  favor  the  project  of  an- 
nexation, and  would  break  ground  on  the  subject 
in  his  message  to  Congress  ; that  the  Texan  Legis- 
lature had  taken  action  on  the  subject,  and  author- 
ized the  President  of  that  Republic  to  open  negotia- 
tions which,  it  was  said,  Mr.  Upshur,  the  American 
Secretary  of  State,  had  proposed  to  commence.  It 
is  known  that  secret  despatches  were  sent  to  the 
Department  of  State,  touching  that  subject ; and  a 
correspondence  opened  between  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  a Mr.  Murphy,  our  charge  d’affaires  in 
Texas,  in  which  the  latter  pretended  to  have  infor- 


28  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

mation  from  a mysterious  Texan  named  Andrews ; 
that  a project  was  on  foot  in  England  to  raise 
money  with  which  to  purchase  slaves  in  Texas, 
and  that  lands  were  to  be  taken  in  payment.  That 
information  which  was  undoubtedly  manufactured 
for  the  occasion  had  the  influence  desired,  and 
elicited  a letter  from  the  secretary  in  reply  stating 
that  “ a movement  of  this  sort  cannot  be  contem- 
plated in  silence,”  as  it  was  doubtless  part  of  a 
plan  “ to  seek  to  abolish  slavery  throughout  the 
entire  continent  and  islands  of  America.”  The 
secretary  further  said  that  Great  Britain  desired 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  order  to  open  in  this 
country  a better  market  for  the  production  of  her 
East  and  West  India  colonies;  and  that  if  Texas 
were  free,  it  would  afford  a refuge  for  fugitive 
slaves. 

Mr.  Murphy  replied  that  he  had  learned  that 
both  Mexico  and  Texas  were  negotiating  in  Eng- 
land, and  under  the  control  of  British  emissaries, 
and  there  existed  an  imminent  danger  to  the 
domestic  institutions  of  the  Southern  States,  which 
required  prompt  and  energetic  action  on  the  part 
of  our  government.  Mr.  Upshur  reassured  Mr. 
Murphy  that  the  President  felt  the  deepest  con- 
cern on  the  subject,  and  would  do  all  that  lay  in 
his  power  to  avert  the  impending  disaster,  and 
urged  him  to  diligence  in  watching  all  further 
movements  in  that  direction.  He  also  wrote  Mr. 
Everett  confidentially  in  England,  what  informa- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


29 


tion  the  department  possessed  on  that  subject,  in 
which  he  urged  the  necessity  of  slave  labor  in  the 
production  of  cotton,  sugar  and  rice,  and  declared 
that  the  slaves  themselves  would  be  damaged  by 
emancipation. 

Mr.  Everett  heard  nothing  of  the  matter  in 
England,  but,  on  the  receipt  of  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Upshur,  called  on  Lord  Aberdeen  for  information, 
and  was  assured  by  his  lordship  that  the  suggestion 
that  England  had  made  or  intended  to  make  the 
abolition  of  slavery  the  condition  of  any  treaty  ar- 
rangement with  Texas  was  wholly  without  founda- 
tion, and  thereupon  communicated  that  assurance  to 
Mr.  Upshur.  This  was  corroborated  by  Mr.  Packen- 
ham,  the  British  Minister  at  Washington,  who  en- 
closed a letter,  received  by  him  from  Lord  Aber- 
deen, stating  that  as  much  as  the  British  Govern- 
ment might  wish  to  see  slaveholding  States  placed 
on  the  solid  footing  only  obtained  by  general 
freedom,  it  had  never  in  its  treatments  with  them 
made  any  distinction  between  slave  States  and  free 
ones.  Hence  it  will  be  perceived  that  the  pretence 
of  Mr.  Murphy  was  utterly  false  in  fact. 

But  the  administration  was  committed  to  the 
measure,  and  it  had  been  vaguely  indicated  to  Con- 
gress in  the  message.  Texas  formally  made  her 
application,  and  numerous  Southern  State  Legisla- 
tures sent  up  resolutions  and  memorials  urging 
speedy  annexation.  At  length  Mr.  Edward  J. 
Black,  a representative  from  Georgia,  on  the  15th 


30 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


of  January,  1844,  gave  notice  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  his  intention  to  move  as  an 
amendment  to  the  Oregon  bill  then  reported,  a sec- 
tion providing  for  the  provisional  annexation  of 
Texas.  This  brought  the  subject  distinctly  before 
Congress. 

The  next  link  in  the  chain  of  circumstances  was 
the  sudden  death  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  the 
28th  of  February,  1844,  by  the  explosion  of  the 
“ peace-maker,”  and  the  immediate  appointment  of 
Mr.  Calhoun  to  his  place.  This  raised  the  great 
nullifier  to  the  place  which  he  coveted,  and  placed 
in  his  hands  all  the  wires  of  the  plot.  He  was  the 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  in  charge  of  that 
correspondence,  and  invested  with  the  discretion 
to  conclude  a treaty  of  annexation  whenever  he 
should  judge  such  a contract  necessary. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  31 


CHAPTER  V. 

CALHOUN  IN  POWER. 

The  Jupiter- Ammon  of  the  Palmetto  State  was 
now  invested  with  high  authority.  In  his  hands 
the  nominal  President  was  plastic  clay.  The 
South  was  now  to  be  aroused,  and  the  deed  ex- 
ecuted, and  no  man  lived,  who  knew  so  well  as  he 
how  to  strike  a chord  that  would  vibrate  all  through 
the  precincts  of  slavery.  He  advised  the  Presi- 
dent to  take  an  open  stand  in  favor  of  the  im- 
mediate annexation  of  Texas ; to  insist  upon  it  as 
a Democratic  measure ; and  to  force  the  Democratic 
nominating  convention,  which  was  advertised  to  be 
held  at  Baltimore  on  the  27th  of  May  following, 
to  adopt  it.  His  words  were  implicitly  heeded. 
The  views  of  the  administration  were  immediately 
announced  in  the  newspapers  of  Washington,  and 
they  electrified  the  entire  oligarchy.  It  was  a 
magnificent  scheme,  not  only  to  exalt  and  en- 
throne the  slave  power,  but  to  augment  largely  the 
value  of  existing  slaves,  and  the  profits  of  slave- 
breeding. 

He  signified  to  the  Texan  government  that  he 
was  prepared  to  negotiate  a treaty  of  annexation 
with  it  at  Washington,  whenever  ministers  with 
plenipotential  powers  were  ready  to  meet  him. 
Messrs.  Isaac  Van  Zant  and  J.  Pinckney  Hender- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


son  were  duly  commissioned  on  the  part  of  Texas 
to  treat  with  him.  After  suitable  preliminaries, 
he  concluded  a treaty  of  annexation  with  them  on 
the  12th  day  of  April,  1844,  which  was  immedi- 
ately transmitted  to  the  Senate  for  approval. 

The  time  for  the  meeting  of  the  Democratic 
convention  being  near,  the  premier  advised  speedy 
measures  for  controlling  its  action,  and  for  menac- 
ing its  nominee  with  defeat,  in  case  it  refused  to 
indorse  the  measure.  To  that  end  he  convened  a 
deputation  of  officeholders  from  all  the  States,  at 
Baltimore,  contemporaneously  with  the  delegated 
convention,  which  secretly  nominated  President 
Tyler,  and  resolved  to  support  him  to  the  damage 
of  any  Democratic  nominee  who  should  fail  to 
give  satisfactory  pledges  respecting  Texas.  This 
done,  the  deputies  repaired  to  the  Democratic  con- 
vention, where  they  succeeded  not  only  in  produc- 
ing a schism,  but  in  procuring  the  adoption  of  a 
two-third  rule,  by  which  Martin  Van  Buren,  who 
was  the  choice  of  a majority  of  the  delegates,  was 
defeated,  and  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  foisted 
upon  the  ticket  instead. 

The  nullifier  was  now  greatly  elated.  He  saw 
that  he  was  making  rapid  progress.  He  perceived 
that  the  influence  of  his  great  name,  and  the  pe- 
cuniary interests  which  invested  it,  had  raised  the 
Texas  proposition  to  the  dignity  of  a cardinal  prin- 
ciple, and  one  that  outweighed  all  other  questions 
involved  in  the  pending  canvass.  He  had  only  to 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  33 

I 

convince  Colonel  Polk  that  without  his  aid  he 
could  not  have  been  nominated,  and  could  not  be 
elected  to  insure  the  conquest.  Holding  up  before 
the  colonel,  as  a menace,  the  secret  nomination  of 
Tyler,  he  procured  a ready  acknowledgment  of 
his  power,  and  a complete  acquiescence  in  his  favor- 
ite measure.  Thus  the  Democratic  party,  the 
party  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  was  surrendered 
to  the  nullifier  by  the  chosen  bearer  of  its  stan- 
dard. 

But  this  surrender  of  Colonel  Polk  was  carefully 
withheld  from  the  people  of  the  North  during  the 
presidential  canvass.  To  them  he  appeared  in  the 
mantle  of  General  Jackson,  which  was  yet  attrac- 
tive. Privileged  classes  in  the  South  only  were 
intrusted  with  the  secret.  Under  the  double 
guise  of  Jackson-man  and  nullifier,  he  was  tri- 
umphantly elected.  He  then  laid  aside  the  gar- 
ment borrowed  from  the  Hermitage,  and  disclosed, 
even  to  the  dying  hero  himself,  that  his  protegd 
was  in  solemn  league  with  his  most  implacable 
enemy. 

The  Senate,  after  debating  the  Calhoun  treaty 
from  day  to  day  in  secret  session,  until  the  8th  of 
June,  then  rejected  it  by  a vote  of  thirty -five, 
sixteen  voting  in  the  affirmative.  The  injunction 
of  secrecy  was  then  removed.  It  should  be  re- 
marked in  this  connection,  that  the  project  had  not, 
at  the  time  when  the  treaty  was  under  considera- 
tion in  the  Senate,  fully  ripened ; it  had  not  be- 
cc 


£4  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN-  PARTY. 

come  a party  measure;  hence,  senators  of  the 
Democratic  party  felt  at  liberty  to  characterize  the 
treaty  as  a miserable  intrigue  for  political  and  per- 
sonal ends.  Colonel  Benton,  in  particular,  who 
was  decidedly  in  favor  of  annexation  as  a public 
measure,  with  the  assent  of  Texas  and  Mexico, 
denounced  it  as  a proceeding  got  up  for  election- 
eering purposes,  which  would  end  in  the  disgrace 
of  its  authors.  Atchinson,  his  colleague,  was  in 
the  confidence  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  supported  the 
treaty. 

Two  days  after  the  rejection  of  the  treaty, 
Colonel  Benton,  whom  the  Calhounites  sought  to 
place  in  a false  position  before  the  country,  intro- 
duced a bill  into  the  Senate,  conferring  authority 
on  the  President  to  open  negotiations  with  Mexico 
and  Texas  for  the  adjustment  of  boundaries  and 
the  annexation  of  the  latter  to  the  United  States, 
the  assent  of  Mexico  to  be  obtained  by  treaty,  that 
of  Texas  by  an  act  of  her  legislature,  and  after 
erecting  out  of  Texas  a State  not  exceeding  the 
size  of  the  largest  State  in  the  Union,  slavery  to 
be  excluded  from  the  northern  half  of  the  re- 
mainder, which  was  ordered  to  be  printed.  The 
subject  then  went  over  to  the  ensuing  session. 

In  his  annual  message  of  December  3d,  to  the 
second  session  of  the  same  Congress,  the  President 
recommended  annexation  especially,  and  without 
reservations  or  conditions,  and  averred  that  which 
had  not  been  generally  understood  in  the  North, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


35 


(hat  in  the  election  of  his  successor,  the  people  of 
ihe  United  States  had  pronounced  in  favor  of  an- 
nexation. The  inode  suggested  by  the  President 
was  a joint  resolution  or  act  to  be  perfected  and 
made  binding  upon  the  two  governments  when 
adopted,  in  like  manner,  by  the  government  of 
Texas ; but  when  the  Democratic  members  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  from  the  North  reached  Wash- 
ington to  attend  this  session  of  Congress,  some  of 
them,  and  among  others  Senators  Dix,  of  New 
York,  and  Niles,  of  Connecticut,  and  Representa- 
tives Preston  King,  George  Rathbun,  Horace 
Wheeten,  and  Amasa  Dana,  were  surprised  by  in- 
formation of  a discovery  that  the  President-elect, 
Mr.  Polk,  had  been  in  collusion  with  President 
Tyler  and  the  nullifier  from  about  the  time  of  the 
Baltimore  convention ; that  prior  to  the  election 
he  had  committed  himself  secretly  but  in  writing 
to  certain  confidential  friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun  to 
depose,  in  the  event  of  his  election,  Francis  P.  Blaii 
from  his  position  as  the  editor  of  the  National  Demo- 
cratic organ  ; and  yet  had,  after  so  committing 
himself  in  writing  through  his  particular  friends  in 
Tennessee,  drawn  upon  Messrs.  Blair  &nd  Rives 
for  several  thousand  dollars  for  use  in  promoting 
his  election,  which  drafts  had  been  accepted  and 
paid ; that  after  having  thus  obtained  for  election- 
eering purposes  heavy  sums  of  money  from  those 
gentlemen,  whilst  he  was  under  a secret  contract 
to  establish  a new  organ  to  their  great  political  and 


3<j  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

pecuniary  damage,  he  had  arranged  with  Tyler, 
Calhoun,  and  prominent  men  to  raise  the  requisite 
funds  for  the  purchase  of  such  press ; and  was  au- 
thorized by  the  President  to  invest  it  in  the  Globe , 
or  in  the  establishment  of  another  press  at  Washing- 
ton ; and  that  the  arrangement  had  gone  so  far  to- 
ward completion,  as  to  have  been  intimated  to  Gen- 
eral Jackson  himself,  at  the  Hermitage,  by  General 
Armstrong,  with  a view  to  obtain  his  assent  to  the 
project.  It  was  seen  at  a glance,  therefore,  that  a 
conspiracy  which  involved  the  President-elect  in 
such  palpable  treachery  and  ingratitude  might  well 
be  taken  as  an  admonition  that  other  developments 
equally  astounding  were  yet  behind. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


37 


CHAPTER  VI. 

EFFORTS  AGAINST  THE  PARTY. 

It  soon  afterward  appeared  that  the  information 
imparted  by  General  Armstrong,  at  the  Hermitage, 
was  such  as  to  induce  Jackson  on  the  14th  of 
December,  1844,  to  write  Mr.  Blair  as  follows : 
“ Our  mutual  friend,  General  Robert  Armstrong, 
spent  a part  of  yesterday  with  me,  from  whom  I 
confidentially  learned  some  movements  of  some  of 
our  Democratic  friends,  not  of  wisdom,  but  of  folly, 
that  would  at  once  separate  the  Democratic  party 
and  destroy  Polk,  and  would  of  course  drive  you 
from  the  support  of  Polk’s  administration.  I forth- 
with wrote  Colonel  Polk  on  the  subject,  and  am  sure 
he  will  view  it  as  I do — a wicked  and  concerted 
movement  for  Mr.  Calhoun’s  and  Mr.  Tyler’s  politi- 
cal benefit.  It  is  this : to  amalgamate  the  Madisonian 
and  what  was  the  Spectator , and  make  that  paper 
the  organ  of  the  government,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
Globe.  I am  sure  Polk,  when  he  hears  it,  will  feel 
as  indignant  at  the  plot  as  I do.  I will  vouch  for 
one  thing,  and  that  is,  that  Mr.  Calhoun  will  not 
be  one  of  Polk’s  cabinet,  not  any  aspirant  to  the 
presidency.  This  is  believed  to  spring  from  Mr. 
Rhett’s  brain,  inculcated  into  the  brain  of  some  of 
our  pretended  Democratic  politicians  who  want  to 
be  great  men  but  will  never  reach  that  height 


38  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

“As  your  friend  on  the  political  watch-tower,  I 
give  you  this  confidential  information,  and  by 
silence  and  care  you  will  soon  find  the  secret 
movers  of  this  weak  and  wicked  measure  that 
would  at  once  divide  and  distract  the  Republican 
party,  and  dissolve  it — unless  the  measures  we 
have  adopted  here  may  put  it  down,  you  will  soon 
see  the  movement  in  Washington,  and  I hope, 
if  attempted,  the  whole  Democracy  will  rally 
around  the  Globe,  and  prostrate  the  viper  for- 
ever. This  intrigue  puts  me  in  mind  of  Mr.  Cal- 
houn’s treachery  to  me,  and  is  well  worthy  of  a 
disciple  of  his. 

“But  there  is  another  project  on  foot  as  void  of 
good  sense  and  benefit  to  the  Democratic  cause  as 
the  other,  but  not  as  wicked,  proceeding  from  weak 
and  inexperienced  minds.  It  is  this — to  bring 
about  a partnership  between  you  and  Mr.  Ritchie, 
you  to  continue  proprietor  and  Ritchie  editor. 
This,  to  me,  is  a most  extraordinary  conception, 
coming  from  any  well-formed  mind  or  experienced 
politician.  It  is  true  Mr.  Ritchie  is  an  experienced 
editor,  but  sometimes  goes  off  at  half-cock  before 
he  sees  the  whole  ground,  and  does  the  party  great 
injury  before  he  sees  his  error,  and  then  has  great 
difficulty  in  getting  back  to  the  right  track  again. 
Witness  his  course  on  my  removal  of  the  deposits, 
and  how  much  injury  he  did  us  before  he  got  into 
the  right  track  again.  Another  faux  pas  he  made 
when  he  went  off  with  Rives  and  the  conservatives, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


.39 


and  advocated  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  public 
revenue  special  deposits  in  the  State  banks,  as  if 
where  the  directory  were  corrupt  there  could  be 
any  more  security  in  special  deposits  in  corrupt 
banks  than  in  general  deposits,  and  it  was  some 
time  before  this  great  absurdity  could  be  beaten 
out  of  his  mind. 

“ These  are  visionary  measures  of  what  I call 
weak  politicians,  but  who  wish  to  become  great  by 
foolish  changes.  Polk,  I believe,  will  stick  by  you 
faithfully;  should  he  not,  he  is  lost;  but  I have 
no  fears  but  that  he  will,  and  being  informed  con- 
fidentially of  this  movement,  may  have  it  in  his 
power  to  put  it  all  down.  One  thing  I know,  Gen- 
eral Armstrong  and  myself,  with  all  our  influence, 
will  stick  by  you  till  the  last.  I am  not  at  liberty 
to  name  names,  but  you  will  be  able,  by  silent 
watchfulness,  to  discover  those  concerned,  because 
the  amalgamation  of  the  Madisonian  with  Mr. 
Rhett’s  paper  will  be  at  once  attempted  to  be  put 
in  operation  to  carry  out  Mr.  Tyler’s  administra- 
tion, and  attempt  to  become  the  administration 
paper  under  Polk,  and  the  copartnership  between 
you  and  Mr.  Ritchie  broached  to  you  by  some  of 
your  friends  and  his.  I therefore  give  you  this 
information  that  you  may  not  be  taken  by  surprise. 
There  will  be  great  intrigue  at  Washington  this 
winter,  and  if  I mistake  not  Mr.  Polk,  he  will 
throw  the  whole  to  the  bats  and  to  the  wind.  He 
has  energy  enough  to  give  himself  elbow-room 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

under  all  and  any  circumstances,  and  you  may- rest 
assured,  he  will  have  none  in  his  cabinet  that  are 
aspiring  to  the  Presidency.  I write  in  confidence, 
and  will  soon  again  write  you.  You  may  rest 
assured  in  my  friendship — all  the  politicians  on 
earth  can  never  shake  it.  I wish  to  see  you  the 
organ  of  the  Democratic  party  as  long  as  you  own 
a paper,  and  as  long  as  the  party  is  true  to  itself, 
you  will  be  its  organ,  and  true  to  its  principles. 

“ I am  very  weak,  and  must  close. 

[Signed]  “Andrew  Jackson.” 

On  hearing  this  communication  read,  they  were 
able  to  perceive  that  General  Jackson  had  been 
completely  betrayed  by  Mr.  Polk. 

Further  denouements  were  attentively  looked  for 
until  it  was  ascertained  that  James  Buchanan  had 
been  selected  by  Mr.  Polk  for  Secretary  of  State, 
instead  of  Silas  Wright,  of  New  York,  the  states- 
man of  all  others,  under  the  circumstances,  most 
entitled  to  that  honor,  and  that  William  Marcy, 
the  political  enemy  of  Mr.  Wright,  had  been 
selected  for  his  Secretary  of  War.  This  plainly 
signified  that  although  Mr.  Polk  was  indebted  to 
Mr.  Wright  and  his  friends  in  New  York  for  his 
election,  he  had  resolved  to  repay  the  boon  by 
“crushing  them  out  ” so  effectually  that  they  would 
be  unable  to  bring  him  (Mr.  Wright)  forward  in 
1848,  as  a candidate  for  the  succession. 


HISTORY.  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY". 


41 


CHAPTER  VII. 

NULLIFICATION  SCHEMES. 

Perceiving  that  it  was  definitely  arranged  to 
put  the  Democratic  ship  on  the  nullification  tack, 
the  old-line  Democrats,  and  the  friends  of  Silas 
Wright,  especially,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  became 
reluctant  passengers  in  the  projected  voyage.  Al- 
though they  were  partially  committed  to  annexa- 
tion by  resolves  of  Democratic  conventions,  they 
determined  at  once  that  in  whatever  they  did  in 
relation  to  that  subject,  their  action  should  enure 
to  the  benefit  of  freedom  rather  than  slavery ; that 
they  would  oppose  annexation  by  all  processes, 
other  than  by  treaty  negotiated  pursuant  to  a 
special  law,  hoping  that  when  a treaty  should  be 
concluded,  there  would  not  be  found  a two-third 
vote  in  the  Senate  to  confirm  it.  Hence  their  six 
consecutive  votes  upon  and  against  the  House 
resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas,  given  on 
the  25th  of  January,  1845. 

About  the  first  of  April,  Mr.  Blair  received  an- 
other letter  from  General  Jackson,  dated  at  the 
Hermitage,  February  28th,  1845. 

uMtj  dear  Blair: — For  the  first  time  on  the  23d 
instant.  I was  informed  that  Colonel  Laughlin  had 
gone  to  the  city  of  Washington  to  become  inter- 
ested in  the  Madisonian.  If  this  is  true,  it  will 


42 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


astonish  me  greatly.  Some  time  ago,  I did  learn 
that  there  was  a project  on  foot  to  unite  the  Madi- 
sonian and  the  Constitution , and  make  it  the  organ 
of  the  executive.  Another  plan  is  to  get  Mr. 
Ritchie  interested  as  the  editor  of  the  Globe,  all  of 
which  I gave  you  an  intimation  of,  and  which  I 
thought  had  been  put  down.  But  that  any  lead- 
ing Democrat  here  had  any  thought  of  becoming 
interested  in  the  Madisonian , to  make  it  the  organ 
of  the  administration,  was  such  a thing  as  I could 
not  believe ; as  common  sense  at  once  pointed  out 
as  a consequence,  that  it  would  divide  the  democ- 
racy, and  destroy  Polk’s  administration.  The 
moment  I heard  it,  I adopted  such  measures  as  I 
trust  will  put  an  end  to  it,  as  I know  nothing 
could  be  so  injurious  to  Colonel  Polk,  and  his  ad- 
ministration. The  pretext  for  this  movement  will 
be  the  Globe's  support  of  Colonel  Benton.  Let 
me  know  if  there  is  any  truth  in  this  rumor.  I 
guarded  Colonel  Polk  against  any  abandonment  of 
the  Globe.  It  can  do  you  but  little  harm.  A few 
subscribers  may  resign,  but  it  will  add  one  hundred 
per  cent,  to  your  subscription  list  one  month  after 
it  is  known.  If  true,  it  would  place  Colonel  Polk 
in  the  shoes  of  Mr.  Tyler. 

“ Your  friend  sincerely, 

[Signed]  Andrew  Jackson.” 

In  this  communication  the  General  says  he 
guarded  Colonel  Polk  against  any  abandonment  of 
the  Globe,  vainly  supposing  that  the  question  was 
an  open  one,  and  therefore  within  reach  of  his  in- 
fluence. Had  he  been  awrare  of  the  bargain  of 
Mr.  Polk  with  his  (the  General’s)  most  implacable 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


■4.3 


enemy,  he  would  have  known  that  his  efforts  would 
be  fruitless.  It  is  well,  for  the  purposes  of  history, 
however,  that  he  was  kept  in  the  dark  on  that 
subject  until  the  intrigue  was  fully  accomplished. 
On  the  9th  of  April  he  wrote  Mr.  Blair  again  as 
follows : 

Hermitage , April  9,  1845. 

“My  dear  Mr.  Blair: — I have  been  quite  sick 
for  several  days,  my  feet  and  legs  much  swollen, 
and  it  has  reached  my  hands  and  abdomen,  and  it 
may  be  that  my  life  ends  in  dropsy.  All  means 
hitherto  used  to  check  the  swelling  have  now 
failed — be  it  so : I am  fully  prepared  to  say,  the 
Lord’s  will  be  done.  My  mind,  since  ever  I heard 
of  the  attitude  the  President  had  assumed  with 
3’ou  as  editor  of  the  Globe , which  was  the  most 
unexpected  thing  I ever  met  with,  has  been  troubled, 
and  it  was  not  only  unexpected  by  me,  but  has 
shown  less  good  common  sense  by  the  President 
than  any  act  of  his  life,  and  calculated  to  divide, 
instead  of  uniting  the  Democracy,  which  appears 
to  be  his  reason  for  urging  this  useless  and  foolish 
measure,  at  the  very  threshold  of  his  administra- 
tion, and  when  everything  appeared  to  augur  well 
for,  to  him,  a prosperous  administration.  The 
President,  here,  before  he  set  out  for  Washington, 
must  have  been  listening  to  the  secret  counsels  of 
some  political  cliques,  such  as  Tyler  or  Calhoun 
cliques  (for  there  are  such  here),  or,  after  he  reached 
Washington,  some  of  the  secret  friends  of  some  of 
the  aspirants  must  have  gotten  hold  of  his  ear, 
and  spoiled  his  common  sense,  or  he  never  would 
have  made  such  a movement,  so  uncalled  for,  and 
well  calculated  to  sever  the  Democracy,  by  calling 


41  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

down  upon  himself  suspicion,  by  the  act  of 
secretly  favoring  some  of  the  political  cliques  who 
are  looking  to  the  succession  for  some  favorite.  I 
have  in  my  confidential  letters,  and  particularly  in 
that  of  the  4th  instant,  brought  fully  to  his  view, 
in  my  plain  common  sense  way,  his  situation,  and 
asking  him  at  least,  how  lie  can  justify  his  course 
to  you,  to  the  real  Democracy,  that  sustained  my 
administration  and  Mr.  Van  Buren’s. 

“ I brought  to  his  view  that  when  I entered 
upon  the  duties  of  the  administration  of  the  gov- 
ernment, Duff  Green  was  the  Democratic  editor, 
whose  object  was  to  heat  the  executive  chair  by 
me  for  Mr.  Calhoun.  He  was  the  executive  organ 
until  I found  he  was  doing  my  administration  in- 
jury, and  dividing  the  Democratic  ranks;  that  the 
Globe , with  you,  its  editor,  took  Duff  Green’s  place; 
that  you  and  Colonel  Polk  went  hand  in  hand  in 
sustaining  all  my  measures  with  ability  and  zeal — 
both  advocated  the  election  of  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
and  went  hand  in  hand  in  sustaining  his  adminis- 
tration— united  in  his  support  for  a second  term ; 
that  ever  since  the  Colonel’s  name  was  announced 
as  the  nominee  of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  you 
have  given  him  an  undeviating  support,  and  I have 
fully  explained  to  him  how  your  paper  had  been 
drawn  astray  from  your  own  matured  views  on 
the  Texas  question.  I then  conclude  by  asking 
him  what  excuse  can  he  give  to  the  old  substantial 
Jackson  and  Van  Buren  Democrats  for  not  letting 
you  and  your  paper  go  on  as  his  organ,  until  you 
are  in  some  fault,  and  then,  as  I did  Duff  Green, 
turn  you  away.  I ask,  have  you  (the  Colonel)  any 
new  principles  other  than  those  you  have  always 
advocated,  and  set  forth  in  your  inaugural,  to  bring 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


45 


before  the  people,  that  you  think  Mr.  Blair  will 
oppose,  that  at  the  very  threshold  of  your  admin- 
istration you  have  repudiated  Blair  and  his  Globe 
from  being  your  organ  ? I know  this  cannot  be  the 
case ; therefore,  am  entirely  lost  to  conjecture  any 
good  cause  for  your  unaccountable  course  to  Mr. 
Blair;  and  wind  up,  telling  him  there  is  one  safe 
course  to  pursue — review  his  course,  send  for  you, 
and  direct  you  and  the  Globe  to  proceed  as  the 
organ  of  his  administration,  give  you  all  his  con- 
fidence, and  all  would  end  well.  This  is  the  sub- 
stance ; and  I had  a hope  on  the  receipt  of  this 
letter,  and  some  others  written  by  mutual  friends, 
it  would  have  restored  all  things  to  harmony  and 
confidence  again.  I rested  on  this  hope  until  the 
7th,  when  I received  yours  of  the  30th,  and  two 
confidential  letters  from  the  President  directed  to 
be  laid  before  me,  from  which  it  would  seem  that 
the  purchase  of  the  Globe , and  to  get  clear  of  you, 
as  editor,  is  the  great  absorbing  question  before  the 
President. 

“ My  own  opinion  is,  that  the  contract  made, 
the  money  cannot  be  raised,  and  the  Globe  cannot 
be  bought.  What  then  ? The  President  will  find 
himself  in  a dilemma,  have  to  apologize,  and  the 
Globe  will  be  the  organ ; and  Ritchie  will  return, 
not  so  well  satisfied  with  the  sagacity  of  the  ad- 
ministration as  when  he  left  Richmond.  These 
are  my  speculations.  I may  be  in  error.  I would 
like  to  know  what  portion  of  the  Cabinet  are  sup- 
porting and  advising  the  President  to  this  course, 
where  nothing  but  injury  can  result  to  him  in  the 
end,  and  division  in  his  Cabinet  arising  from 
jealousy.  What  political  clique  is  to  be  benefited  ? 
My  dear  friend,  let  me  know  all  about  the  Cabi- 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

net,  and  their  movement  on  this  subject.  How 
loathsome  it  is  to  me  to  see  an  old  friend  laid 
aside,  principles  of  justice  and  friendship  forgotten, 
and  all  for  the  sake  of  policy — and  the  great  Dem- 
ocratic party  divided  or  endangered  for  policy — 
and  that  a mere  imaginary  policy,  that  must  tend 
to  divide  the  great  Democratic  party  whilst  the 
Whigs  are  secretly  rejoicing  at  the  prospect  of 
disunion  in  our  ranks.  I declare  to  you,  it  is  a 
course  that  common  sense  forbade  the  adoption, 
when  the  administration  was  entering  on  its  career 
with  so  much  harmony  and  prospect  of  success.  I 
cannot  reflect  on  it  with  any  calmness ; every 
point  of  it,  upon  scrutiny,  turns  to  harm  and  dis- 
union, and  not  one  beneficial  result  can  be  ex- 
pected from  it.  I will  be  anxious  to  know  the 
result.  If  harmony  is  restored,  and  the  Globe  the 
organ,  I will  rejoice ; if  sold,  to  whom,  and  for 
what.  This  may  be  the  last  letter  I may  be  able 
to  write  you ; but  live  or  die,  I am  your  friend 
(and  never  deserted  one  from  policy),  and  leave  my 
papers  and  reputation  in  your  keeping.  As  far  as 
justice  is  due  to  my  fame,  I know  you  will  shield 
it.  I ask  no  more.  I rest  upon  truth,  and  require 
no  more  than  truth  will  mete  to  me.  All  my 
household  join  me  in  wishes  for  your  health  and 
prosperity,  and  that  of  all  your  family ; and  that 
you  may  triumph  over  all  enemies.  May  God’s 
choicest  blessing  be  bestowed  on  you  and  yours 
through  life  is  the  sincere  prayer  of  your  sincere 
friend, 

[Signed] 


“Andrew  Jackson\v' 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


-i  / 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  TWENTY-EIGHTH  CONGRESS. 

Haying  noticed  the  plot  against  Silas  Wright 
and  the  newspaper  intrigue,  we  will  return  to  the 
early  part  of  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty- 
eighth  Congress.  We  remarked  that  when  certain 
Democratic  Senators  and  Representatives  arrived 
at  Washington,  they  were  surprised  by  certain  in- 
formation of  a coalition  between  Tyler,  Calhoun, 
and  the  President-elect.  The  moment  of  surprise 
having  passed,  the  old-school  Democrats  and  friends 
of  Mr.  Wright  saw  at  a glance  the  origin,  object 
and  drift  of  the  whole  conspiracy.  They  also  com- 
prehended the  declaration  in  the  message,  that  the 
people  had  decided  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas  at  the  recent  presidential  election.  They 
comprehended,  in  short,  the  general  fact  that  the 
radical  Democracy  of  New  York,  without  whose 
aid  Mr.  Polk  could  not  have  been  elected,  had 
been  most  infamously  betrayed  in  the  house  of 
their  friends. 

But  as  no  public  good  seemed  attainable  by  an 
open  rupture  with  those  who  abetted  the  treason, 
Messrs.  Dix,  Niles,  King,  Rathbun  and  Dana  and 
their  associates  concluded  to  abide  results  for  the 
time,  and  until  the  conspiracy  should  ripen  into 
fruits  more  obvious  to  their  constituents  and  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


people  at  large.  On  the  Texas  question  their  posi- 
tion at  that  time  was  well  defined  by  Mr.  Rathbun, 
of  the  Cayuga  district,  in  a speech  delivered  by 
him  in  the  committee  of  the  whole  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  on  the  22d  of  Januaty,  1845. 

The  joint  resolutions  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
reported  by  the  committee  on  foreign  affairs  being 
under  consideration,  Mr.  Rathbun,  after  combating 
various  arguments  of  Messrs.  Rhett,  Holmes,  Bayly, 
Hammitt  and  others,  in  favor  of  their  passage, 
among  other  things  said  : 

“ This  is  an  attempt  to  usurp  an  authority  not 
given  to  us  in  the  constitution ; and  to  exercise, 
by  this  house,  a power  specifically  granted  to 
another  department  of  the  government.  It  is  an 
humble  imitation  of  the  usurpations  of  the  long 
Parliament  in  Great  Britain,  and  a yet  more  hum- 
ble imitation  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  in  France. 

“ They  usurped  the  power  belonging  to  the  other 
departments  of  the  government,  and  established 
the  most  intolerable  despotism  that  ever  existed,  and 
then  in  their  turn  were  overthrown  by  the  armed 
hand  of  military  despots,  whose  power,  usurped  and 
lawless  as  it  was,  was  a relief  and  refuge  to  those 
countries.  I am  in  favor  of  exercising  all  the  leg- 
itimate powers  which  belong  to  this  house,  when 
they  can  be  wisely  exerted  ; but  I will  not  consent 
to  assume  an  authority  which  has  been  withheld 
by  the  constitution.  This  house  has  no  authority 
to  create  or  confirm  a treaty. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN"  PARTY.  C) 

“We  are  willing  to  annex  Texas,  but  we  say  here, 
in  the  beginning,  after  we  have  given  you  of  the 
South  seven  new  States,  and  von  still  ask  for 
more,  to  give  us  at  least  our  portion  of  the  genial 
climate,  rich  products,  and  fertile  soil  of  this 
southern  Eldorado.  The  North  has  asked  for 
no  addition  to  her  territory.  It  wants  none.  But 
if  we  are  to  add  an  empire  to  the  Union  in  the 
South,  we  ask  you  to  leave  a part  of  it  open  to  the 
people  in  the  North.  The  South  has  acquired  all. 
The  North  has  been  taxed  to  pay  millions  for  the 
territory  of  Florida  and  Louisiana,  and  yielded  it 
all  to  the  South  and  Southern  institutions.  We 
are  willing  to  go  further  in  the  acquisition  of  terri- 
tory, but  we  demand  a fair  division  of  it  when  it 
is  obtained.  If  you  will  meet  us  on  fair,  equal  and 
honorable  terms,  it  is  well;  if  not,  no  Northern 
man  who  has  any  respect  for  the  feelings,  honor 
and  interest  of  his  constituents  can  go  with  you. 
I certainly  will  not. 

“ There  is  one  gentleman  from  South  Carolina, 
(Mr.  Holmes)  whose  remarks  I cannot  suffer  to 
pass  without  notice.  He  said  that  any  Southern 
man  who  should  consent  to  the  admission  of  Texas, 
on  condition  that  her  territory  should  be  divided 
between  either  slaveholding  or  non-slaveholding 
States,  was  either  a knave  or  a fool.  Now,  with 
all  due  deference,  I doubt  the  propriety  or  wisdom 
of  such  a remark.  We  meet  here  as  one  family; 
and  if,  under  strong  and  opposing  prejudices  and 

DD 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

interest,  we  insist  upon  a fair  portion  of  new  terri- 
tory, I do  not  think  that  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  is  either  courteous  or  prudent  in  saying 
to  every  Southron  who  should  be  liberal  enough  to 
vote  for  a fair  and  honorable  division  of  this  large 
acquisition  of  new  territory,  that  he  is  either  a 
knave  or  a fool.” 

In  the  same  speech  he  said,  that  the  second  ma- 
gician of  New  York  (alluding  to  Mr.  Wright)  sat 
trembling  on  his  throne ; probably,  because  in  the 
Senate  he  voted  against  Mr.  Calhoun’s  Texas  treaty. 
Now,  in  the  first  place,  the  distinguished  statesman 
alluded  to  occupies  no  throne  in  the  common  ac- 
ceptation of  that  term,  though  it  is  true  that  he 
is,  and  long  will  be,  throned  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen.  They  have  done  and  will  continue 
to  sustain  him.  He  neither  trembles,  nor  has  oc- 
casion to  tremble.  An  upright,  honest  and  con- 
sistent politician  like  Silas  Wright  may  sit  as  calm 
as  a summer’s  morn,  without  the  least  fear  of  the 
threats  of  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  or 
his  friends.  By  a life  of  integrity  and  purity, 
by  his  great  talents  and  dignified  deportment,  he 
has  fixed  himself  in  the  affections  of  the  people 
of  that  State  ; and  his  throne,  based  on  their  love 
and  confidence,  has  a foundation  too  deep  to  be 
shaken  by  any  wind  that  can  blow  from  South 
Carolina. 

“ The  gentleman  has  assumed  to  be  weather- 
wise.  He  has  predicted  that  a storm  is  gathering 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  51 

in  the  political  atmosphere  that  we  cannot  stand. 
Now  we  have  occasionally  some  storms  in  the 
North,  compared  with  which  your  Southern  winds 
are  gentle  zephyrs,  your  lightning  the  flash  of  a 
firefly,  your  thunder  but  the  rumbling  of  a hand- 
barrow;  so  let  me  say  to  the  gentleman  that  he 
who  provokes  the  usually  quiet  elements  of  the 
North  will  have  reason  to  regret  his  temerity. 
The  people  of  the  North  are  a cool,  quiet,  think- 
ing, moderate  people  ; but  there  are  points  beyond 
which  they  cannot  be  driven.  A gentleman  from 
Mississippi  (Mr.  Hammitt)  remarked  that  Texas 
had  killed  Martin  Yan  Buren.  I trust  it  may  not 
kill  the  Constitution  of  our  country.  He  said  it 
was  a bomb-shell  that  would  blow  everything  to 
atoms  before  it.  I say  to  the  gentlem'an  that  the 
Constitution  is  an  obstruction  to  it  here,  and  if  that 
be  blown  to  atoms,  the  suffering  will  not  be  limited 
to  the  North. 

“ The  Richmond  Enquirer  says  that  Democrats 
who  oppose  the  measure  that  Mr.  Polk  is  so  anx- 
ious to  have  settled  this  session  will  have  noth- 
ing to  expect  from  his  administration ; that  the 
‘ Northern  Democrats  who  avail  themselves  of  this 
critical  contest  to  indulge  their  hatred  of  the  South 
will  find  themselves  marked  by  a great  national 
sentiment  in  return.  Gentlemen  from  the  North 
may  see  the  prospect  before  them.  If  they  dare 
oppose  annexation,  or  insist  upon  fair  and  honor- 
able terms,  they  shall  have  no  share  in  the  loaves 


,>2  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

and  fishes  of  the  coming  administration.’  I hope 
gentlemen  will  not  be  alarmed  at  the  crack  of  the 
Virginia  lash.  Practice  submission  in  time.  For 
my  own  part  I believe  that  Mr.  Polk  is  an  honest 
man:  if  he  is  not  he  is  greatly  belied;  and  if  he 
would  object  to  our  insisting  upon  what  we  believe 
to  be  honest  and  fair  and  just,  all  I shall  say  here 
is,  he  is  not  the  kind  of  man  we  supposed.  We 
voted  for  him  under  the  firm  belief  that  he  was  a 
man  whose  sentiments  and  feelings  wrere  exalted 
far  above,  and  we  still  believe  him  incapable  of, 
any  such  intention. 

“ If  he  shall  attempt  to  deprive  the  North  of  the 
right  of  acting  in  accordance  with  our  honest  opin- 
ions, we  shall  be  sadly  disappointed  in  him.  The 
gentleman  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Bayly)  told  us  that 
the  people  had  settled  the  question.  I ask  him, 
How  ? When  ? Where  ? Does  he  take  the  vote  of 
New  York,  without  which  we  should  have  been 
beaten,  as  a settlement  of  the  question  ? If  he 
does,  then  Texas  must  not  be  annexed,  for  in  that 
State  there  was  a majority  of  ten  thousand  on  the 
popular  vote  against  us. 

“ What  is  it  the  South  asks  from  New  York? 
Must  she  commit  suicide  on  this  floor?  Must  she 
yield  her  sentiments,  her  feelings,  and  her  inde- 
pendence to  the  dictation  of  the  South,  and  that 
dictation  to  be  enforced  by  threats  of  punishment? 
No;  we  shall  judge,  from  the  circumstance,  how 
far  we  can  go  in  compliance  with  public  opinion  in 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  53 


our  own  State,  and  beyond  that  we  shall  not  be 
driven.  I call  the  attention  of  Northern  Demo- 
crats to  the  histoty  of  the  past  as  a beacon  light 
to  them  on  the  present  occasion.  This  is  no  new 
question.  The  case  is  precisely  like  the  Missouri 
question.  In  that  ever-inemorable  struggle  several 
Northern  men  voted  in  favor  of  allowing  slavery 
t(f  exist  in  Missouri.  I call  upon  every  Northern 
man  to  remember  their  fate.  I am  not  condemn, 
ing  the  vote  they  gave ; I wish  the  gentlemen  to 
look  at  the  consequence.  Some  of  them,  it  is  true, 
were  appointed  to  offices  by  the  government;  but 
when  the  term  of  their  office  expired,  they  ex- 
pired with  them.  They  have  been  politically  dead 
ever  since.  Let  their  fate  be  a warning  to  the 
North.  They  were  denounced  as  traitors  to  their 
country,  and  condemned  by  their  constituents. 
New  York  desires  Texas  if  it  can  be  had  without 
slavery;  and  a large  number,  and  perhaps  the 
majority  of  her  people,  are  willing  to  consent  to  a 
fair  compromise  on  that  subject.  But  throughout 
the  whole  of  that  large  State  there  can  be 
drummed  up  scarcely  a corporal’s  guard,  unless  it 
be  composed  of  men  looking  for  office,  who  go  for 
annexation  without  some  just  and  fair  division  of 
the  territory.” 


54 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  PITTSBURG  CONVENTION. 

It  was  remarked  at  the  commencement  of  this 
kistory  that  the  Republican  party  in  the  United 
States  originated  in  a high  public  necessity , which 
manifested  itself  during  the  administrations  of 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams;  that  it  kept  its 
organization,  faith,  and  name  until  1833,  when  it 
was  dissolved ; that  after  a lapse  of  twenty-three 
years  it  was  reformed  again,  for  the  same  principal 
objects — for  the  defense  of  freedom  of  the  person, 
of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  and  for  resistance  to 
usurpations  resulting  from  the  substitution,  by  the 
political  party  temporarily  administering  the  gov- 
ernment, of  the  Calhoun  policy,  so  called,  for  that 
of  the  author  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence, 
and  for  insisting  upon  a return  to,  and  resumption 
of,  the  policy  from  which  both  the  executive  and 
legislative  departments  have  unwisely  departed. 
It  lias  been  the  object  of  these  chapters  to  demon- 
strate that  the  Calhoun  policy  was  prompted  by  a 
local  despotism,  existing  in  the  country  inside  the 
Republic,  as  the  embodiment  of  the  slave  power, 
and  to  indicate  when,  where,  and  how  that  despot- 
ism arose,  from  time  to  time,  and  by  consecutive 
steps,  until  it  finally  attained  complete  ascendency 
in  the  government.  It  will  now  be  our  more 


HISTORT  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


pleasant  duty  to  chronicle  a general  uprising  of  the 
people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  on  that  ac- 
count, and  the  reformation  of  the  Republican  party 
for  the  purpose  of  unseating  that  power  from  its 
throne  at  Washington. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1856,  a large  conven- 
tion of  delegates  from  all  the  non-slaveholding 
and  some  of  the  slaveholding  States  was  held  in 
the  city  of  Pittsburg,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  consider,  in  view  of  the  imminency  of  the  public 
danger,  what  means  should  be  adopted  to  restore 
the  government  to  its  true  republican  condition, 
and,  after  mature  deliberation,  it  issued  the  follow- 
ing address : 

“To  the  People  of  the  United  States. 

“ Having  met  in  convention  in  the  city  of  Pitts- 
burg, in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  this  22d  day 
of  February,  1856,  as  the  representatives  of  the 
people  in  various  sections  of  the  Union,  to  consult 
apon  the  political  evils  by  which  the  country  is 
menaced,  and  the  political  action  by  which  those 
evils  may  be  averted,  we  address  to  you  this 
declaration  of  our  principles,  and  of  the  purposes 
which  we  seek  to  promote. 

“ We  declare,  in  the  first  place,  our  fixed  and 
unalterable  devotion  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  ends  for  wRich  it  was  estab- 
lished, and  to  the  means  which  it  provided  for 
their  attainment.  We  accept  the  solemn  protesta- 
tion of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  that  they 
ordained  it  4 in  order  to  form  a more  perfect  Union, 


56 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to 
themselves  and  their  posterity.’  We  believe  that 
the  powers  which  it  confers  upon  the  government 
of  the  United  States  are  ample  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  these  objects  ; and  that  if  these  powers  are 
exercised  in  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  itself, 
they  cannot  lead  to  any  other  result.  We  respect 
those  great  rights  which  the  Constitution  declares 
to  be  inviolable — freedom  of  speech  and  of  the 
press;  the  free  exercise  of  religious  belief,  and  the 
right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  peti- 
tion the  government  for  a redress  of  grievances. 
We  would  preserve  those  great  safeguards  of  civil 
freedom,  the  habeas  corpus,  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury,  and  the  right  of  personal  liberty,  unless  de- 
prived thereof  for  crime  by  due  process  of  the  law. 
We  declare  our  purpose  to  obey,  in  all  things,  the 
requirements  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  all  laws 
enacted  in  pursuance  thereof.  We  cherish  a pro- 
found reverence  for  the  wise  and  patriotic  men  by 
whom  it  was  framed,  and  a lively  sense  of  the 
blessings  it  has  conferred  upon  our  country,  and 
upon  mankind,  throughout  the  world.  In  every 
crisis  of  difficulty  and  of  danger  we  shall  invoke  its- 
spirit,  and  proclaim  the  supremacy  of  its  authority. 

“ In  the  next  place,  we  declare  our  ardent  and 
unshaken  attachment  to  this  Union  of  the  Ameri- 
can States,  which  the  Constitution  created,  and  has 
thus  far  preserved.  We  revere  it  as  the  purchase 
of  the  blood  of  our  forefathers,  as  the  condition  of 
our  national  renown,  and  as  the  guardian  and 
guarantee  of  that  liberty  which  the  Constitution 
was  designed  to  secure.  We  will  defend  and  pro- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


tect  it  against  all  its  enemies.  We  will  recognize 
no  geographical  divisions,  no  local  interests,  no 
narrow  or  sectional  prejudices  in  our  endeavor  to 
preserve  the  Union  of  these  States  against  foreign 
aggression  and  domestic  strife.  What  we  claim 
for  ourselves  we  claim  for  all.  The  rights,  privi- 
leges, and  liberties  which  we  demand  as  our  in- 
heritance, we  concede  as  their  inheritance  to  all 
the  citizens  of  this  Republic. 

“ Holding  these  opinions,  and  animated  by  these 
sentiments,  we  declare  our  conviction  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  is  not  administered 
in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  or  for  the  pre- 
servation and  prosperity  of  the  American  Union; 
but  that  its  powers  are  systematically  wielded  for 
the  promotion  and  extension  of  the  interests  of 
slavery,  in  direct  hostility  to  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  the  Constitution,  in  flagrant  disregard  of  other 
great  interests  of  the  country,  and  in  open  con- 
tempt of  the  public  sentiment  of  the  American  peo- 
ple and  of  the  Christian  world.  We  proclaim  our 
belief  that  the  policy  which  has  for  years  past  been 
adopted  in  the  administration  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment, tends  to  the  utter  subversion  of  each  of 
the  great  ends  for  which  the  Constitution  was 
established — and  that,  unless  it  shall  be  arrested 
by  the  prompt  interposition  of  the  people,  the  hold 
of  the  Union  upon  their  loyalty  and  aflection  will 
be  relaxed — the  domestic  tranquility  will  be  dis- 
turbed, and  all  constitutional  securities  for  thev 
blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity 
will  be  destroyed.  The  slaveholding  interest  can- 
not be  made  permanently  paramount  in  the  gen- 
eral government,  without  involving  consequences 
fatal  to  free  institutions.  We  acknowledge  that  it 


oS 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  TARTY. 


is  large  and  powerful ; that  in  the  States  where  it 
exists  it  is  entitled,  under  the  Constitution,  like  all 
other  local  interests,  to  immunity  from  the  inter- 
ference of  the  general  government;  and  that  it 
must  necessarily  exercise  through  its  representa- 
tives a considerable  share  of  political  power.  But 
there  is  nothing  in  its  position,  as  there  is  cer- 
tainly nothing  in  its  character,  to  sustain  the 
supremacy  which  it  seeks  to  establish. 

u There  is  not  a State  in  the  Union  in  which  the  i 
slaveholders  number  one-tenth  of  the  free  white 
population — nor  in  the  aggregate  do  they  number 
one-fiftieth  part  of  the  white  population  of  the 
United  States.  The  annual  productions  of  the 
other  classes  in  the  Union  far  exceed  the  total 
value  of  all  the  slaves.  To  say  nothing,  therefore, 
of  the  questions  of  natural  justice  and  of  political 
economy  which  slavery  involves,  neither  its  magni- 
tude nor  the  numbers  of  those  by  whom  it  is  repre- 
sented, entitle  it  to  one-tenth  part  of  the  political 
powers  conferred  upon  the  Federal  Government  by 
the  Constitution.  Yet  we  see  it  seeking,  and  at 
this  moment  wielding,  all  the  functions  of  the  gov- 
ernment, executive,  judicial,  and  legislative — and 
using  them  for  the  augmentation  of  its  powers,  and 
the  establishment  of  its  ascendency. 

“ From  this  ascendency  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  several  States,  the 
safety  of  the  Union,  and  the  welfare  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  demand  that  it  should  be  dis- 
lodged.” 

THE  GATHERING  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

The  Pittsburgh  Convention  foreshadowed  the 
proceedings  of  the  great  gathering  held  in  Phila- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  50 

delphia  on  June  17th  of  the  same  year.  It  was 
then  that  the  heralds  of  the  “ grand  old  party 
sounded  the  trumpet  that  freed  tens  of  thousands 
of  slaves.”  It  was  fit  that  the  Convention  should 
have  been  held  in  the  birthplace  of  liberty  where 
the  old  bell  rang  out  “ liberty  throughout  all  the 
land,  and  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof.”  It  was  a 
meeting  of  representative  men  who  were  as  earnest 
in  their  desire  to  rid  their  beloved  country  of  the 
curse  of  slavery  as  were  their  forefathers  to  throw  off 
the  British  yoke  of  tyranny.  The  Convention  was 
in  session  two  days.  On  the  first  ballot  John  C. 
Fremont,  of  California,  received  359  votes,  to  196 
cast  for  John  McLean,  of  Ohio.  William  L.  Day- 
ton,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  Democratic  Convention  of  1856  was 
held  in  Cincinnati,  on  the  2d  of  June,  which  action 
marked  the  decline  of  Baltimore  as  a distinctive 
convention  city.  On  the  first  ballot  James  Bu- 
chanan had  135  votes;  Franklin  Pierce,  122; 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  33,  and  Lewis  Cass,  5.  On 
the  fifteenth  ballot  Pierce’s  strength  was  transferred 
to  Douglas,  but  in  spite  of  this  Buchanan  was 
nominated  on  the  seventeenth  and  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  was  placed  on  the  ticket  with 
him.  The  Native  American  or  Know  Nothing 
party  had  absorbed  much  of  the  old  Whig  strength 
in  some  sections  and  was  numerous  enough  to  hold 
a Convention  in  Philadelphia,  February  22d,  with 
representatives  from  every  State  except  four.  It 


00 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


nominated  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  for 
President,  and  Andrew  Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  for 
Vice-President.  Buchanan  and  Breckinridge  had 
174  electoral  votes;  Fremont  and  Dayton,  114, 
and  Fillmore  and  Donelson,  8— those  of  Mary- 
land. 

The  Democrats  were  first  in  the  field  in  1860. 
Their  Convention  met  in  Charleston,  S.  C.,  on  the 
23d  of  April.  Feeling  ran  high  and  it  was  the 
second  day  before  an  organization  was  effected, 
with  Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts,  as  president. 
After  a protracted  and  bitter  debate,  the  sixth  day 
the  Douglas  platform  was  adopted  by  a vote  of  165 
to  138,  when  the  delegations  from  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas, 
and  Florida  withdrew.  The  bolters  organized  in 
a separate  convention,  in  which  the  following 
twelve  States  were  represented : Delaware,  Vir- 
ginia, South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama, 
Mississippi,  Texas,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  and  New 
York.  There  were  afterwards  splits  in  the  dele- 
gations from  other  States.  On  the  fifty-seventh 
ballot  the  vote  stood  : Douglas,  1511 ; Guthrie,  61; 
Lane,  16;  Hunter,  16;  Dickinson,  6;  Jeff  Davis, 
1.  Jeff  Davis  had  received  one  vote  on  every 
ballot,  which  was  cast  by  General  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  Massachusetts.  The  Douglas  men  feared 
that  their  candidate  would  be  abandoned  by  New 
York,  and  adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore,  June 
18th,  by  a vote  of  195  to  55.  The  bolters  adopted 


HISTORY  OF  TnE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


61 


the  platform  which  had  been  rejected  by  the 
regular  Convention,  and  also  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Richmond,  June  11th,  without  selecting  a Presi- 
dential candidate. 

The  Convention  reassembled  at  Baltimore  on  the 
18th  of  June,  and  on  the  second  ballot  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  was  nominated.  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick, 
of  Alabama,  who  was  selected  for  Vice-President, 
declined,  and  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  was 
substituted.  The  delegates  who  had  seceded  at 
Charleston  again  went  out  and  held  a convention 
on  the  28th  of  June,  at  which  they  nominated 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and  Joseph 
Lane,  of  Oregon,  as  their  candidates. 

The  Constitutional  Union  or  American  party 
held  its  convention  at  Baltimore  on  the  9th  of  May, 
and  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  as  its  candi- 
dates. 

The  Republican  convention  was  held  at  Chicago, 
and  the  platform  prepared  by  Horace  Greeley  and 
John  A.  Kasson.  Delegates  were  present  from  all 
the  free  States  and  from  six  slave  States  and  three 
Territories.  Mr.  Evarts  put  Mr.  Seward  in 
nomination : Norman  B.  Judd,  of  Illinois,  nomi- 
nated Mr.  Lincoln;  Judge  Cartter,  of  Ohio — 
present  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
District  of  Columbia — nominated  Mr.  Chase;  while 
Mr.  Sumner,  of  Ohio,  presented  Judge  McLean. 
Mr.  Schurz  seconded  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Seward 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Lincoln  was  second  in  strength  on  the  first  .two 
ballots.  On  the  third  the  vote  stood : Lincoln, 
231 1 ; Seward,  180  ; Chase,  241 ; Bates,  22  ; scat- 
ering,  5.  There  was  a general  changing  of  votes, 
which  resulted  in  giving  Lincoln  354  votes  and 
nominating  him.  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine, 
was  the  candidate  for  Vice-President. 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin  received  180  votes ; Breck- 
inridge and  Lane,  72  ; Bell  and  Everett,  39,  and 
Douglas  and  Johnson,  12.  Of  the  popular  vote 
Lincoln  had  1,866,352;  Breckinridge,  845,763; 
Bell,  589,581;  Douglas,  1,375,157. 

In  1864  the  Republicans  met  at  Baltimore  on 
the  7th  of  June,  renominated  Lincoln  and  chose 
Andrew  Johnson  for  Vice-President  on  the  first 
ballot.  The  Democrats  held  their  convention  at 
Chicago  on  the  20th  of  August,  with  Horatio  Sey- 
mour as  President.  George  B.  McClellan  was 
selected  as  its  candidate  for  President  on  the  first 
ballot,  with  George  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice- 
President.  The  “Radical  Democracy”  were  dis- 
satisfied with  Lincoln’s  conservative  conduct  of  the 
war,  met  at  Cleveland  on  the  1st  of  June  and 
nominated  John  C.  Fremont  for  President  and  John 
Cochrane,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-President,  but  the 
ticket  was  withdrawn  before  the  election.  Lincoln 
and  Johnson  had  212  electoral  votes  to  21  for 
McClellan  and  Pendleton,  with  81  vacancies  in  the 
Southern  States. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  Go 

THE  CONVENTION  OF  1868. 

When  the  Republican  Convention  of  1868  met 
at  Chicago,  on  the  21st  of  May,  there  was  no  con- 
test for  the  Presidential  nomination.  Of  the  610 
votes  cast  every  one  was  in  favor  of  U.  S.  Grant. 
On  the  fifth  ballot  Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana,  was 
selected  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  The 
Democrats  met  at  New  York  on  the  4th  of  July, 
and  after  along  and  exciting  convention  nominated 
Horatio  Seymour,  the  President  of  the  convention, 
who,  “vowing  he  would  ne’er  consent,  consented.” 
General  Frank  P.  Blair  was  chosen  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent by  a unanimous  vote.  The  Republican  can- 
didates received  214  votes  to  80  cast  for  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  and  23  vacancies  still  remaining 
in  the  unreconstructed  States  of  the  South. 

The  dissatisfaction  with  General  Grant’s  first 
administration  was  so  strong  in  1872  as  to  produce 
a party  division  calling  themselves  liberal  Republi- 
cans, who  inaugurated  the  campaign  by  holding  a 
convention  at  Cincinnati  on  the  1st  of  May, 
On  the  sixth  ballot  Horace  Greeley  was  declared 
the  nominee,  while  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri, 
was  made  his  associate  on  the  second  ballot.  The 
Democrats  held  their  convention  at  Baltimore  on 
the  9th  of  July  and  indorsed  the  Liberal  ticket 
and  platform.  The  Republicans  met  in  Phila- 
delphia on  the  5tli  of  June,  renominated  President 
Grant  by  acclamation,  and  chose  Henry  Wilson 
over  Schuyler  Colfax  on  the  second  ballot.  O’Conor 


04  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

and  Adams  were  the  candidates  of  the  straight-out 
Democracy.  The  Republican  ticket  received  286 
votes  to  80  for  the  Democratic-Liberal  ticket,  the 
latter  of  which  were  cast  for  a number  of  candi- 
dates after  the  death  of  Greeley  in  December. 

In  1876  the  Republicans  met  at  Cincinnati  on 
the  15th  of  June  after  an  exciting  preliminary 
canvass.  On  the  first  ballot  James  G.  Blaine  had 
285  votes;  Oliver  P.  Morton,  125  ; Benjamin  H. 
Bristow,  113;  Roscoe  Conkling,  99;  R.  B.  Hayes, 
61;  John  F.  Ilartranft,  58; 'Marshall  Jewell,  11  ; 
William  A.  Wheeler,  3.  On  the  seventh  and  final 
ballot  Blaine  had  351 ; Bristow,  21,  and  Hayes,  384, 
or  five  more  than  a majority.  William  A.  Wheeler 
was  nominated  for  Vice-President  on  the  first  ballot 
On  the  27th  of  June  the  Democrats  met  at  St. 
Louis.  The  first  ballot  showed  the  following 
result  ; Tilden,  403s  ; Hendricks,  1331 ; Allen,  56  ; 
Hancock,  75;  Parker,  18;  Bayard,  27.  On  the 
second  ballot  Tilden  had  508  votes,  more  than 
the  necessary  two-thirds,  and  was  nominated. 
Hendricks  was  chosen  on  the  first  ballot  for  Vice- 
President.  The  Greenbackers  held  a convention 
at  Indianapolis  May  17th,  and  nominated  Peter 
Cooper,  of  New  York,  and  Newton  Booth,  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  the  Prohibitionists  held  a similar  con- 
vention May  16th  at  Cleveland,  and  put  Green  Clay 
Smith,  of  Kentucky,  and  G.  S.  Stewart,  of  Ohio, 
in  the  field.  The  result  was  fixed  up  by  the 
Electoral  Commission,  and  Hayes  declared  elected 
fol  four  years. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


65 


THE  CONVENTIONS  OF  1880. 

The  Republicans,  as  the  majority  party,  opened 
the  canvass  of  1880.  For  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  country  a serious  effort  was  made 
to  nominate  a Presidential  candidate  for  a third 
term.  The  contests  in  the  State  Conventions  of 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Illinois,  whereby 
the  delegations  were  instructed  to  cast  a solid  vote 
for  Grant,  and  the  overthrow  of  the  unit  rule  by 
the  convention,  are  matters  of  too  recent  history 
to  require  elaboration.  The  convention  met  at 
Chicago  on  Wednesday,  June  2.  Senator  George 
F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  was  both  temporary 
and  permanent  chairman.  The  first  ballot,  taken 
on  Monday,  June  7,  disclosed  the  following  result: 
Grant,  304  ; Blaine,  284  ; Sherman,  93  ; Edmunds, 
34;  Washburne,  30;  Windom,  10.  On  the  third 
ballot  one  vote  was  cast  for  James  A.  Garfield, 
which  was  continued  until  the  thirty-fifth  ballot, 
with  the  exception  of  from  the  fourteenth  to  the 
eighteenth  inclusive.  On  some  ballots  this  was 
reinforced  by  an  additional  vote.  No  decided 
change  took  place  until  the  thirty-fourth  ballot, 
which  stood  : Grant,  312  ; Blaine,  257  ; Sherman, 
99  ; Edmunds,  11 ; Washburne,  30  ; Windom,  4 ; 
Garfield,  17.  This  accession  to  Grant’s  strength, 
which  had  been  going  on  for  several  ballots,  led  to 
a stampede  to  Garfield,  who  had  50  votes  on  the 
next  ballot.  The  thirty-sixth  ballot  stood  : Grant, 
306;  Blaine,  42;  Sherman,  3;  Washburne,  5; 

EE 


G6  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

Garfield,  399,  and  the  latter  was  declared  the  nom- 
inee. On  the  first  ballot  Chester  A.  Arthur  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  receiving  468  votes 
to  193  for  Washburne,  44  for  Jewell,  and  30  for 
Horace  Maynard.  Marshal  Jewell  was  chairman 
of  the  national  committee  and  S.  W.  Dorsey  sec- 
retary. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  in 
Cincinnati  on  Tuesday,  June  22,  1880,  and  was  in 
session  three  days.  On  the  first  ballot  the  vote 
stood  as  follows:  Bayard,  1534;  Hancock,  171; 
Payne,  81 ; Thurman,  684;  Field,  65;  Morrison, 
62 ; Hendricks,  504  : Tilden,  38,  with  scattering 
votes  for  eleven  other  candidates.  On  the  next 
ballot  a movement  in  favor  of  General  Hancock 
manifested  itself.  Before  the  ballot  was  concluded 
so  many  delegations  manifested  a desire  to  change 
to  Hancock  that  it  was  voted  to  begin  anew  and 
take  it  over.  The  result  was:  Hancock,  705; 
Hendricks,  30 ; Tilden,  1.  William  H.  English, 
of  Indiana,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  by 
acclamation.  William  H.  Barnum,  of  Connec- 
ticut?  was  chairman,  and  F.  O.  Prince,  of  Massa- 
chusettSj  secretary  of  the  national  committee. 

The  Greenbackers  held  a convention  at  Chicago, 
June-  9,  and  nominated  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa, 
for  President,  and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  for 
Vice-President. 

The  Prohibition  candidates  were  Neal  Dow,  of 
Maine,  and  H.  A.  Thompson,  of  Ohio,  while  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  C7 

Anti-Secret  Societ}7  people  named  J.  W.  Phelps, 
of  Vermont,  and  S.  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas. 

Garfield  and  Arthur  received  4,449,053  votes  to 
4,442,035  cast  for  Hancock  and  English,  307,306 
for  Weaver  and  Chambers,  and  12,576  scattering. 
Garfield  had  214  electoral  votes  and  Hancock  155. 

The  National  Republican  Convention  of  1884 
met  in  Chicago  on  June  3d,  and  nominated  James 
G.  Blaine  for  President  on  the  fourth  ballot.  It 
also  nominated  General  John  A.  Logan  for  Vice- 
President. 

Both  parties  held  their  Conventions  in  the  hall 
of  the  Exposition  Building,  which  was  fitted  up 
to  accommodate  about  9,000  people.  Each  Con- 
vention was  composed  of  two  delegates  for  each 
Senator,  Representative,  and  Territorial  delegate, 
making  820  men  in  each  Convention. 

On  the  19th  of  June,  1888,  the  National  Repub- 
lican Convention  met  again  in  Chicago.  The 
Democratic  Convention  had  already  been  held  in 
St.  Louis  on  the  5th  of  June,  and  had  renominated 
Grover  Cleveland  for  the  office  of  President  and 
Allen  G.  Thurman  for  Vice-President.  Great  in- 
terest centred  in  Chicago,  as  it  was  understood 
that  an  earnest  effort  would  be  made  by  the  Con- 
vention to  nominate  a man  whose  name  and  repu- 
tation would  give  strong  assurance  of  success  at 
the  polls  in  November.  The  ablest  men  of  the 
party  were  there,  and  the  oratorical  ability  of  the 
Convention  was  above  the  average. 


6S 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 


There  were  rumors  of  cliques  and  combinations, 
and  it  was  prophesied  that  favoritism  and  not  wise 
counsels  would  prevail.  A number  of  States  had 
names  to  present,  and  there  was  a throng  of  “fa- 
vorite sons.”  The  work  of  organization  was  slow 
and  deliberate,  but  once  organized,  the  Convention 
grappled  manfully  with  the  responsible  task  to  be 
performed.  It  was  animated  by  a strong  determi- 
nation to  secure  a platform  that  would  best  ad- 
vance the  interests  of  the  whole  nation  and  secure 
the  best  men  to  be  placed  upon  the  ticket. 

Sherman  of  Ohio,  Depew  of  New  York,  Gresh- 
am of  Illinois,  Harrison  of  Indiana,  Allison  of 
Iowa,  and  Alger  of  Michigan,  were  strong  com- 
petitors for  the  nomination.  Each  had  his  warm 
supporters.  On  the  eighth  ballot,  and  after  the 
Convention  had  been  six  days  in  session,  the  Hon. 
Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana,  was  nominated 
without  a dissenting  voice.  It  was  felt,  after  a 
careful  survey  of  the  situation,  that  the  very  best 
selection  had  been  made.  The  nomination  for  the 
Vice-Presidency  was  given  to  the  Hon.  Levi  P. 
Morton,  of  New  York. 

At  once  the  Republican  party  cordially  received 
the  platform  and  nominations,  and  entered  zeal< 
ously  upon  the  cam  aign  of  1888. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY.  69 

At  tlie  election  in  November  the  popular  vote 
for  Harrison  was  5,439,853  ; the  popular  vote  for 
Cleveland  was  5,540,329.  Of  the  electoral  vote, 
Harrison  received  233  and  Cleveland  168. 

On  the7th  of  June,  1892,  the  Republican  Conven- 
tion met  at  Minneapolis.  The  nomination  of  Presi- 
dent Harrison  had  been  considered  a foregone  con- 
clusion up  to  June  4 when  the  country  was  startled 
hv  the  news  that  Secretary  Blaine  had  resigned  from 
President  Harrison’s  Cabinet.  A letter  written  by 
Mr.  Blaine  in  the  preceding  February  announced 
that  under  no  consideration  would  he  consent  to  be 
a candidate  for  the  Presidency.  This  letter  was 
very  generally  accepted  in  good  faith,  and  there 
was  a general  conviction  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  en- 
tirely out  of  the  race.  It  was  known,  however,  that 
for  some  time  before  the  Convention  assembled 
persistent  efforts  had  been  made  by  enemies  of 
the  administration  to  induce  Mr.  Blaine  to  recon- 
sider his  letter  of  February,  and  allow  his  name  to 
be  used  at  Minneapolis,  and  when  he  suddenly  re- 
signed from  the  Cabinet  by  a curt  letter,  and  his 
resignation  was  accepted  by  President  Harrison 
in  a letter  equally  brief  and  barren  of  all  compli- 
mentary expressions,  it  was  commonly  believed 
that  the  “ Plumed  Knight  ” had  decided  to  seek 
the  nomination. 

There  was  consequently  great  excitement  preced- 
ing the  organization  of  the  Convention  and  during 
its  progress.  It  became  evident  at  once  that  there 
would  be  a hard  contest  between  the  two  leadin 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

candidates.  The  States  at  their  Conventions  had 
strongly  indorsed  the  administration  of  President 
Harrison,  and  many  of  the  delegates  had  been  in- 
structed to  vote  for  his  renomination  in  the  Na- 
tional Convention.  His  friends,  after  they  re- 
covered from  the  first  shock  which  followed  the 
announcement  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  resignation,  rallied 
bravely,  and  remained  firm  to  the  end. 

Minneapolis  was  the  scene  of  animated  discus- 
sions and  unique  popular  demonstrations.  The 
loud  huzzalis  for  Blaine  showed  that  he  had  a 
strong  hold  upon  the  popular  heart,  but  the  thought- 
ful mass  of  delegates  who  were  to  decide  the  ques- 
tion remained  true  to  the  President,  and  worked 
diligently  and  wisely  to  secure  his  nomination. 

The  brilliant  eloquence  , of  Chauncey  M.  Depew, 
of  New  York,  awakened  an  unparalleled  scene  of 
enthusiasm  as  he  placed  Mr.  Harrison  in  nomina- 
tion before  the  Convention. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  by  Senator  Wolcott, 
of  Colorado. 

When  the  vote  was  taken  it  was  found  to  be  as 
follows  : . Harrison,  53 5i  ; Blaine,  182ir  ; McKin- 
ley, 182 ; Reed,  of  Maine,  4 ; Robert  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois,  1.  On  motion  of  Governor  McKinley,  of 
Ohio,  who  was  Chairman  of  the  Convention,  the 
nomination  was  made  unanimous. 

The  platform  which  was  adopted  by  the  Conven- 
tion was  highly  commended  as  a sound  exposition 
of  the  great  principles  of  the  Republican  party. 


WHAT  IT  COSTS  THE  PRESIDENT  TO  LIVE. 

The  official  salary  of  the  President  is  lixed 
by  law  at  fifty  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
or  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  his  term 
of  four  years.  At  the  beginning  of  each 
term  Congress  makes  an  appropriation  for 
refurnishing  the  Executive  Mansion.  The 
kitchen  and  pantry  are  supplied  to  a consid- 
erable extent  by  the  same  body.  Congress 
pays  all  the  employees  about  the  house,  from 
the  private  secretary  to  the  humblest  boot- 
black;  it  provides  fuel  and  lights;  keeps  up 
the  stables;  and  furnishes  a corps  of  gar- 
deners and  a garden  to  supply  the  Presiden- 
tial board  with  fruits,  flowers,  and  vegetables. 
Many  persons  suppose  that  these  allowances 
ought  to  be  enough  to  enable  him  to  live 
comfortably.  They  are  mistaken,  however 
The  President  is  required  by  public  opinion 
to  live  in  a style  consistent  with  the  dignity 
of  his  position  and  the  honor  of  the  country, 
and  such  a mode  of  life  imposes  upon  him 
many  very  heavy  expenses.  Besides  this, 
he  is  expected  to  be  liberal  and  charitable 
towards  persons  and  meritorious  causes  seek- 
ing his  aid,  and  “their  name  is  legion.”  He 
cannot  give  as  a private  individual;  his  do- 
nation must  be  large.  The  expense  of  en- 
tertaining the  various  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment, members  of  Congress,  and  Foreign 


2 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


Ministers,  is  enormous.  One  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars  per  annum  would  not  be  too 
much  to  allow  him. 

THE  PRESIDENT’S  VISITORS. 

Access  to  the  President  may  be  easily  had 
by  any  person  having  legitimate  business 
with  him,  or  wishing  to  pay  his  respects  to 
the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union,  but,  as 
His  Excellency’s  time  is  valuable  and  much 
occupied,  interviews  are  limited  to  the  short- 
est possible  duration.  Visitors,  upon  such 
occasions,  repair  to  the  reception-room  ad- 
joining the  President’s  private  office,  send 
in  their  cards,  and  await  His  Excellency’s 
pleasure. 

Besides  granting  these  private  interviews, 
rhe  President  holds  public  receptions  or 
levees  at  stated,  times  during  the  sessions  of 
Congress. 

His  official  title  is  “Mr.  President,”  but 
courtesy  has  added  that  of  “His  Excellency.” 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  none  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive officers  of  the  States  of  the  Union, 
except  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  have 
any  legal  claim  to  the  titles  “His  Excel- 
lency” and  “Tour  Excellency.” 

All  sorts  of  people  come  to  see  the  Presi- 
dent, on  all  sorts  of  business.  His  immense 
patronage  makes  him  the  object  of  the 
efforts  of  many  unprincipled  men.  His  in- 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


3 


tegrity  is  subjected  to  the  severest  trials 
and  if  he  come  out  of  office  poor,  as  happily 
all  of  our  Presidents  have  donu,  he  must  in- 
deed be  an  honest  man.  His  position  is  not 
a bed  of  roses,  for  he  cannot  hope  to  please 
all  parties.  His  friends  exaggerate  his  good 
qualities,  and  often  make  him  appear  ridicu- 
lous, while  his  enemies  magnify  his  faults 
and  errors,  and  slander  and  persecute  him 
in  every  imaginable  way.  Pitfalls  are  set 
for  him  along  every  step  of  his  path,  and  he 
must  be  wary  indeed  if  he  would  not  fall 
into  them.  The  late  President  Buchanan 
once  said  that  there  were  at  least  two  per- 
sons in  the  world  who  could  not  echo  the 
wish  experienced  by  each  American  mother, 
that  her  son  might  one  day  be  President, 
and  that  they  were  the  retiring  and  the  in- 
coming Presidents,  the  first  of  whom  was 
worn  and  weary  with  the  burden  he  was  lay- 
ing down,  and  the  other  for  the  first  time 
fully  alive  to  the  magnitude  of  the  task  he 
had  undertaken. 

CABINET  MEETINGS. 

The  Cabinet  Ministers  in  our  Government 
are  the  Secretaries  placed  at  the  heads  of 
the  various  Departments.  They  are  the 
constitutional  advisers  of  the  President,  but 
he  is  not  obliged  to  be  governed  by  their 
advice.  It  is  customary,  however,  to  lay  all 


4 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


important  matters  before  them  for  their 
opinions  thereupon,  which  are  submitted  in 
writing  at  the  request  of  the  President,  and 
for  this  purpose  regular  meetings  of  the 
Cabinet  are  held  at  stated  times  in  a room 
in  the  Executive  Mansion,  provided  for  that 
purpose.  It  is  located  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  mansion,  and  is  plainly  but  comfortably 
furnished. 

The  relations  existing  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet  are,  or  ought  to  be,  of 
the  most  friendly  and  confidential  nature. 
They  are  well  set  forth  in  the  attitude  main- 
tained upon  this  point  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  Says 
Mr.  Raymond,  his  biographer:  “He  always 
maintained  that  the  proper  duty  of  each 
Secretary  was  to  direct  the  details  of  every- 
thing done  within  his  own  Department,  and 
to  tender  such  suggestions,  information,  and 
advice  to  the  President  as  he  might  solicit 
at  his  hands.  But  the  duty  and  responsi- 
bility of  deciding  what  line  of  policy  should 
be  pursued,  or  what  steps  should  be  taken 
in  any  specific  case,  in  his  judgment,  be- 
longed exclusively  to  the  President ; and  he 
was  always  willing  and  ready  to  assume  it.” 

THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

The  Executive  Mansion  is  situated  on 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  near  the  western  end 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


5 


of  the  city,  and  is  surrounded  by  the  Treas- 
ury, State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments. 
The  grounds  in  front  are  handsomely  orna- 
mented, and  in  the  rear  a fine  park  stretches 
away  to  the  river.  The  location  is  attractive, 
and  commands  a magnificent  view  of  the 
Potomac,  but  it  is  not  healthy.  Ague  and 
fever  prevails  in  the  Spring  and  Fall,  and 
renders  it  anything  but  a desirable  place  of 
residence.  The  building  is  constructed  of 
freestone  painted  white  — hence  its  most 
common  name,  the  “White  House.”  It  was 
designed  by  Janies  Hoban,  and  was  modeled 
after  the  palace  of  the  duke  of  Leinster. 
The  corner-stone  was  laid  on  the  13th  of 
October,  1792,  and  the  house  was  ready  for 
occupancy  in  the  Summer  of  1800.  It  was 
partially  destroyed  by  the  British  in  1814. 
It  has  a front  of  one  hundred  and  seventy 
feet,  and  a depth  of  eighty-six  feet.  It  con- 
tains two  lofty  stories  of  rooms,  and  the  roof 
is  surrounded  with  a handsome  balustrade. 
The  exterior  walls  are  ornamented  with  fine 
Ionic  pilasters.  On  the  north  front  is  a 
handsome  portico,  with  four  Ionic  columns 
in  front,  and  a projecting  screen  with  three 
columns.  The  space  between  these  two  rows 
of  pillars  is  a covered  carriage  way.  The 
main  entrance  to  the  house  is  from  this  por- 
tico through  a massive  doorway,  which  opens 
into  the  main  hall.  The  garden  front  has  a 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


rusticated  basement,  which  gives  a third 
story  to  the  house  on  this  side,  and  by  a 
semi-circular  projecting  colonnade  of  six 
columns,  with  two  flights  of  steps,  leading 
from  the  ground  to  the  level  of  the  principal 
story. 

THE  INTERIOR  OF  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Entering  by  the  main  door,  the  visitor 
finds  himself  in  a handsome  hall,  divided 
midway  by  a row  of  imitation  marble  pil- 
lars, and  ornamented  with  portraits  of  former 
Presidents.  Passing  to  the  left,  you  enter 
the  magnificent  banqueting  hall,  or,  as  it  is 
3ommonly  called, 

THE  EAST  ROOM, 

which  occupies  the  entire  eastern  side  of  the 
house.  It  is  a beautiful  apartment,  and  is 
handsomely  furnished.  It  is  used  during 
the  levees  and  upon  great  State  occasions. 
The  President  sometimes  receives  here  the 
congratulations  and  respects  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  is  subjected  to  the  torture  ol 
having  his  hand  squeezed  out  of  shape  by 
his  enthusiastic  friends.  It’s  a great  pity 
that  some  one  of  our  Chief  Magistrates  has 
not  the  moral  courage  to  put  a stop  to  this 
ridiculous  practice  of  hand-shaking.  The 
East  Room  is  eighty-six  feet  long,  forty  feet 
wide,  and  twenty-eight  feet  high.  It  has  four 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


fire-places,  and  is  not  an  easy  room  to  warm, 
Adjoining  the  East  Eoom  are  three  others, 
smaller  in  size,  the  whole  constituting  one  ol 
the  handsomest  suites  in  the  country.  The 
first,  adjoining  the  East  Eoom,  is  the  Green 
Room , the  next  the  Blue  Room , and  the 
third  the  Red  Room.  Each  is  handsomely 
furnished,  the  prevailing  color  of  the  apart- 
ment giving  the  name. 

THE  RED  ROOM 

is  elliptical  in  foim  having  a bow  in  rear, 
and  is  one  of  the  handsomest  in  the  house. 
It  is  used  by  the  President  as  a general  re- 
ception-room. He  receives  here  the  official 
visits  of  the  dignitaries  of  the  Eepublic,  and 
of  foreign  ministers.  Previous  to  the  com- 
pletion of  the  East  Eoom,  this  apartment 
was  used  for  all  occasions  of  public  cere 
mony. 

The  building  contains  thirty-one  rooms  ol 
considerable  size.  West  of  the  Eed  Eoom  is 
the  large  dining-room  used  upon  State  occa- 
sions, and  adjoining  that  is  the  small  dining- 
room ordinarily  used  by  the  President  and 
his  family.  The  stairs  to  the  upper  story  are 
on  the  left  of  the  main  entrance,  and  are 
always  in  charge  of  the  door-keeper  and 
his  assistants,  whose  business  it  is  to  see 
that  no  improper  characters  find  access  to 
the  private  portion  of  the  house. 


8 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


The  north  front  has  six  rooms,  which  are 
used  as  chambers  by  the  family  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  the  south  front  has  seven  rooms — 
the  ante-chamber,  audience-room,  cabinet- 
room,  private  office  of  the  President,  the 
ladies’  parlor,  and  two  others,  used  for  vari- 
ous purposes. 

THE  LADIES’  PARLOR 

is  situated  immediately  over  the  Red  Room, 
and  is  of  the  same  size  and  shape.  It  is 
for  the  private  use  of  the  ladies  of  the  Pres- 
ident’s family,  and  is  the  handsomest  and 
most  tastefully  furnished  apartment  in  the 
house. 

There  are  eleven  rooms  in  the  basement, 
which  are  used  as  kitchens,  pantries,  but- 
ler’s room,  &c.  The  house  is  built  in  the 
old  style,  and  has  an  air  of  elegance  and 
comfort  extremely  pleasing  to  the  eye. 

FIRST  MISTRESS  OF  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Mrs.  John  Adams  came  to  Washington 
with  her  husband  in  November,  1800,  and 
at  once  took  possession  of  the  Executive 
Mansion.  Her  impressions  of  it  are  thus 
described  by  herself  in  a letter  to  her 
daughter,  written  soon  after  her  arrival. 
She  says : 

“The  house  is  upon  a grand  and  superb 
scale,  requiring  about  thirty  servants  to 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


9 


attend  and  keep  the  apartments  in  propei 
order,  and  perform  the  ordinary  business  of 
the  house  and  stables — an  establishment 
very  well  proportioned  to  the  President’s 
salary.  The  lighting  the  apartments,  from 
the  kitchen  to  parlors  and  chambers,  is  a 
tax  indeed,  and  the  fires  we  are  obliged  to 
keep  to  secure  us  from  daily  agues  is  an- 
other very  cheering  comfort.  To  assist  us 
in  this  great  castle,  and  render  less  attend- 
ance necessary,  bells  are  wholly  wanting, 
not  one  single  one  being  hung  through  the 
whole  house,  and  promises  are  all  you  can 
obtain.  This  is  so  great  an  inconvenience, 
that  I know  not  what  to  do  or  how  to  do. 
The  ladies  from  Georgetown  and  in  the 
city  have  many  of  them  visited  me.  Yes- 
terday I returned  fifteen  visits.  But  such 
a place  as  Georgetown  appears ! Why,  our 
Milton  is  beautiful.  But  no  comparisons; 
if  they  put  me  up  bells,  and  let  me  have 
wood  enough  to  keep  fires,  I design  to  be 
'pleased.  But,  surrounded  with  forests,  can 
you  believe  that  wood  is  not  to  be  had,  be- 
cause people  cannot  be  found  to  cut  and 
cart  it?  . . . We  have  indeed,  come  into 
a new  country. 

“ The  house  is  made  habitable,  but  there 
is  not  a single  apartment  finished,  and  all 
within-side,  except  the  plastering,  has  been 
done  since  B.  came.  We  have  not  the  least 

9 


10 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


fence,  yard,  or  convenience  ivithout,  and  the 
great  unfinished  audience-room  I make  a 
drying-room  of,  to  hang  up  the  clothes  in. 
...  If  the  twelve  years,  in  which  this 
place  has  been  considered  as  the  future  seat 
of  government,  had  been  improved,  as  they 
would  have  been  in  New  England,  very 
many  of  the  present  inconveniences  would 
have  been  removed.  It  is  a beautiful  spot, 
capable  of  any  improvement,  and  the  more 
I view  it,  the  more  I am  delighted  with  it.” 

OLD  TIMES  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 

Mr.  Cooper  thus  describes  a dinner  at  the 
White  House,  to  which  he  was  invited, 
during  its  occupancy  by  Mr.  Monroe : 

“ On  this  occasion,  we  were  honored  with 
the  presence  of  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  two  or 
three  of  her  female  relatives.  Crossing  the 
hall,  we  were  admitted  to  a drawing-room, 
in  which  most  of  the  company  were  already 
assembled.  The  hour  was  six.  By  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  guests  were  men,  and 
perhaps  two- thirds  were  members  of  Con- 
gress. . . . There  was  very  great  gravity 
of  mien  in  most  of  the  company,  and  neither 
any  very  marked  exhibition,  nor  any  posi- 
tively striking  want  of  grace  of  manner. 
The  conversation  was  commonplace,  and  a 
It.  tie  sombre,  though  two  or  three  men  of  the 
world  got  around  the  ladies,  where  the  bat- 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


11 


tie  of  words  was  maintained  with  sufficient 
spirit.  ...  To  me  the  entertainment  had 
rather  a cold  than  a formal  air.  When  dinner 
was  announced,  the  oldest  Senator  present 
(there  were  two,  and  seniority  of  service  is 
meant)  took  Mrs.  Monroe,  and  led  her  to 
the  table.  The  rest  of  the  party  followed 
without  much  order.  The  President  took  a 
lady,  as  usual,  and  preceded  the  rest,  of  the 
guests. 

“ The  drawing-room  was  an  apartment  of 
good  size,  and  of  just  proportions.  It  might 
have  been  about  as  large  as  the  better  sort 
Df  Paris  salon  in  a private  hotel.  It  was 
furnished  in  a mixed  style,  partly  English 
and  partly  French.  ...  It  was  neat, 
sufficiently  rich,  without  being  at  all  mag- 
nificent, and,  on  the  whole,  was  very  much 
like  a similar  apartment  in  the  house  of  a 
man  of  rank  and  fortune  in  Europe.  The 
dining-room  was  in  a better  taste  than  is 
common  here,  being  quite  simple,  and  but 
little  furnished.  The  table  was  large  and 
rather  handsome.  The  service  was  in  china, 
as  is  uniformly  the  case,  plate  being  ex- 
ceedingly rare,  if  at  all  used.  There  was, 
however,  a rich  plateau,  and  a great  abun- 
dance of  the  smaller  articles  of  table-plate. 
The  cloth,  napkins,  &c.,  &c.,  were  fine  and 
beautiful. 

“The  dinner  was  served  in  the  French 


12 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


style,  a little  Americanized.  The  dishes 
were  handed  round,  though  some  of  the 
guests,  appearing  to  prefer  their  own  cus- 
toms, coolly  helped  themselves  to  what  they 
found  at  hand.  Of  attendants  there  were  a 
good  many.  They  were  neatly  dressed,  out 
of  livery,  and  sufficient.  To  conclude,  the 
whole  entertainment  might  have  passed  for 
a better  sort  of  European  dinner-party,  at 
which  the  guests  were  too  numerous  for 
general  or  very  agreeable  discourse,,  and 
some  of  them  too  new  to  be  entirely  at  their 
ease.  Mrs.  Monroe  arose,  at  the  end  of  the 
dessert,  and  withdrew,  attended  by  two  or 
three  of  the  most  gallant  of  the  company. 
No  sooner  was  his  wife’s  back  turned,  than 
the  President  reseated  himself,  inviting  his 
guests  to  imitate  the  action.  After  allowing 
his  guests  sufficient  time  to  renew,  in  a few 
glasses,  the  recollections  of  similar  enjoy- 
ments of  their  own,  he  arose  himself,  giving 
the  hint  to  his  company,  that  it  was  time  to 
rejoin  the  ladies.  In  the  drawing-room, 
coffee  was  served,  and  everybody  left  the 
house  before  nine.” 

AN  OLD-TIME  LEVEE. 

“On  the  succeeding  Wednesday,  Mrs 
Monroe  opened  her  doors  to  all  the  world. 
No  invitation  was  necessary,  it  being  the 
usage  for  the  wrife  of  the  President  to  receive 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


13 


company  once  a fortnight  during  the  session, 
without  distinction  of  persons. 

•‘We  reached  the  White  House  at  nine. 
The  court  (or  rather  the  grounds)  was  filled 
with  carriages,  and  the  company  was  arriv- 
ing in  great  numbers.  On  this  occasion  two 
or  three  additional  drawing-rooms  were 
opened,  though  the  frugality  of  Congress  has 
prevented  them  from  finishing  the  principal 
reception-room  of  the  building.  I will  ac- 
knowledge the  same  sort  of  surprise  I felt  at 
the  Castle  Garden  fete,  at  finding  the  assem- 
blage so  respectable  in  air,  dress  and  de- 
portment. 

“The  evening  at  the  White  House,  or 
drawing-room,  as  it  is  sometimes  pleasantly 
called,  is,  in  fact,  a collection  of  all  classes 
of  people,  who  choose  to  go  to  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  appearing  in  dresses  suited 
to  an  ordinary  evening  party.  I am  not  sure 
that  even  dress  is  much  regarded ; for  I cer- 
tainly saw  a good  many  there  in  boots.  The 
females  were  all  neatly  and  properly  attired, 
though  few  were  ornamented  with  jewelry. 
Of  course,  the  poor  and  laboring  classes  ol 
the  community  would  find  little  or  no  pleas- 
ure in  such  a scene.  They  consequently  stay 
away.  The  infamous,  if  known,  would  not 
be  admitted ; for  it  is  a peculiar  consequence 
of  the  high  tone  of  morals  in  this  country, 
that  grave  and  notorious  offenders  rarely 


14 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


presume  to  violate  the  public  feeling  by  in- 
vading society.* 

“ Squeezing  through  the  crowd,  we  achieved 
a passage  to  a part  of  the  room  where  Mrs. 
Monroe  was  standing,  surrounded  by  a bevy 
of  female  friends.  After  making  our  bow 
here,  we  sought  the  President.  The  latter 
had  posted  himself  at  the  top  of  the  room, 
where  he  remained  most  of  the  evening, 
shaking  hands  with  all  who  approached. 
Near  him  stood  all  the  Secretaries  and  a 
great  number  of  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  the  nation.  Individuals  of  importance 
from  all  parts  of  the  Union  were  also  here, 
and  were  employed  in  the  manner  usual  to 
such  scenes. 

“Besides  these,  one  meets  here  a great 
variety  of  people  in  other  conditions  of  life. 
I have  known  a cartman  to  leave  his  horse 
in  the  street,  and  go  into  the  reception-room 
to  shake  hands  with  the  President.  He 
offended  the  good  taste  of  all  present,  be- 
cause it  was  not  thought  decent  that  a 
laborer  should  come  in  a dirty  dress  on  such 
an  occasion ; but  while  he  made  a trifling 
mistake  in  this  particular,  he  proved  how 
well  he  understood  the  difference  between 
government  and  society.  He  knew  the  levee 
was  a sort  of  homage  paid  to  political  equal- 
ity in  the  person  of  the  first  magistrate,  but 

* This  was  over  sixty  years  ago.— Author. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


15 


he  would  not  have  presumed  to  enter  the 
house  of  the  same  person  as  a private  indi- 
vidual, without  being  invited,  or  without  a 
reasonable  excuse  in  the  way  of  business. 

“There  are,  no  doubt,  individuals  who  mis- 
take the  character  of  these  assemblies,  but 
the  great  majority  do  not.  They  are  a sim- 
ple, periodical  acknowledgment  that  there  is 
no  legal  barrier  to  the  advancement  of  any 
one  to  the  first  association  in  the  Union. 
You  perceive,  there  are  no  masters  of  cere- 
monies, no  ushers,  no  announcings,  nor,  in- 
deed, any  let  or  hindrance  to  the  ingress  of 
all  who  please  to  come;  and  yet  how. few,  in 
comparison  to  the  whole  number  who  might 
enter,  do  actually  appear.  If  there  is  any 
man  in  Washington  so  dull  as  to  suppose 
equality  means  a right  to  thrust  himself  into 
any  company  he  pleases,  it  is  probable  he 
satisfies  himself  by  boasting  that  he  can  go 
to  the  White  House  once  a fortnight  as  well 
as  a governor  or  anybody  else.” 

ETIQUETTE. 

The  social  observances  of  the  White  House 
are  prescribed  with  the  utmost  exactness. 
At  the  commencement  of  Washington’s  ad- 
ministration, the  question  of  how  to  regulate 
such  matters  was  discussed  with  great  earn- 
estness. It  was  agreed  that  the  exclusive 
rules  by  which  European  courts  were  gov- 


16 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


erned  would  not  entirely  suit  the  new  Re- 
public, as  there  were  no  titled  personages  in 
America,  and  as  the  society  of  our  country 
was  organized  on  a professed  basis  of  equal- 
ity. Washington  caused  the  following  arti- 
cles to  be  drawn  up : 

“ In  order  to  bring  the  members  of  society 
together  in  the  first  instance,  the  custom  of 
the  country  has  established  that  residents 
shall  pay  the  first  visit  to  strangers,  and, 
among  strangers,  first  comers  to  later  comers, 
foreign  and  domestic ; the  character  of  stran- 
ger ceasing  after  the  first  visit.  To  this  rule 
there  is  a single  exception.  Foreign  minis- 
ters, from  the  necessity  of  making  them- 
selves known,  pay  the  first  visit  to  the 
[cabinet]  ministers  of  the  nation,  which  is 
returned. 

“When  brought  together  in  society,  all  are 
perfectly  equal,  whether  foreign  or  domestic, 
titled  or  untitled,  in  or  out  of  office. 

“All  other  observances  are  but  exempli- 
fications of  these  two  principles. 

“The  families  of  foreign  ministers,  arriving 
at  the  seat  of  government,  receive  the  first 
visit  from  those  of  the  national  ministers,  as 
from  all  other  residents. 

“Members  of  the  legislature  and  of  the 
judiciary,  independent  of  their  offices,  have 
a right,  as  strangers,  to  receive  the  first 
visit. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


17 


“No  title  being  admitted  here,  those  of 
foreigners  give  no  precedence. 

“ Differences  of  grade  among  the  diplo- 
matic members  give  no  precedence. 

“At  public  ceremonies  to  which  the  gov- 
ernment invites  the  presence  of  foreign  min- 
isters and  their  families,  a convenient  seat 
or  station  will  be  provided  for  them,  with 
any  other  strangers  invited,  and  the  families 
of  the  national  ministers,  each  taking  place 
as  they  arrive,  and  without  any  precedence. 

“ To  maintain  the  principle  of  equality,  or 
of  pele  mete,  and  prevent  the  growth  of  pre- 
cedence out  of  courtesy,  the  members  of  the 
executive  will  practise  at  their  own  houses 
and  recommend  an  adherence  to  the  ancient 
usage  of  the  country,  of  gentlemen  in  mass 
giving  precedence  to  the  ladies  in  mass,  in 
passing  from  one  apartment  where  they  arc 
assembled  into  another.” 

These  rules  were  too  arbitrary  and  exact- 
ing to  give  satisfaction,  and  society  was  not 
disposed  to  acknowledge  so  genuine  an 
equality  amongst  its  members.  For  some 
years,  disputes  and  quarrels  were  frequent 
and  bitter.  In  the  winter  of  1819,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  then  Secretary  of  State,  ad- 
dressed a letter  to  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  the 
Vice-President,  stating  that  he  had  been 
informed  that  the  members  of  the  Senate 
had  agreed  amongst  themselves  to  pay  no 


18 


TIL  U WHITE  HOUSE. 


first  visits  to  any  person  except  toe  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  He  declared 
that  he  repudiated  the  claim  on  the  part  of 
the  Senators,  and  that  he  would  pay  no  first 
calls  himself  as  being  due  from  him  or  his 
family.  Mr.  Adams  was  severely  criticised 
for  his  aristocratic  views,  and  the  contro- 
versy went  on  as  warmly  as  before.  The 
result,  a few  years  later,  was,  that  all 
parties  interested  agreed  upon  a code,  which 
is  now  in  force,  and  which  may  be  stated  as 
follows,  as  far  as  the  White  House  is  con- 
cerned : 

THE  CODE. 

The  title  of  the  Executive  is  Mr.  Pres- 
ident. It  is  not  proper  to  address  him  in 
conversation  as  Your  Excellency, 

The  President  receives  calls  upon  matters 
of  business  at  any  hour,  if  lie  is  unengaged. 
He  prefers  that  such  visits  should  be  made 
in  the  morning.  Stated  times  are  appointed 
for  receiving  persons  who  wish  to  pay  their 
respects  to  him.  One  morning  and  one 
evening  in  each  week  are  usually  set  apart 
fin*  this  purpose. 

During  the  winter  season,  a public  recep- 
tion, or  levee,  is  held  once  a week,  at  which 
guests  are  expected  to  appear  in  full  dress. 
They  are  presented  by  the  Usher  on  such 
occasions,  and  have  the  honor  of  shaking 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


19 


hands  with  the  President,  These  receptions 
last  from  eight  until  ten  o’clock. 

On  the  1st  of  January  of  each  year,  the 
President  holds  a public  reception,  at  which 
the  Foreign  Ministers  present  in  the  city 
appear  in  full  court  dress,  and  the  otlicers 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  in  full  uniform.  The 
Heads  of  Departments,  Governors  of  States, 
and  Members  of  Congress  are  received  first, 
then  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  then  the  otlicers 
of  the  Army  and  Navy,  and  then  the  doors 
are  thrown  open  to  the  public  generally  for 
the  space  of  two  hours. 

The  President,  as  such,  must  not  be  in- 
vited to  dinner  by  any  one,  and  accepts  no 
such  invitations,  and  pays  no  calls  or  visits 
of  ceremony.  He  may  visit  in  his  private 
capacity,  however,  at  pleasure. 

An  invitation  to  dine  at  the  White  House 
takes  precedence  of  all  others,  and  a lire 
vious  engagement  must  not  be  pleaded  as 
an  excuse  for  declining  it.  Such  an  invita- 
tion must  be  promptly  accepted  in  writing, 

THE  PRESIDENT’S  RECEPTIONS. 

The  levees  held  by  the  President  differ  in 
nothing  from  those  of  Mr.  Monroe’s  time, 
described  a few  pages  back,  except  that  the 
East  Doom  is  now  finished,  and  the  whole 
magnificent  suite  of  apartments  is  used. 
The  elite  of  the  land  are  present,  but  the 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


infamous  arc  also  there  in  the  persons  of 
those  who  live  by  plundering  the  public 
treasury. 

The  President  stands  in  one  of  the  smaller 
parlors,  generally  in  the  Red  or  Blue  Room. 
He  is  surrounded  by  his  Cabinet,  and  the 
most  distinguished  men  in  the  land.  Near 
him  stands  his  wife,  daughter,  or  some 
relative  representing  the  mistress  of  the 
mansion.  Visitors  enter  from  the  hall,  and 
are  presented  to  the  President  by  the  Usher, 
who  first  asks  their  names,  residences,  and 
avocations.  The  President  shakes  each  one 
by  the  hand  cordially,  utters  a few  pleasant 
words  in  reply  to  the  greeting  of  his  guest, 
and  the  visitor  passes  on  into  the  next  room, 
to  make  way  for  those  behind  him.  Before 
doing  so,  however,  he  is  presented  to  the 
lady  of  the  house,  to  whom  he  pays  his  re- 
spects also.  This  regular  routine  goes  on 
for  the  space . of  two  hours,  when  it  is 
brought  to  an  end,  the  President  devoutly 
thanking  Heaven  that  it  does  not  last  all 
night. 

These  levees  are  no  doubt  very  interesting 
to  the  guests,  but  they  are  the  bugbears  of 
the  President  and  his  family.  The  former  is 
obliged  by  custom  to  shake  hands  with 
every  man  presented  to  him,  and  when  the 
levee  is  over,  his  right  hand  is  often  bruised 
and  swollen.  It  is  said  that  some  of  the 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


21 


■ {’residents  have  suffeled  severely  from  this 
species  of  torture,  and  that  General  Har- 
rison’s death  was  *to  sonic  degree  hastened 
by  it. 

President  Arthur  being  a widower,  and 
having  no  grown-up  daughter,  his  sister, 
Mrs.  McElroy,  acted  as  lady  of  the  White 
House,  and  her  amiable  way  of  making 
everybody  at  home,  even  at  the  receptions 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  distinguished 
foreigners,  will  be  gratefully  remembered 
by  all  who  have  been  honored  by  an  invi- 
tation. 

The  semi-annual  receptions  of  the  Pres- 
ident— New  Year’s  Day  and  the  Fourth  of 
July — are  brilliant  affairs.  At  a little  before 
eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  Executive  Mansion  are 
thronged  with  the  spendid  equipages  of  the 
various  Cabinet  officers  and  Foreign  Minis- 

i — / 

ters.  The  entrance  at  such  times  is  by  the 
main  door,  and  the  exit  through  one  of  the 
large  north  windows  of  the  East  Koom,  in 
front  of  which  a temporary  platform  is 
erected.  The  customs  upon  such  occasions 
vary  slightly  with  each  administration.  In 
the  description  given  here,  the  order  ob- 
served at  the  reception  of  the  President, 
January  1,  1884,  is  followed. 

The  East  Room  and  the  other  parlors  are 
handsomely  decorated  with  flowers  and 


22 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


other  ornaments,  the  full  Marine  Band  is 
in  attendance  to  furnish  music  for  the 
promenaders  in  the  East  Boom,  and  a 
strong  police  force  is  present  to  preserve 
order  when  the  people  are  admitted  cn 
masse. 

At  a few  minutes  before  eleven  o’clock, 
the  President  and  the  ladies  of  the  White 
House,  in  full  dress,  take  their  places  in 
the  Blue  Boom,  the  President  standing  near 
l lie  door  leading  into  the  Bed  Boom,  and 
the  ladies  in  the  centre  of  the  Blue  Boom, 
the  President  is  attended  by  either  the 
Commissioner  of  Public  Buildings,  or  the 
Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  present  the  guests  to  him.  A 
gentleman  is  also  appointed  to  attend  the 
ladies  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  the 
guests  to  them. 

Precisely  at  eleven  o’clock  the  doors  are 
thrown  open,  and  the  reception  begins.  The 
Cabinet  Ministers  and  their  families  are  ad 
united  first,  and  after  they  have  passed  on 
into  the  East  Boom,  through  the  Green  Par- 
lor. the  Secretary  of  State  remains  and  pre- 
sents the  Foreign  Ministers  and  their  fami- 
lies. They  are  followed  by  the  Justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  their  families.  Then 
come  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  and  their  families.  The  next  in 
order  are  the  officers  of  the  Army,  then  the 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


23 


officers  of  tlie  Navy  and  Marine  Corps,  in 
full  uniform,  and  then  the  officials  of  the 
District  of  Columbia.  These  personages 
generally  occupy  the  first  hour.  The  doors 
are  then  opened  to  the  public,  and  the  next 
two  hours  are  devoted  to  receiving  them. 
Several  thousand  persons  are  presented 
during  this  period.  They  say  a few  pleas- 
ant words  to  the  President,  receive  a brief 
reply,  and  pass  on. 

The  promenaders  in  tlie  East  Room  often 
linger  in  that  apartment  during  the  whole 
reception.  The  scene  is  brilliant,  the  toi- 
lettes are  magnificent,  the  uniforms  and  court 
dresses  attractive,  and  the  music  line.  At  a 
little  after  two  o’clock  the  parlors  are  de- 
serted, and  the  gay  throng  has  sought  other 
attractions. 

Besides  these  public  levees,  the  ladies  of 
the  White  House  hold  receptions  at  stated 
periods,  to  which  invitations  are  regularly 
issued.  The  President  sometimes  appears 
upon  these  occasions,  but  is  under  no  obli- 
gation to  do  so. 

During  the  first  two  years  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  Mr.  Lincoln,  he  always  selected  a 
lady  to  join  the  promenade  with  him  at  his 
evening  receptions,  thus  leaving  his  wife  free 
to  choose  an  escort  from  the  distinguished 
throng  which  always  surrounded  her  on  such 
occasions.  This  custom  did  not  please  Mrs 


24 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


Lincoln,  who  resolved  to  put  a stop  to  it 
She  declared  the  practice  absurd.  “On  such 
occasions,”  said  she,  “our  guests  recognize 
the  position  of  the  President  as  first  of  all : 
consequently  he  takes  the  lead  in  every- 
thing; well,  now,  if  they  recognize  his  posi- 
tion, they  should  also  recognize  mine.  1 am 
his  wife,  and  should  lead  with  him.  And 
yet  he  offers  his  arm  to  any  other  lady  in  the 
room,  making  her  first  with  him,  and  placing 
me  second.  The  custom  is  an  absurd  one, 
and  I mean  to  abolish  it.  The  dignity  that 
I owe  to  my  position,  as  Mrs.  President,  de- 
mands that  I should  not  hesitate  any  longer 
to  act.” 

The  spirited  lady  kept  her  word.  Ever 
after  this,  she  either  led  the  promenade  with 
the  President,  or  that  dignitary  walked  alone 
or  in  company  with  some  gentleman. 

It  has  long  been  the  custom  for  the  Presi- 
dent to  give  a series  of  State  dinners  during 
the  session  of  Congress,  to  which  the  various 
members  of  that  body,  the  higher  Govern- 
ment officials,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  are 
invited.  In  order  to  be  able  to  entertain 
each  one  of  these  celebrities  it  is  necessary 
to  give  about  two  dinners  per  week.  The 
custom  was  not  much  observed  during  Mr. 
Lincoln’s  administration,  though  it  has  been 
revived  by  his  successor. 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


25 


IMPERTINENT  GOSSIP. 

The  President  and  his  famil)  are  much 
annoyed  by  the  impertinent  curiosity  of 
which  they  are  the  objects.  There  are  '’cores 
of  persons  in  Washington,  some  of  whom  are 
doubtless  well-meaning  people,  who  are  so 
ignorant  of  the  common  decencies  of  society, 
as  to  seek  to  lay  bare  before  the  public  every 
incident  of  the  private  life  of  the  family  at 
the  White  House.  The  whole  city  rings  with 
gossip  upon  this  topic,  much  of  which  finds 
its  way  into  the  columns  of  the  newspaper 
press  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  to  the 
great  annoyance  of  its  victims.  There  are 
people  who  can  tell  you  how  the  President 
gets  out  of  bed  in  the  morning,  how  he 
dresses,  breakfasts,  picks  his  teeth,  what  lie 
talks  about  in  the  privacy  of  his  family,  and 
a thousand  and  one  other  such  private  de- 
tails, until  you  turn  from  your  informant 
with  the  most  intense  disgust.  It  is  said 
that  much  of  this  comes  from  the  servants 
employed  in  the  Executive  Mansion,  who 
seem  to  think  it  adds  to  their  importance  to 
retail  such  scandal.  Every  year  this  goes 
on,  and  every  new  occupant  of  the  White 
House  is  subjected  to  such  persecution. 

10 


• THE  NEW  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.  WASHINGTON. 


Appendix  B. 

Figures  a'v  said  to  be  dry,  but  figures  some* 
times  have  a barge  meaning.  They  are  the  skele- 
ton, and  no  body  would  be  good  for  much  without 
the  skeleton.  It  is  all  a question  of  figures  as  to 
whether  a man  is  a millionaire  or  a pauper,  whether 
he  is  elected  to  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the 
people  or  suffers  inglorious  defeat.  Figures  are 
mighty;  they  tell  thrilling  tales;  they  rule  the 
world. 

The  next  morning  after  an  exciting  election 
every  one  wishes  to  know  what  figures  have  to  say. 
The  following  pages  will  be  no  less  interesting  as 
records  of  history.  Ton  will  find  it  profitable  to 
study  the  contests  of  party  and  the  results  of  the 
great  campaigns  as  expressed  in  these  tables.  They 
present  the  cold,  hard  facts;  they  have  the  force 
that  always  goes  with  statistics.  The  reader  will 
see  that  the  two  great  political  parties  are  very 
evenly  matched ; neither  has  an  overwhelming 
advantage  over  the  other  in  the  popular  vote. 

1 


2 


POPULAR  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


1860. 


State*. 

Lincolu, 

R. 

Douglas, 

D. 

Breckinridge, 

D. 

BeU. 

U. 

Alabama, 

13651 

48831 

27875 

Arkansas, 

5227 

23732 

20094 

California, 

39173 

38516 

34334 

6817 

Colorado, 

Connecticut, 

43792 

15522 

14641 

3291 

Delaware, 

3815 

1023 

7337 

3864 

Florida, 

Georgia, 

367 

8543 

5437 

11590 

51889 

42886 

Illinois, 

Indiana, 

172161 

160215 

2404 

4913 

139033 

115509 

12295 

5306 

Iowa, 

70409 

55111 

1048 

1763 

Kansas, 

Kentucky, 

1364 

25651 

53143 

66058 

Louisiana, 

7625 

22681 

20204 

Maine, 

62811 

26693 

6368 

2046 

Maryland, 

2294 

5966 

42482 

41760 

Massachusetts, 

106533 

34372 

5939 

22331 

Michigan, 

88480 

65057 

805 

405 

Minnesota, 

22069 

11920 

748 

62 

Mississippi, 

3288 

40797 

25040 

Missouri, 

17028 

■ 58081 

31317 

58372 

Nebraska, 

Nevada, 

5801 

New  Hampshire, 

37519 

22811 

2212 

441 

New  Jersey, 

' 58324 

62500 

New  York, 

362646 

312731 

North  Carolina, 

48539 

44990 

Ohio, 

231610 

18822 

11403 

12194 

Oregon,  , 

5270 

3951 

5006 

183 

Pennsylvania, 

268030 

16765 

178871 

12776 

Rhode  Island, 

12244 

7707 

South  Carolina, 
Tennessee, 

Electors  chosen  by  Legislature. 

11350  64709 

69274 

Texas, 

47548 

15438 

Vermont, 

33808 

6849 

218 

1969 

Virginia, 

1929 

16290 

74323 

74681 

West  Virginia, 

161 

Wisconsin, 

86110 

65021 

888 

Totals, 

1866452 

1375157 

847953 

590631 

POPULAR  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


1864.  1368. 


Lincoln, 

States.  R- 

Alabama,  

Arkansas,  

California,  62134 

Colorado,  

Connecticut,  44691 

Delaware,  8155 

Florida, 

Georgia,  

Illinois,  189996 

Indiana,  150422 

Iowa,  89075 

Kansas,  16441 

Kentucky,  27786 

Louisiana,  

Maine,  6814 

Maryland,  40158 

Massachusetts,  1 267 42 

Michigan,  91521 

Minnesota,  21060 

Mississippi,  

Missouri,  72750 

Nebraska,  

Nevada,  9826 

New  Hampshire,  36400 

New  Jersey,  60723 

New  York,  368732 

North  Carolina,  

Ohio,  265154 

Oregon,  9888 

Pennsylvania,  296391 

Rhode  Island,  14349 

South  Carolina,  

Tennessee,  

Texas,  

Vermont,  42419 

firginia,  

West  Virginia,  23152 

Wisconsin,  83458 


Totals,  2223035 


McClellan, 

Grant, 

Seymour, 

D. 

R. 

D. 

76366 

72086 

22152 

10078 

43841 

54592 

54078 

42285 

50996 

47951 

8767 

7623 

10980 

57134 

102822 

158730 

256293 

199143 

130233 

176552 

166980 

40596 

120399 

74040 

3691 

31047 

14019 

64301 

39569 

115889 

33263 

80225 

46992 

70426 

42396 

32739 

30438 

62357 

4874( 

136477 

59408 

74604 

128550 

97009 

17375 

43542 

28072 

31678 

85671 

59788 

9729 

5439 

6594 

6480 

5218 

32871 

38191 

31224 

68024 

80121 

83001 

361986 

410883 

429883 

96226 

84090 

205568 

280128 

237800 

8457 

10961 

11125 

276316 

342280 

313382 

8718 

12903 

6548 

62301 

45237 

56757 

26311 

13321 

44167 

12045 

10438 

29025 

20306 

65884 

108857 

84710 

811754 

3013188 

2703600 

4 


POPULAR  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


*1876. 


f!880. 


States. 

Alabama, 

Arkansas, 

California, 

Colorado, 

Connecticut, 

Delaware, 

Florida, 

Georgia, 

Illinois, 

Indiana, 

Iowa, 

Kansas, 

Kentucky, 

Louisiana, 

Maine, 

Maryland, 

Massachusetts, 

Michigan, 

Minnesota, 

Mississippi, 

Missouri, 

Nebraska, 

Nevada, 

NewHampshir 

New  Jersey, 

New  York, 

North  Carolina, 

Ohio, 

Oregon, 
Pennsylvania, 
Rhode  Island, 
South  Carolina, 
Tennessee, 
Texas, 

Vermont, 

Virginia, 

West  Virginia, 
Wisconsin, 


Hayes, 

Tilden 

Garfield  Hancock  Weaver, 

Dow, 

R. 

D. 

R. 

D. 

G. 

p. 

68,708 

102,989 

56,221 

91,185 

4,642 

. . . . . „ 

38,669 

58,071 

42,436 

60,775 

4,079 

79,279 

76,468 

80,348 

80.426 

3,392 

By  Leg 

islature. 

27,450 

24,647 

1,435 

59,034 

61,934 

67,071 

64,415 

868 

409 

10,752 

13,381 

14,133 

15,275 

120 

23,849 

22,927 

23,654 

27,964 





50,446 

130,088 

54,086 

102,470 

969 

278,232 

258,601 

318,037 

277,321 

26,358 

443 

208,01 1 

213,526 

232,164 

225,522 

12,986 

171,326 

112,121 

183,927 

105,845 

32,701 

592 

78,322 

37,902 

121,549 

59,801 

19,851 

25 

97,156 

159,696 

106,306 

149,068 

11,499 

258 

75,315 

70,508 

38,637 

65,067 

439 

66,300 

49,917 

74,039 

65,171 

4,408 

93 

71,981 

91,780 

78,515 

93,706 

818 

150,063 

108,777 

165,205 

111,960 

4,548 

682 

166,534 

141,095 

185,341 

131,597 

34,895 

942 

72,962 

48,799 

93,903 

53,315 

3,267 

286 

52,605 

112,173 

34,854 

75,750 

5,797 

145,029  203,077 

153,567 

208,609 

35,135 

31,916 

17,554 

54,979 

28,523 

3,950 

10,383 

9,308 

8,732 

9,613 





i 41,539 

38,509 

44,852 

40,794 

528 

180 

103,517 

115,962 

•120,555 

122,565 

2,617 

191 

489,207 

521,949 

555,544 

534,511 

12,373 

1,517 

108,417 

125,427 

115,874 

124,208 

1,126 

330,698 

323,182 

375,048 

340,821 

6,456 

2,616 

15,206 

14,149 

20,619 

19,948 

249 

384,184 

366,204 

444,704  407,428 

20,668 

1,939 

15,787 

10,712 

18,195 

10,779 

236 

20 

91,870 

90,896 

58,071 

112,312 

566 

89,566 

133,166 

107,677 

128.191 

5,917 

43 

44,803 

104,803 

57,893 

156,428 

27,405 

44,428 

20,350 

45,567 

18,316 

1,215 

95,558 

139,670 

84,020 

128,586 





42,046 

56,495 

46,243 

57,391 

9,079 

130,070 

123,926 

144,400 

114,649 

7,986 

69 

4,033,768  4,285,992  4,454,416  4,444,952 

308,578 

10,305 

145,911 

£9,464 

Total, 

Maj.  over  all, 

*1876 — Greenback,  81,737;  Prohibition,  9,522 ; American,  539  ; imper- 
fect and  scattering,  14,715.  f 1880 — Greenback,  308,578;  Prohibition, 
10,305 ; American,  707  ; imperfect  and  scattering,  989.  | Plurality.  AL, 

over  Garfield,  311,115. 


POPULAR  YOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT, 


5 


*1884. 


Blaine, 

Cleveland, 

Butler, 

St.  John, 

States. 

R. 

D. 

G. 

P. 

Alabama, 

59,591 

93.951 

873 

612 

Arkansas, 

50,895 

72,927 

1,847 

California, 

102,416 

89,288 

2,017 

2,920 

Colorado, 

36,290 

27,723 

1,958 

761 

Connecticut, 

65,923 

67,199 

1,688 

2,305 

Delaware, 

12,951 

16,964 

6 

55 

Florida, 

28,031 

31,766 

72 

Georgia, 

48,603 

94,667 

145 

195 

Illinois, 

337,474 

312,355 

10,910 

12,074 

Indiana, 

238,463 

244,990 

8,293 

3,028 

Iowa, 

197,089 

177,316 

1,472 

Kansas, 

154,406 

90,132 

16,341 

4,495 

Kentucky, 

118,122 

152,961 

1,691 

3,139 

Louisiana, 

46,347 

62,540 

Maine, 

72,209 

52,140 

3,953 

2,160 

Maryland, 

85,699 

96,932 

531 

2,794 

Massachusetts, 

146,724 

122,481 

24,433 

10,026 

Michigan, 

192,669 

149,835 

42,243 

18,403 

Minnesota, 

111,923 

70,144 

3,583 

4,684 

Mississippi, 

43,509 

76,510 

Missouri, 

202.929 

235.988 

2,153 

Nebraska, 

76,912 

54,391 

2,899 

Nevada, 

7,193 

5,578 

26 

New  Hampshire, 

43,249 

39,183 

552 

1,571 

JN  ew  J ersey, 

123,440 

127,798 

3,496 

6,159 

New  fork, 

562,005 

563. 1 54 

16,994 

25,016 

North  Carolina, 

125,068 

142,952 

454 

Ohio, 

400,082 

368,280 

5,179 

11,069 

Oregon, 

26,860 

24,604 

726 

492 

Pennsylvania, 

473,804 

392,785 

16,992 

15,283 

iihode  Island, 

19,030 

12.391 

422 

928 

South  Carolina, 

21,733 

69,890 

Tennessee, 

124,078 

133,258 

957 

1,131 

Texas, 

93,141 

225,309 

3,321 

3,534 

Vermont, 

39,514 

17,331 

785 

1,752 

Virginia, 

139,356 

145,497 

138 

West  Virginia, 

63,096 

67,317 

810 

939 

W isconsin, 

161,157 

146,459 

4,598 

7,656 

Total, 

Plurality, 

4,851,981 

23,005 

4,874,986 

175,370 

150,369 

*1884 — Blank,  defective  and  scattering,  14,904.  In  consequence  of  tbe 
uncertainties  in  the  count  resulting  from  the  “fusions”  formed,  the  plu- 
rality shown  for  Cleveland  must  be  considered  an  approximation  to  the 
actual  result — not.  a definite  result.  All,  over  Cleveland,  317,638. 


6 


POPULAR  VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 


18SS. 


Cleveland. 

Harrison. 

Fisk. 

Streeter. 

States. 

Dem. 

Rep. 

Pro. 

U.  Labor. 

Alabama 

. 117,320 

56,197 

583 

Arkansas  

. 85,962 

58,752 

641 

10,613 

California 

. 117,729 

124,816 

5,761 

Colorado 

. 37,567 

50,774 

2,191 

1,266 

Connecticut 

. 74,920 

74,584 

4,234 

240 

Delaware 

. 16,414 

12,973 

400 

Florida 

. 39,561 

26,657 

423 

Georgia 

. 100,499 

40,496 

1,808 

136 

Illinois 

. 348,278 

370.473 

21,695- 

7,090 

Indiana 

. 261,013 

263,361 

9,881 

2,694 

Iowa 

. 179,887 

211,598 

3,550 

9,105 

Kansas 

. 103,744 

182,934 

6,768 

37,726 

Kentucky 

. 183,800 

155,134 

5,225 

622 

Louisiana 

. 85,032 

30,484 

160 

39 

Maine 

. 50,481 

73,734 

2,691 

1,344 

Maryland 

. 106,168 

99,986 

4,767 

Massachusetts.. .. 

. 151,855 

183,892 

8,701 

Michigan 

. 213.459 

236,370 

. 20,942 

4,542 

Minnesota 

. 104,385 

142,492 

15,311 

1,094 

Mississippi 

. 85,471 

30,096 

218 

22 

Missouri 

. 261,974 

236,257 

4,539 

18,632 

Nebraska 

. 80,552 

108,425 

9,429 

4,226 

Nevada 

. 5,362 

7,229 

41 

New  Hampshire. 

. 43,456 

45,728 

1,593 

13 

New  Jersev 

. 151,493 

144,344 

7,904 

New  York 

. .635,757 

6-18,759 

30,231 

626 

North  Carolina... 

. 147,902 

134,784 

2,787 

32 

Ohio 

. 396,455 

416,054 

24,356 

3,496 

Oregon 

. 26,522 

33,291 

1,677 

363 

Pennsylvania 

. 446,633 

526,091 

20,947 

3,873 

Rhode  Island 

. 17,530 

21,968 

1,250 

18 

South  Carolina... 

. 65,825 

13,736 

Tennessee 

. 158,779 

138,988 

5,969 

48 

Texas 

. 534,883 

■ 88,422 

4,749 

29,451 

Vermont 

. 16,788 

45,192 

1,460 

Virginia — 

. 151,977 

150,438 

1,678 

West  Virginia. ... 
Wisconsin 

. 79,664 

77,791 

669 

1,064 

. 155,232 

176,553 

14,277 

8,552 

Total 

.5,540,329 

5,439,853 

249,506 

146,935 

Cleveland’s  majority  on  popular  vote  over  Harrison  was 
100,476.  Electoral  vote : Harrison,  233;  Cleveland,  168. 


APPENDIX 


7 


V/i iLiAK  0.  Whitney,  of  New  York,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
salary,  $8,000, 

William  M.  Yilas,  of  Wisconsin,  Secretary  of  the  Interior , sal- 
ary, $8,000. 

Principal  Departmental  Officers. 

[The  figures  after  each  name  indicate  the  year  of  appointment 
or  assignment.] 

STATE  DEPARTMENT. 

Assistant  Secretary^- G-eorge  L.  Rives  (1887),  New  York  ; salary, 
£4,500. 

Second  Assistant  Secretary — Alvey  A.  Adee  (1882),  New  York, 
$3,500. 

Third  Assistant  Secretwy — John  B.  Moore  (1886),  Delaware, 
$3,500. 

TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

Assistant  Secretaries — Isaac  H.  Maynard  (1887),  New  York, 
$4,500;  Hugh  S.  Thompson  (1886),  South  Carolina,  $4,500. 

Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing — Edward  O.  Graves  (1885), 
New  York,  $4,500. 

Supervising  Architect — William  A.  Ereret  (1887),  Louisiana, 
$4,500. 

First  Comptroller — Milton  J.  Durham  (1885),  Kentucky,  $5,000. 

Second  Comptroller — Sigourney  Butler  (1887),  Massachusetts, 
$5,000. 

Commissioner  of  Customs — John  S.  McCalmont  (1885),  Pennsyl- 
vania, 4,000. 

First  Auditor — James  Q.  Chenoweth  (1885),  Texas,  $3,600. 

Second  Auditor — William  A.  Day  (1885),  Illinois,  $3,600. 

Third  Auditor — John  S.  Williams  (1885),  Indiana,  $3,600. 

Fourth  Auditor — Charles  M.  Shelley  (1885),  Alabama,  $3,600. 

Fifth  A udito  r— An  thony  Eickhoff  (1885),  New  York,  $3,600. 

Sixth  Auditor — Daniel  McConville  (1885),  Ohio,  $3,600. 

Treasurer  U.  S.— James  W.  Hyatt  (1887),  Connecticut,  $6,000. 

Register  of  the  Treasury — William  S.  Rosecrans  (1885),  Califor- 
nia, $4,000. 

Comptroller  of  the  Currency — William  L,  Trenholm  (1886),  South 
Carolina,  $5,000. 

Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue — Joseph  S.  Miller  (1885), 
West  Virginia,  $6,000. 


8 


APPENDIX 


Commissioner  of  Navigation — Charles  B.  Morton  (1886),  Maine, 
$3,600. 

Solicitor  of  Internal  Revenue — Charles  Chesley  (1871),  New 
Hampshire,  $4,500. 

Director  of  the  Mint — James  P.  Kimball  (1885),  Pennsylvania, 
$4,500. 

Chief  of  the  Secret  Service  Division — James  J.  Brooks  (1876), 
Pennsylvania,  $3,500. 

Supervising  Surgeon-  General  of  the  Marine  Hospital  Service — • 
John  B.  Hamilton  (1879),  Illinois,  $4,000. 

Supervismg  Inspector- General  of  Steam  Vessels — James  A.  Du- 
mont (1876),  New  York,  $3,500. 

Solicitoi — Alexander  McCue  (1885),  New  York,  $4,500. 
Superintendent  of  Life-Saving  Service — Sumner  I.  Kimball 
(1876),  Maine,  $4,000. 

Bureau  of  Statistics — William  P.  Switzler  (1885),  Missouri, 
$3,000. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

Adjutant- General — Richard  C.  Drum  (1880),  Pennsylvania.* 
Inspector- General — Absalom  Baird  (1885),  Pennsylvania.* 
Quartermaster- General — Samuel  B.  Holabird  (1883),  Connecti- 
cut.* 

Commissary- General — Robert  Macfeely  (1875),  Pennsylvania.* 
Surgeon- General — John  Moore  (1886),  Indiana.* 

Paymaster-  General-1- William  B.  Rochester  (1882),  New  York.* 
Chief  of  Engineers — James  C.  Duane  (1880),  New  York.* 

Chief  of  Ordnance— Stephen  B.  BenOt  (1874),  Florida.* 

Acting  Judge- Advocate- General — Guido  N.  Lieber  (1885),  New 
Fork.f 

Chief  Signal  Officei — Adolphus  W.  Greely  (1887),  Louisiana.* 

NAVY  DEPARTMENT. 

Bureau  of  Yards  and  Docks — David  B.  Harmony  (1885),  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Bureau  of  Navigation — John  G.  Walker  (1881),  Iowa. 

Bureau  of  Ordnance — Montgomery  Sicard  (1881),  District  of 
Columbia. 

Bureau  of  Provisions  and  Clothing — James  Fulton  (1887),  Ten- 
nessee. 


*Pay  and  allowances  of  a Brigadier-General. 
tPay  and  allowances  of  a Colonel. 


APPENDIX 


9 


Bureau  of  Medicine  and  Surgery — Francis  M.  Gunnell  (1884), 
District  of  Columbia. 

Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair — Theodore  D.  Wilson  (1886), 
New  York. 

Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruiting — Winfield  S.  Schley  (1884), 
Maryland. 

Bureau  of  Steam  Engineering — George  W.  Melville  (1887),  N.  Y. 

Judge- Advocate- General — William  B.  Remey,  U.  S.  Marine 
Corps  (1878),  Iowa,  $3,500. 

Commandant  of  Marine  Corps — Charles  G.  McCawley  (1876), 
Pennsylvania. 

POST  OFFICE  DEPARTMENT. 

First  Assistant  Postmaster- General — Adlai  E.  Stevenson  (1885), 
Illinois,  $4,000. 

Second  Assistant  Postmaster- General — A.  Leo  Knott  (1885), 
Maryland,  $4,000. 

Third  Assistant  Postmaster- General — Henry  R.  Harris  (1887), 
Georgia,  $4,000. 

Assistant  Attorney- General — Edwin  E.  Bryant  (1885),  Wiscon- 
sin, $4,000. 

Superintendent  of  Foreign  Mails — Nicholas  M.  Bell  (1886),  Mis- 
souri, $3,000. 

Superintendent  of  Moiiey  Order  System — Charles  F.  Macdonald 
(1864),  Massachusetts,  $3,500. 

General  Superintendent  of  Railway  Mail  Service — Thomas  E. 
Nash  (1887),  Wisconsin,  $3,500. 

Superintendent  of  Dead  Letter  Office — John  B.  Baird  (1885), 
Georgia,  $2,250. 

Chief  Post  Office  Inspectoi — Wm.  H.  West  (1886),  Miss.,  $3,000. 

INTERIOR  DEPARTMENT. 

First  Assistant  Secretary — H.  L.  Muldrow  (1885),  Miss.,  4 4,500. 

Assistant  Secretary — David  L.  Hawkins  (1886),  Missouri,  $4,000. 

Assistant  Attorney-  General — Zachariah  Montgomery  (1885),  Cab 
ifornia,  $5,000. 

Commissioner  of  Pensions — John  C.  Black  (1885),  111.,  $5,000. 

Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs — John  D.  C.  Atkins  (1885),  Ten. 
nessee,  $4,000. 

Commissioner  of  the  Patent  Office — Benton  J.  Hall  (1887),  Iowa 
$5,000, 


10 


APPENDIX 


Commissioner  of  Railroads — Joseph  E.  Johnston  (1885),'  Vir- 
ginia, $4,500. 

Commissioner  of  Education — Nathaniel  A.  H.  Dawson  (1880), 
Alabama,  $3,000. 

Director  of  Geological  Survey — J.  W.  Powell  (1881),  111.,  $6,000. 
Commissioner  of  Labor — Carroll  D.  Wright  (1885),  Mass.,  $3,000. 
Architect  of  the  Capitol — Edward  Clark  (1865),  Penn.,  $4,500. 

DEPARTMENT  OP  JUSTICE. 

Solicitor- General — George  A.  Jenks(1886),  Pennsylvania,  $7,000. 
Assistant  Attorneys- General — Robert  A.  Howard,  Arkansas; 
William  A.  Maury,  District  of  Columbia,  $5,000  each. 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE. 

Public  Printer — Thomas  E.  Benedict  (1886),  New  York,  $4,500. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

Commissioner — Norman  J.  Colman  (1885),  Missouri,  $4,500. 

LIBRARY  OF  CONGRESS. 

Librarian — Ainsworth  R.  Spofford  (1865),  Ohio,  $4,000. 

GOVERNMENT  DIRECTORS  IN  THE  UNION  PACIFIC  R.  R.  COMPANY. 

Frederic  R.  Coudert,  N.  Y.  ; Franklin  McVeagh,  111.  ; Marcus 
A.  Hanna,  Ohio  ; Alexander  C.  Haskell,  South  Carolina;  James 
W.  Savage,  Nebraska. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  COMMISSIONERS. 

Alfred  P.  Edgerton,  Indiana;  John  H.  Oberly,  Illinois;  Charles 
Lyman,  Connecticut,  $3,500  each. 

Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court* 

Chief- Justice — Melville  W.  Fuller,  Illinois.  Appointed  in  1888. 

JUSTICE.  NO.  OF  CIRCUIT.  WHEN  APPOINTED. 


Samuel  F.  Miller,  of  Iowa  8 1862 

Stephen  J.  Field,  of  California  9 1863 

Joseph  P.  Bradley,  of  New  Jersey  3 1870 

John  M-.  Harlan,  of  Kentucky  7 1877 

Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi  5 1888 

Stanley  Matthews,  of  Ohio  6 1881 

Horace  Gray,  of  Massachusetts  1 1881  * 

Samuel  Blatchford,  of  New  York  2 1882 


Retired  Justice — William  Strong,  Pennsylvania,  $10,000  a year. 


* Salary  of  the  Chief-Justice,  $10,500  ; of  each  Justice.  $10,000. 


APPENDIX  C. 


RESULT  OF  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS  IN 
EACH  STATE  OF  THE  UNION. 

The  reader  will  find  iD  the  following  pages  the 
names  of  the  candidates  for  President  that  each  State 
has  voted  for  at  every  Presidential  election.  Taking 
the  Federalist  party  as  the  root  of  the  Republican 
party,  it  is  traced  through  the  Loose  Constructionist, 
National  Republican  and  Whig  parties  to  185G,  when 
the  present  Republican  party  presented  Fremont,  its 
first  Presidential  candidate.  Taking  the  Republican 
party,  as  organized  by  Jefferson,  as  the  root  of  the 
Democratic  party,  it  is  traced  through  the  Strict  Con- 
structionist party  to  1828,  when  the  present  Democratic 
party  presented  Jackson,  its  first  Presidential  can- 
didate. 

Alabama. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Construc- 

tionist (Derm).  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jack- 
son,  Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1S4S, 
Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat. 
1864,  under  military  rule,  no  election.  1863,  Grant, 
Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden, 
Democrat.  1S80,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleve- 
land, Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Arkansas. — First  Presidential  election,  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844, 
Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce, 

(l) 


2 


APPENDIX  C. 


Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  I860,  Breck- 
inridge, Democrat.  1864,  no  election.  1868,  Grant, 
Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden, 
Democrat.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleve- 
land- Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

California. — First  Presidential  election,  1852,  Pierce, 
Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant, 
Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Blaine, 
Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Colorado. — First  Presidential  election,  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884,  Blaine, 
Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Connecticut. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1792,  Washing- 
ton, Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.). 

1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1804,  Pinckney,  Fed- 
eralist (Rep.).  1808,  Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.). 

1812,  De  Witt  Clinton,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1816,  King, 
Federalist  (Rep.);  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.). 
1824,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.).  1828, 
J.  Q.  Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.).  1832,  Henry 
Clay,  National  Republican  (Rep.).  1836,  Van  Buren, 

Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Henry 
Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852, 

Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  1860, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat. 
1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888, Cleveland,  Democrat. 


APPENDIX  C. 


3 


Delaware. — One  of  the  original  States.  1789,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.).  1792,  Washington,  Federal- 
ist (Rep.).  1796,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1800, 

Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1804,  1808,  Pinckney, 

Federalist  (Rep.).  1812,  De  Witt  Clyiton,  Federalist 
(Rep.).  1816,  King,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1824,  Crawford,  Strict  Construc- 

tionist (Dem.) ; Adams  received  one  of  the  three  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  State.  1828,  J.  Q.  Adams,  National 
Republican  (Rep.).  1832,  Clay,  National  Republican 
(Rep.).  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1840,  Harri- 

son, Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848, 
Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 

Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat. 
1864,  McClellan,  Democrat.  1868,  Seymour,  Democrat. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1SS0,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 
1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Florida. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan, 
Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  no 
election.  1868,  no  election.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1876,  Hayes,  Republican  (Electoral  Commission  de- 
cision). 1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland, 
Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Georgia. — One  of  the  original  States.  1789,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.).  1792,  Washington,  Feder- 

alist (Rep.).  1796,  Jefferson,  Republican,  (Dem.)  1800, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1804,  Jefferson,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1812, 
Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Repub- 


4 


APPENDIX  C. 


lican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1824, 
Crawford,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  White, 
Anti-Van  Buren  Democrat.  1840,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844, 
Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Breckenridge,  Democrat.  1864,  no  election.  1868, 
Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Greeley,  Democrat.  1876, 
Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884, 
Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Illinois. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Construc- 

tionist (Dem.),  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist 
(Rep.),  receiving  one  of  the  three  electoral  votes  of 
the  State.  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan, 
Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant, 
Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Gar- 
field, Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888, 
Harrison,  Republican. 

Indiana. — First  Presidential  election,  1816,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.). 
1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828, 

Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836, 
Plarrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.). 

1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 


APPENDIX  C. 


5 


Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884, 
Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Iowa. — First  Presidential  election,  184S,  Cass,  Demo- 
crat. 1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Re- 
publican. I860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln, 
^Republican.  186S,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant, 
Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield, 
Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison, 
Republican. 

Kansas. — First  Presidential  election,  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant, 
Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Gar- 
field, Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888, 
Harrison,  Republican. 

Kentucky. — First  Presidential  election,  1792,  WaJh- 
ington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Jefferson,  Republican 
(Dem.).  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1804, 

Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Repub- 

lican (Dem.),  one  electoral  vote  not  cast.  1812,  Madi- 
son, Republican  (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican 

(Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1824, 

Clay,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.).  1828,  Jackson, 

Democrat  (Dem.).  1832,  Clay,  National  Republican 
(Rep.).  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1S40,  Harrison, 
Whig  (Rep.).  3844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848,  Taylor, 
Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.).  1856,  Bu- 
chanan, Democrat.  I860,  Bell,  Constitutional  Union. 
1S64,  McClellan,  Democrat.  3 868,  Seymour.  Democrat. 
1872,  Greeley,  Democrat.  At  the  meeting  of  the  elec- 


6 


APPENDIX  C. 


toral  college,  Mr.  Greeley  haying  died  meantime,  the 
electoral  vote  of  the  State  was  cast;  eight  for  Hendricks 
and  four  for  Brown.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat.  1SS4, Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888, 
Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Louisiana. — First  Presidential  election,  1S12,  Madi- 
son, Republican  (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican 

(Deni.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1824, 

Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  Adams,  Loose 
Constructionist  (Rep.),  received  two  of  the  five  electoral 
votes  of  the  State.  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1852, 
Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1840, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848, 
Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 

Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckenridge,  Democrat, 
1864,  no  election.  1868,  Seymour,  Democrat.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican — de- 
cision electoral  commission.  1880,  Plancock,  Democrat 
1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Maine. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1824,  Adams,  Loose  Construc- 
tionist (Rep.).  1828,  Adams,  National  Republican 

(Rep.).  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.),  re- 
ceived one  of  the  eight  electoral  votes  of  the  State. 
1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat. 
1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Polk,  Democrat. 
1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856, 
Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican. 
1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican. 
1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican. 
1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 


APPENDIX  C. 


7 


Maryland. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  six  of 
the  eight  electoral  votes  of  the  State,  two  not  cast. 
1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Adams, 

Federalist  (Rep.).  1800,  the  ten  electoral  votes  of  the 
State  were  divided  equally  between  Jefferson  and  Burr, 
both  Republicans  (Dems.).  1804,  Jefferson,  Republi- 
can (Dem.).  Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  two  of 
the  eleven  electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1808,  Madison, 
Republican  (Dem.).  Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.),  again 
received  two  of  the  eleven  electoral  votes  of  the  State. 
1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  De  Witt  Clinton, 
Federalist  (Rep.),  received  five  of  the  eleven  electoral 
votes  of  the  State,  1S16,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.); 
three  votes  were  not  cast,  Monroe  receiving  eight  of 
the  eleven.  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1824, 
Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.),  received  seven; 
Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.),  three,  and  Craw- 
ford, Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.),  one  of  the  electoral 
votes  of  the  State.  1828,  Adams,  National  Republican 
(Rep.),  received  six  of  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State, 
and  Jackson,  Democrat,  five.  1832,  Clay,  Loose  Con- 
structionist (Rep.),  received  five  of  the  electoral  votes 
of  the  State,  and  Jackson,  Democrat,  three.  1836, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.). 
1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.). 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fillmore,  Know  Noth- 
ing. 1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1868,  Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Greeley, 
Democrat.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock, 
Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland, 
Democrat. 

Massachusetts. — First  Presidential  election,  1816, 


APPENDIX  C. 


b 

King,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican 

(Dem.).  1824,  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.), 
1828,  Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.).  1832,  Clay. 
National  Republican  (Rep.).  1S3G,  Webster,  Whig 

(Rep.).  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay, 

Whig  (Rep.).  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Scott, 
Whig  (Rep.).  1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  I860,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884, 
Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison  Republican. 

Michigan. — First  Presidential  election,  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844, 
Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce, 
Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Hayes,  Republican.  18S0,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884, 
Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Minnesota. — First  Presidential  election,  1860,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant, 
Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.  1880,  Garfield, Republican.  1884,  Blaine, 
Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Rupublican. 

Mississippi. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Mon- 
roe, Republican  (Dem.),  one  electoral  vote  not  cast, 
1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828, 

Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.). 
1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,.  Cass,  Democrat.  1852, 


APPENDIX  C. 


9 


Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  no  election.  1868,  no 
election.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden, 
Democrat.  1SS0,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1SS4,  Cleve- 
land, Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Missouri. — First  Presidential  election,  1820,  Monroe, 
Republican  (Derm).  1824,  Clay,  Loose  Constructionist 
(Rep.).  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson, 

Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan, 
Democrat.  1860,  Douglas,  Democrat.  1864,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  186S,  Grant,  Republican.  1S72,  Greeley, 
Democrat.  In  the  electoral  college  the  vote  of  the 
Sate  was  cast:  for  Hendricks,  9;  Brown,  8;  David 
Davis,  1.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1S80,  Hancock, 

Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland, 
Democrat. 

Nebraska. — First  Presidential  election,  1868,  Giant, 
Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes, 
Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1S8 4,  Blaine, 
Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Nevada. — First  Presidential  election,  1S64,  Lincoln, 
Republican ; one  of  the  three  votes  not  cast.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884, 
Blaine,  Republican.  18S8,  Harrison,  Republican. 

New  Hampshire.  One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep).  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep).  1796,  Adams,  Federalist 


10 


APPENDIX  C. 


(Rep).  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep).  ■ 304,  Jeffer- 
son, Republican  (Dem).  1808,  Pinckney,  Federalist 
(Rep).  1812,  DeWitt,  Clinton,  Federalist  (Rep).  1816, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem).  1820,  Monroe,  Repub- 
lican (Dem).  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist, 
received  one  of  the  eight  electoral  votes  of  the  State. 

1824,  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist.  1828,  Adams, 
National  Republican  (Rep).  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat. 
1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat. 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republican. 
1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Repub- 
lican. 1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Re- 
publican. 1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield, 
Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Har- 
rison, Republican. 

New  Jersey. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep).  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep).  ' 1796,  Adams,  Federalist 
(Rep).  1800,  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep).  1804,  Jeffer- 
son, Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Republican 

(Dem.).  1812,  DeWitt  Clinton,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1816, 
Monroe, Republican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican 
(Dem).  1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.). 

1825,  J,  Q.  Adams,  National  Republican,  (Rep.).  1832, 
Jackson  Democrat.  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1840, 
Harrison,  AVhig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep). 
1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep).  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat. 
1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Lincoln,  Repub- 
lican, received  four  of  the  electoral  votes  of  the  State, 
and  Douglas,  Democrat,  three;  the  latter  had  a ma- 
jority of  4,477  on  the  popular  vote  of  the  State.  1864. 


APPENDIX  C. 


11 


McClellan,  Democrat.  186S,  Seymour,  Democrat. 
1S72,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 
1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 


New  York. — First  Presidential  election,  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Adams,  Federalist 

(Rep.).  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Derm).  1804, 

Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Repub- 

lican (Dem.).  George  Clinton,  Republican  (Dem.), 
received  six  of  the  nineteen  electoral  votes  of  the 
State.  1812,  DeWitt  Clinton,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1816, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.).  1S24,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Construc- 

tionist (Rep.),  received  sixteen  of  the  twenty-six  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  State;  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.),  received  one ; Crawford,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.),  received  five,  and  Clay,  Loose  Constructionist 
(Rep.),  four;  1828,  Jackson, Democrat, received  twenty, 
and  J.  Q.  Adams,  National  Republican  (Rep.),  six- 
teen electoral  votes.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1830, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.). 
1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.), 
1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republican. 
1S60,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1S64,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1868,  Seymour,  Democrat.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1S76,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 
1SS4,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1SS8,  Plarrison,  Repub- 
lican. 

North  Carolina. — First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Jefferson,  Re- 

publican (Dem.).  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received 
one  of  the  twelve  electoral  votes.  1800,  Jefferson, 


12 


APPENDIX  C. 


Republican  (Dem.);  Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received 
four  of  the  twelve  electoral  votes.  1804,  Jefferson, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.); 
Pinckney,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  three  of  the  four- 
teen votes.  1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1810, 
Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Repub- 

lican (Dem.).  1824.  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist 
(Dem.).  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson, 

Democrat.  1836,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Har- 
rison, Whig  (Rep.).  1844.  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848, 

Taylor,  Whig  (Hep.).  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1850, 

Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Breckinridge,  Democrat. 
1864,  no  election.  1S68,  Grant,  Republican.  1S72, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 
1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Ohio. — First  Presidential  election,  1804,  Jefferson, 
Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.). 
1812,  one  vote  not  cast,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.). 
1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.).  1824,  Clay,  Loose  Constructionist 

(Rep.).  1S28,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson, 

Democrat.  1836,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1840,  Har- 
rison, Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848, 
Cass,  Democrat.  1858,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fre- 
mont, Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant, -Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880, 
Garfield,  Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888, 
Harrison,  Republican. 

Oregon. — First  Presidential  election,  1860,  Lincoln, 
Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 


APPENDIX  C. 


13 


Seymour,  Democrat.  1S72,  Grant,  Republican.  187G, 
Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884, 
Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Pennsylvania. — One  of  the  thirteen  original  States. 
1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1792,  Washing- 
ton, Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Jefferson,  Republican 

(Dem.) ; Adams,  Federalist  (Rep.),  received  one  vote. 
1S00,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.),  received  eight  of 
the  fifteen  electoral  votes  of  the  State,  and  Adams 
seven.  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808, 

Madison  Republican  (Dem.).  1812,  Madison,  Republi- 
can (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1820, 

Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.) ; one  vote  not  cast.  1824, 
Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem).  1828,  Jackson, 
Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1836,  Van 
Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844, 
Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852, 

Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican. 
1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican. 
1S76,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican. 
1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

Rhode  Island. — First  Presidential  election,  1792, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep).  1796,  Adams,  Feder- 
alist, (Rep.).  1800,  Adams,  Federalist,  (Rep.).  1804, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Pinckney,  Fed> 

eralist  (Rep.).  1812,  De  Witt  Clinton,  Republican 

(Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,.  Republican,  (Dem).  1820, 

Monroe,  Republican,  (Dem.).  1824,  J.  Q.  Adams, 
Loose  Constructionist  (Rep.).  1828,  J.  Q.  Adams, 
National  Republican  (Rep.).  1832,  Plenry  Clay,  Na- 

tional Republican  (Rep.).  1836,  Van  Buren,  (Dem- 


14 


APPENDIX  C. 


ocrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay, 

Whig  (Rep.)  1848,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1 852,  Pierce, 
Democrat.  1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868, 
Grant,  Republican.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876, 
Hayes,  Republican.  1880,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884, 
Blaine,  Republican.  1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 

South  Carolina. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  states. 
Presidential  electors  elected  by  State  Legislature  until 
1868.  1789,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1792, 

Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.).  1796,  Jefferson,  Re- 
publican (Dem.).  1800,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.) 

1804,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808,  Madison, 

Republican  (Dem.).  1812,  Madison,  Republican 

(Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican,  (Dem.).  1820, 

Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.).  1824,  Jackson,  Strict 

Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828,  Jackson,  Democrat. 

1832,  John  Floyd,  Democrat.  1836,  Mangum,  Dem- 
ocrat. 1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1844,  Polk 
Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852,  Pierce  Demo- 
crat. 1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  . 

1864,  no  election.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat.  1S84,  Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888, 
Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Tennessee.  — First  Presidential  election  1796,  Jef- 
ferson/ Republican  (Dem.).  1800,  Jefferson,  Re- 
publican (Dem.).  1804,  Jefferson,  Republican,  (Dem.). 

1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1812,  Madison, 

Republican  (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.), 

one  vote  not  cast.  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.). 
1824,  Jackson,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828, 


APPENDIX  C. 


15 


Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson  Democrat.  1836, 
Hugh  L.  White,  Democrat.  1840,  Harrison,  Whig 
(Rep).  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.).  1848,  Taylor, 

Whig  (Rep).  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep).  1856, 
Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860,  Bell,  Constitutional 
Union.  1864,  no  election.  1868,  Grant,  Republican. 
1S72,  Greeley,  Democrat.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat. 
1SS0,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1S84,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 
1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Texas. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Cass,  Demo- 
crat. 1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Demo- 
crat. 1S60,  Breckinridge,  Democrat.  1864,  no  election. 
1868,  no  election.  1872,  Greeley,  Democrat.  1876, 
Tilden,  Democrat.  1880,  Hancock,  Dem.  1884, 
Cleveland,  Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Vernnont. — First  Presidential  election,  1792,  Wash- 
ington, Federalist  (Rep.)  one  vote  not  cast.  1796, 
Adams,  Federalist,  (Rep.).  1800,  Adams,  Federalist 

(Rep.).  1S04,  Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1808, 

Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1812,  Madison,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Republican,  (Dem.). 

1824,  J.  Q.  Adams,  Loose  Constructionist.  1828,  J.  Q. 
Adams,  National  Republican.  1832,  William  Wirt, 
Anti-Masonic.  1S36,  Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1S40, 
Harrison,  Whig  (Rep.).  1844,  Clay,  Whig  (Rep.). 

1S4S,  Taylor,  Whig  (Rep.).  1852,  Scott,  Whig  (Rep.). 

1856,  Fremont,  Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republi- 
can. 1864,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Repub- 
lican. 1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Repub- 
lican. 18S0,  Garfield,  Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Re- 
publican. 1888,  Harrison,  Republican. 


16 


APPENDIX  C. 


Virginia. — One  of  the  original  thirteen  States.  1789, 
Washington,  Federalist  (Rep.),  two  votes  not  cast. 
1792,  Washington,  Federalist  (Rep  ).  1796,  Jefferson, 

Republican  (Dem.);  Adams,  Federalist,  received  one 
of  the  twenty-two  electoral  votes  of  the  State.  1800, 
Jefferson,  Republican  (Dem.).  1804,  Jefferson,  Repub- 
lican (Dem.).  1808,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.). 

1812,  Madison,  Republican  (Dem.).  1816,  Monroe,  Re- 
publican (Dem.).  1820,  Monroe,  Republican  (Dem.), 

1824,  Crawford,  Strict  Constructionist  (Dem.).  1828, 
Jackson,  Democrat.  1832,  Jackson,  Democrat.  1830, 
Van  Buren,  Democrat.  1840,  Van  Buren,  Democrat. 
1844,  Polk,  Democrat.  1848,  Cass,  Democrat.  1852, 
Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Buchanan,  Democrat.  1860, 
Bell,  Constitutional  Union.  1864,  no  election.  1868,  no 
election.  1872,  Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden, 
Democrat.  1880,  Hancock,  Democrat.  1884,  Cleve- 
land, Democrat.  1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

West  Virginia. — First  Presidential  election,  1864, 
Lincoln,  Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Tilden,  Democrat.  1880, 
Hancock,  Democrat,  1884,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 
1888,  Cleveland,  Democrat. 

Wisconsin. — First  Presidential  election,  1848,  Cass, 
Democrat.  1852,  Pierce,  Democrat.  1856,  Fremont, 
Republican.  1860,  Lincoln,  Republican.  1864,  Lin- 
coln, Republican.  1868,  Grant,  Republican.  1872, 
Grant,  Republican.  1876,  Hayes,  Republican.  1880, 
Garfield,  Republican.  1884,  Blaine,  Republican.  1888, 
Harrison,  Republican. 


Appendix  D. 


THE  PRESIDENTS  AND  THEIR 
CABINETS. 

The  Postmaster-General  was  not  recognized  as  « 
cabinet  officer  until  1829.  Those  preceding  this 
date  are,  however,  included  in  the  cabinets  to  show 
when  they  were  appointed. 

First  Administration — Washington , 1789-1793. 

President,  George  Washington,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
/resident,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Secre^ 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  Alex.  Hamilton,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts; 
Attorney-General,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia; 
Postmaster-General,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 

Second  Administration — Washington , 1 793- 1 79 7. 

President,  George  Washington,  of  Virginia;  Vice' 
President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  to 
January,  1794,  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to 
December,  1795,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Alexander 

(1) 


2 


APPENDIX  D. 


Hamilton,  of  New  York,  to  February,  1795,  Oliver 
Wolcott,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  War,  Henry 
Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1795,  Timothy 
Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to  January,  1796, 
James  McHenry,  of  Maryland;  Attorney-General, 
Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to  January,  1794, 
William  Bradford,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December, 
1795,  Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster-General, 
Joseph  Habersham,  of  Georgia. 

Third  Administration — Adams,  1797-1801. 

President,  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts;  Vice, 
President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  State,  Timothy  Pickering,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1800,  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia  ; Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Oliver  Wolcott,  of  Massachusetts, 
to  January,  1801;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Mc- 
Henry, of  Maryland,  to  May,  1800,  Roger  Gris- 
wold, of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Cabot,  of  Massachusetts,  to  March,  1798, 
Benj.  Stoddert,  of  Maryland;  Attorney-General, 
Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia,  to  February,  1801,  Theo 
Parsons,  of  Massachusetts;  Postmaster-General, 
Gideon  Granger,  of  Connecticut. 

Fourth  Administration — Jefferson,  1801-1805. 

President,  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Aaron  Burr,  of  New  York ; Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania ; 


APPENDIX  D. 


3 


Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Robert  Smith, 
of  Maryland ; Attorney-General,  Levi  Lincoln,  of 
Massachusetts. 

Fifth  Administration — Jefferson,  1805-1809. 

President,  Thomas  Jelferson,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ; Secretary 
of  State,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  War,  Henry  Dearborn,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Jacob  Crownin- 
shield,  of  Massachusetts ; Attorney-General,  Robert 
Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1805,  John  Breck- 
inridge, of  Kentucky,  to  January,  1807,  Csesar  A. 
Rodney,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Sixth  Administration — Madison,  1 809- 1813. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  George  Clinton,  of  New  York ; Secre- 
tary of  State,  Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland,  to  April, 
1811,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania  ; Secre- 
tary of  War,  William  Eustis,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
January,  1813,  John  Armstrong,  of  New  York ; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Paul  Hamilton,  of  South 
Carolina,  to  January,  1813,  William  Jones,  of 
Pennsylvania ; Attorney-General,  Csesar  A.  Rod- 
ney, of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1811,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland. 


4 


APPENDIX  D. 


Seventh  Administration — Madison,  1813-1817.. 

President,  James  Madison,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts ; Secre- 
tary of  State,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia ; Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1814,  George  W.  Campbell,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  October,  1814,  Alex.  James  Dallas,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  October,  1816,  William  H.  Craw- 
ford, of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  James  Monroe, 
to  August,  1815,  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  P.  Jones,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  December,  1814,  B.  W.  Crowninshield, 
of  Massachusetts;  Attorney  - General,  William 
Pinckney,  of  Maryland,  to  February,  1814,  Richard 
Rush,  of  Pennsylvania ; Postmaster-General,  Return 
J.  Meigs,  of  Ohio. 

Eighth  Administration— Monroe , 1817-1821. 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York ; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia;  Secretary  of  War,  Isaac 
Shelby,  of  Kentucky,  to  April,  1817,  George 
Graham,  of  Virginia,  to  October,  1817,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
B.  W.  Crowninshield,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1818,  Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York;  Attor- 
ney-General, Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
November,  1817,  Wm.  Wirt,  of  Virginia. 


APPENDIX  D. 


5 


Ninth  Administration — Monroe , 1821-1825. 

President,  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia;  Vice- 
President,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York ; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  H. 
Crawford,  of  Georgia;  "Secretary  of  War,  John  C. 
Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina ; Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  to  September, 
1823,  Samuel  L.  Southard,  of  New  Jersey ; Attor- 
ney-General, William  Wirt,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, John  McLean,  of  Ohio. 

Tenth  Administration — J.  Q.  Adams,  1825-1829. 

President,  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts; 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Richard  Rush,  of  Penn- 
sylvania; Secretary  of  War,  James  Barbour,  of 
Virginia,  to  May,  1828,  Peter  B.  Porter,  of  New 
York  ; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Samuel  L.  Southard, 
of  New  Jersey ; Attorney-General,  William  Wirt, 
of  Virginia. 

Eleventh  Administration — Jackson,  1 829- 1833. 
President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee ; Vice- 
President,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina; 
Secretary  of  State,  Martin  Van  Buren,  to  May, 
1881,  Edward  Livingston,  of  Louisiana;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Samuel  D.  Ingham,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  August,  1831,  Louis  McLane,  of  Dela- 


6 


APPENDIX  D. 


ware;  Secretary  of  War,  John  H.  Eaton,  of  Ten- 
nessee, to  August,  1831,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio; 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  John  Branch,  of  North 
Carolina,  to  May,  1831,  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New 
Hampshire;  Attorney-General,  John  M.  Berrien, 
of  Georgia,  to  July,  1831,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of 
Maryland ; Postmaster-General,  William  T.  Barry, 
of  Kentucky. 

Twelfth  Administration — Jackson , 1833-1837. 

President,  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee;  Vice- 
President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Louis  McLane,  of  Delaware,  to 
June,  1834;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William 
J.  Duane,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September,  1833, 
Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  June,  1834,  Levi 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire;  Secretary  of  War, 
Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Louis 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire,  to  June,  1834, 
Mahlon  Dickerson,  of  New  Jersey ; Postmaster- 
General,  William  T.  Barry,  of  Kentucky,  to  May, 
1835,  Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky;  Attorney- 
General,  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1833,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York. 

Thirteenth  Administration — Van  Buren , 1837-1841. 

President,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York; 
Vice-President,  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky ; 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Forsyth,  of  Georgia; 
Secretary  cf  the  Treasury,  Levi  Woodbury,  of 


APPENDIX  D. 


7 


New  Hampshire;  Secretary  of  War,  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  New  York,  to  March,  1837,  Joel  K. 
Poinsett,  of  South  Carolina;  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Mahlon  Dickerson,  of  New  Jersey,  to  June, 
1838,  James  K.  Paulding,  of  New  Jersey;  Post- 
master-General. Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky,  to 
May,  1810,  John  M.  Niles,  of  Connecticut;  At- 
torney-General, Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York, 
to  July,  1838,  Felix  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  to 
January,  1840,  Henry  D.  Gilpin,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Fourteenth  Administration — Harrison,  Tyler,  1841-1845. 

President,  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio ; 
Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia;  Secretary 
of  State,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
May,  1843,  Hugh  S.  Legare,  of  South  Carolina,  to 
July,  1843,  Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  March, 
1844,  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  June,  1844,  George  M.  Bibb,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  War,  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  to 
September,  1841,  John  C.  Spencer,  of  New  York, 
to  March,  1843,  James  M.  Porter,  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  February,  1844,  then  William  Wilkens,  of 
Pennsylvania;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  E. 
Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  to  September,  1841 ; 
Abel  P.  Upshur,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1S43,  Daniel 
Henshaw,  of  Massachusetts,  to  February,  1844, 
Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  of  Virginia,  to  March,  1844, 


8 


APPENDIX  D. 


then  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  Postmaster- 
General,  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1841,  then  Charles  A.  Wickliffe,  of  Ken- 
tucky; Attorney-General,  John  J.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  to  September,  1841,  Hugh  S.  Legare, 
of  South  Carolina,  to  July,  1843,  then  John  Nel- 
son, of  Maryland. 

Fifteenth  Administration — Polk,  1845-1849. 

President,  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee;  Vice- 
President,  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Robert  J. 
Walker,  of  Mississippi;  Secretary  of  War,  William 
L.  Marcy,  of  New  York ; Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
George  Bancroft,  of  Massachusetts,  to  September, 
1846,  then  John  Y.  . Mason,  of  Virginia;  Post- 
master-General, Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ; At- 
torney-General, John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  to 
October,  1846,  Nathan  Clifford,  of  Maine,  to  June, 
1848,  then  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut. 

Sixteenth ■ Administration — Taylor,  Fillmore,  1849-1853. 

President,  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Louisiana;  Vice- 
President,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  John  M.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  to 
July,  1850,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  to 
December,  1852,  then  Edward  Everett,  of  Massa- 
chusetts ; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  M. 
Meredith,  to  July,  1850,  then  Thomas  Corwin,  of 


APPENDIX  D. 


9 


Ohio;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  Crawford,  of 
Georgia,  to  July  20,  1850,  Edward  Bates,  of  Mis- 
souri, to  July  23,  1850,  Winfield  Scott,  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  August,  1850,  then  Charles  M.  Conrad, 
of  Louisiana;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  B. 
Preston,  of  Virginia,  to  July,  1850,  William  A, 
Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  to  July,  1852,  then 
John  P.  Kennedy,  of  Maryland  ; Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  to  July,  1850, 
James  A.  Pierce,  of  Maryland,  to  August,  1850, 
Thomas  M.  T.  McKennan,  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
September,  18*0,  then  Alexander  H.  H.  Stuart,  of 
Virginia;  Postmaster-General,  Jacob  Collamer,  of 
Vermont,  to  July,  1850,  Nathan  K.  Hall,  of  New 
York,  to  August,  1852,  then  Samuel  D.  Hubbard, 
of  Connecticut;  Attorney-General,  Reverdy  John- 
son, of  Maryland,  to  July,  1850,  then  John  J. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky. 

Seventeenth  Administration — Pierce , 1853-1857. 

President,  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire; 
Vice-President,  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  L.  Marcy,  of  New 
York ; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  James  Guthrie, 
of  Kentucky ; Secretary  of  War,  Jefferson  Davis, 
of  Mississippi ; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  James  C. 
Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina ; Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior, Robert  McClelland,  of  Michigan ; Post- 
master-General, James  Campbell,  of  Pennsylvania; 
Attorney-General,  Caleb  Cushing,  of  Massachusetts. 


10 


APPENDIX  D. 


Eighteenth  Administration — Buchanan , 1857-1861. 

President,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania*, 
Vice-President,  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky; 
Secretary  of  State,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  to 
March,  1857,  then  Jeremiah  Black,  of  Pennsylva- 
nia ; Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  of 
Georgia,  to  December,  1860,  Phillip  F.  Thomas, 
of  Maryland,  to  January,  1861,  then  John  A.  Dix, 
of  New  York;  Secretary  of  War,  John  B.  Floyd, 
of  Virginia,  to  January,  1861,  then  Joseph  Holt, 
of  Kentucky ; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Isaac 
Toucey,  of  Connecticut ; Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Jacob  Thompson;  Postmaster-General,  Aaron  V. 
Brown,  of  Tennessee,  to  March,  1859,  Joseph 
Holt,  of  Kentucky,  to  February,  1861,  then  Hora- 
tio King,  of  Maine;  Attorney-General,  Jeremiah 
S-  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  December,  1860,  then 
Edwin  M.  Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Nineteenth  Administration — Lincoln,  1861-1865. 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois ; Vice- 
President,  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine  ; Secretary 
of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York;  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio, 
to  July,  1864,  then  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  of 
Maine;  Secretary  of  War,  Simon  Cameron,  of 
Pennsylvania,  to  January,  1862,  then  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  of  Pennsylvania;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  to  January, 


APPENDIX  D. 


11 


LS63,  then  John  P.  Usher,  of  Indiana;  Postmaster- 
General,  Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  to  Sep- 
tember, 1864,  then  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio; 
Attorney-General,  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  to 
June,  1863,  T.  J.  Coffey,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  De- 
cember, 1864,  then  James  Speed,  of  Kentucky. 

Twentieth  Administration — Lincoln , Johnson,  1865-1869. 

President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Vice- 
President,  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee;  Secre- 
tary of  State,  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York: 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Hugh  McCulloch,  of 
Indiana;  Secretary  of  War,  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  August,  1867,  U.  S.  Grant,  of 
Illinois,  to  February,  1868,  Lorenzo  Thomas,  of 
Delaware,  to  May,  1868,  then  John  M.  Schofield, 
of  Illinois;  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Gideon  Welles, 
of  Connecticut;  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  John  P. 
Usher,  of  Indiana,  to  May,  1865,  James  Harlan, 
of  Iowa,  to  July,  1866,  then  0.  H.  Browning,  of 
Illinois;  Postmaster-General,  William  Dennison, 
of  Ohio,  to  July,  1866,  then  Alexander  W.  Ran- 
dall, of  Wisconsin ; Attorney-General,  James  Speed, 
of  Kentucky,  to  July,  1866,  Henry  Stanberry,  of 
Ohio,  to  July,  1868,  then  William  M.  Evarts,  of 
New  York. 

Twenty-first  Administration — Grant,  1 869- 1873. 

President,  U.  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Schuyler  Colfax,  of  Indiana;  Secretary  of 


12 


APPENDIX  D. 


State,  E.  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  to  March, 
1869,  then  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  George  S.  Boutwell,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts; Secretary  of  War,  John  A.  Rawlins, 
of  Illinois,  to  September,  1869,  then  William  T. 
Sherman,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1869,  then  William 
W.  Belknap,  of  Iowa;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Adolph  E.  Borie,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  June,  1869, 
then  George  M.  Robeson,  of  New  Jersey;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Jacob  D.  Cox,  of  Ohio,  to  No- 
vember, 1870,  then  Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio; 
Postmaster-General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Mary- 
land ; Attorney-General,  E.  Rockwood  Iloar,  of 
Massachusetts,  to  June,  1870,  Amos  T.  Akerman, 
of  Georgia,  to  December,  1861,  then  George  H. 
Williams,  of  Oregon. 

Tiventy-second  Administration — Grant,  1873-1877. 

President,  U,  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois;  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts;  Secretary 
of  State,  Hamilton  Fish,  of  New  York;  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  William  A.  Richardson,  of’Mas- 
sachusetts,  to  June,  1874,  Benjamin  F.  Bristow, 
of  Kentucky,  to  June,  1876,  then  Lot  M.  Morrill, 
of  Maine;  Secretary  of  War,  William  W.  Belknap, 
of  Iowa,  to  March,  1876,  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio, 
to  May,  1876,  then  Donald  Cameron,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  George  M.  Robe- 
son, of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
Columbus  Delano,  of  Ohio,  to  October,  1875,  then 


APPENDIX  D. 


13 


Zachariah  Chandler,  of  Michigan;  Postmaster- 
General,  John  A.  J.  Creswell,  of  Maryland,  to 
August,  1874,  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  tc 
July,  1876,  then  James  M.  Tyner,  of  Indiana; 
Attorney-General,  George  H.  Williams,  of  Oregon, 
to  April,  1875,  Edward  Pierrepont,  of  New  York, 
to  May,  18-76,  then  Alphonso  Taft,  of  Ohio. 

Twenty-third  A dministration — Hayes,  1 8 7 7- 1 8 8 1 . 

President,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York; 
Secretary  of  State,  William  M.  Evarts,  of  New 
York;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  John  Sherman, 
of  Ohio;  Secretary  of  War,  George  W.  McCrary, 
of  Iowa,  to  December,  1879,  then  Alexander 
Ramsey,  of  Minnesota;  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  to  January, 
1881,  then  Nathan  Goff,  of  West  Virginia;  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri ; 
Postmaster-General,  David  McKey,  of  Tennessee, 
to  August,  1880,  then  Horace  Maynard,  of  Tennes- 
see; Attorney-General,  Charles  Devens,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

Twenty-fourth  Administration — Garfield , Arthur, 
1881-1885. 

President,  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio;  Vice- 
President,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  to 
September,  1881,  then  Frederick  Frelinghuysen, 


14 


APPENDIX  D. 


of  New  Jersey;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Wil- 
liam Windom,  of  Minnesota,  to  September,  1881, 
then  Charles  Folger,  of  New  York;  Secretary  of 
War,  Robert  Lincoln,  of  Illinois;  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  William  L.  Hunt,  of  Louisiana,  to 
April,  1882,  then  William  Chandler,  of  New 
Hampshire ; Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Samuel  J 
Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  to  April,  1882,  then  Henry  F. 
Teller,  of  Colorado;  Postmaster-General,  Thomas 
L.  Janies,  of  New  York,  to  October,  1881,  Timothy 
0.  Howe,  of  Wisconsin,  to  October,  1883,  then 
Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana;  Attorney-General, 
Wayne  McVeagh,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  September, 
1881,  then  Benjamin  H.  Brewster,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

Twenty  -fifth  Administration — Cleveland,  Hendricks, 
1885-1888. 

President,  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York;  (the 
Vice-Presidency  is  vacant,  by  reason  of  the  death 
of  Mr.  Hendricks;)  Secretary  of  State,  Thomas 
Francis  Bayard,  of  Delaware ; Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Charles  S.  Fairchild,  of  New  York  ; Sec- 
retary of  War,  William  C.  Endicott,  of  Massachu- 
setts ; Postmaster-General,  William  F.  Vilas,  of 
Wisconsin ; Attorney-General,  Augustus  H.  Gar- 
land, of  Arkansas ; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William 
C.  Whitney,  of  New  York ; Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior, Lucius  Q.  C.  Lamar,  of  Mississippi.  Mr. 
Fairchild  succeeded  Daniel  H.  Manning  as  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  Don.  M.  Dickinson,  of  Mich- 
igan, succeeded  Mr.  Vilas  as  Postmaster-General. 
Mr.  Vilas  succeeded  Mr.  Lamar  as  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  Mr.  Lamar  was  elevated  to  the  Supreme 
Court. 


APPENDIX  D. 


15 


Twenty-sixth  Administration — Harrison,  Morton, 
1889-1893. 

President,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Indiana;  Vice- 
President,  Levi  P.  Morton,  New  York;  Secretar}1 
of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  Maine ; Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  William  Windom,  Minnesota  (de- 
ceased), succeeded  by  Charles  Foster,  Ohio;  Sec- 
retary of  War,  Redfield  Proctor,  Vermont  (re- 
signed), succeeded  by  Stephen  B.  Elkins,  West 
Virginia ; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Benjamin  F. 
Tracy,  New  York ; Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
John  W.  Noble,  Missouri ; Postmaster-General, 
John  Wanamaker,  Pennsylvania;  Secretary  of 
Agriculture,  Jeremiah  M.  Busk,  Wisconsin  ; 
Attorney-General,  William  H.  H.  Miller.  In- 
diana. 


Appendix  E. 

THE  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

The  Presidential  election  will  take  place  on 
Tuesday,  November  8,  1892.  The  Constitution 
prescribes  that  each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such 
manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a 
number  of  electors  equal  to  the  whole  number  of 
Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State 
may  be  entitled  in  Congress.  For  the  election  this 
year,  the  electors  by  States  will  be  as  follows : 


States. 

Electoral  Vote-. 

States.  Electoral  Vote. 

Alabama 

ll 

Nebraska 

....  8 

Arkansas... 

8 

Nevada 

....  3 

California 

9 

New  Hampshire.... 

....  4 

Colorado 

4 

New  Jersey 

....  10 

Connecticut 

6 

New  York 

....  36 

Delaware 

3. 

North  Carolina 

....  11 

Florida 

4 

North  Dakota 

....  3 

Georgia 

13  ' 

Ohio 

....  23 

Idaho ..' 

3 

Oregon 

...  4 

Illinois 

24 

Pennsylvania 

....  32 

Indiana 

15 

Rhode  Island 

....  4 

Iowa........  

13 

South  Carolina 

....  9 

Kansas 

10 

South  Dakota 

...  4 

Kentucky 

13 

Tennessee 

...  12 

Louisiana 

8 

Texas  

....  15 

Maine...  y 

6 

Vermont 

....  4 

Maryland; 

8 

Virginia 

....  12 

Massachusetts.... 

15 

Washington 

...  4 

Michigan 

14 

West  Virginia 

...  6 

Minnesota 

9 

Wisconsin 

....  12 

Mississippi 

9 

Wyoming 

....  3 

Missouri 

17 

— . 

Montana 

3 

Total, 

,...444 

Necessary  to  a choice,  223. 


APPENDIX  E. 


No  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding 
an  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  an  elector.  In  all  the  States,  the  laws 
thereof  direct  that  the  people  shall  choose  the  elec- 
tors. The  Constitution  requires  that  the  day  when 
electors  are  chosen  shall  be  the  same  throughout 
the  United  States.  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their 
respective  States  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  Decem- 
ber, and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, one  of  whom  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  They 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted 
for  as  Vice-President ; and  they  shall  make  dis- 
tinct lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of 
the  number  of  votes  for  each;  which  lists  they 
shall  sign  and  certify  and  transmit,  sealed,  to 
Washington,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Sen- 
ate, before  the  first  Wednesday  in  January.  On 
the  second  Wednesday  in  February,  the  President 
of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certifi- 
cates, and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  Presi- 
dent shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  shall  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ; 
and  if  no  person  have  such  a majority,  then  from 
the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  ex- 
ceeding three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as 


APPENDIX  E. 


President,  the  House  of  Representatives'  shall 
choose,  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But 
in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote  shall  be  taken 
by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State 
having  one  vote ; a quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a member  or  members  from  two-thirds 
of  the  States,  and  a majority  of  all  the  States  shall 
be  necessary  to  a choice.  And  if  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  not  choose  a President  when- 
ever the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them, 
before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following, 
then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as 
in  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disa- 
bility. The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-President, 
if  such  number  be  a majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on 
the  list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President; 
a quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds 
of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a majority 
of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a choice. 
No  person,  except  a natural-born  citizen  or  a citU 
zen  of  the  United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to  the 
office,  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person  be 
eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years..  The  qualifications 
for  Vice-President  are  the  same- 


Appendix  F. 

CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
OF  AMERICA. 

We  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  t. 
form  a more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  in- 
sure domestic  Tranquility,  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  promote  the  general  Welfare,  and 
secure  the  Blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  Posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this 
Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

Article  I. 

Section  1.  All  legislative  Powers  herein  granted 
shall  be  vested  in  a Congress  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  consist  of  a Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives. 

Sec.  2.  1 The  House  of  Representatives  shall 

be  composed  of  Members  chosen  every  second  year 
by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the  Elec- 
tors in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications 
requisite  for  Electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch 
of  the  State  Legislature. 

2 No  person  shall  be  a Representative  who  shall 
not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years 
and  been  seven  years  a citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant 
of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

CD 


2 


APPENDIX 


3 Representatives  and  direct  Taxes  shall  be  ap< 
portioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be 
included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  re- 
spective numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by 
adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  includ- 
ing those  bound  to  service  for  a term  of  years,  and 
excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three-fifths  of  all  other 
persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made 
within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every 
subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as 
they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  Number  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  30,000, 
but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Represen- 
tative; and  until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made, 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to 
choose  three;  Massachusetts,  eight;  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantation,  one;  Connecticut,  five , 
New  York,  six ; New  Jersey,  four ; Pennsylvania, 
eight ; Delaware,  one  ; Maryland,  six ; Virginia, 
ten;  North  Carolina,  five ; South  Carolina,  five; 
and  Georgia,  three. 

4 When  vacancies  happen  in  the  Representation 
from  any  State,  the  executive  authority  thereof 
shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies. 

5 The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose 
their  Speaker  and  other  officers ; and  shall  have 
the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Sec.  3.  1 The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall 

be  composed  of  two  senators  from  each  State, 


APPENDIX 


3 


chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six  years : 
and  each  senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2 Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in 
consequence  of  the  first  election,  they  shall  be 
divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of 
the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year, 
and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth 
year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every  second 
year ; and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or 
otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of 
any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make 
temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting  of 
the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3 No  person  shall  be  a senator  who  shall  not 
have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been 
nine  years  a citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who 
shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4 The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  President  of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote, 
unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5 The  Senateshall  choose  their  other  officers,  and 
also  a President  pro-tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the 
Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall  exercise  the  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6 The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try 
all  impeachments.  When  sitting  for  that  purpose, 
they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.  When  the 


4 


APPENDIX 


President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  chief 
j ustice  shall  preside  : And  no  person  shall  be  con- 
victed without  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  present. 

7 Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not 
extend  further  than  to  removal  from  office,  and  dis- 
qualification to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office  of  honor, 
trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States;  but  the 
party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and 
subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment  and  punish- 
ment, according  to  law. 

Sec.  4.  1 The  times,  places  and  manner  of  hokh 

ing  elections  for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall 
be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  legislature 
thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law 
make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the 
places  of  choosing  senators. 

2 The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in 
every  year,  and  such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first 
Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by  law 
appoint  a different  day. 

Sec.  5.  1 Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of 

the  election,  returns  and  qualifications  of  its  own 
members,  and  a majority  of  each  shall  constitute  a 
quorum  to  do  business  ; but  a smaller  number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized 
to  compel  the  attendance  of  absent  members,  in 
such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
House  may  provide. 

2 Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its 


APPENDIX 


5 


proceedings,  punish  its  members  for  disorderly 
behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds, 
expel  a member. 

3 Each  House  shall  keep  a journal  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, and  from  time  to  time  publish  the  same, 
excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their  judgment  require 
secrecy  ; and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of 
one-fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4 Neither  House  during  the  session  of  Congress, 
shall,  -without  the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for 
more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other  place  than 
that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 

/See.  6.  1 The  senators  and  representatives  shall 

receive  a compensation  for  their  services,  to  be 
ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except 
treason,  felony  and  breach  of  peace,  be  privileged 
from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of 
their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  return- 
ing from  the  same;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in 
either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any 
other  place. 

2 No  senator  or  representative  shall,  during  the 
time  for  which  he  vms  elected,  be  appointed  to  any 
civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such 
time ; and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the 
United  States,  shall  be  a member  of  either  House 
during  his  continuance  in  office. 


6 


APPENDIX 


Sec.  7.  1 All  bills  for  raising  revenue'  shall 

originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives ; but  the 
Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amendments 
as  on  other  bills. 

2 Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it 
becomes  a law,  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it,  but 
if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that 
House  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who 
shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal 
and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  recon- 
sideration two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  aemee  to 
pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the 
objections,  to  the  other  House,  by  which  it  shall 
likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two- 
thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a law.  But 
in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be 
determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of 
the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be 
entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively. 
If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President 
within  ten  days  (Sunda}rs  excepted)  after  it  shall 
have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a law, 
in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the 
Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return, 
in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a law. 

3 Every  order,  resolution  or  vote  to  which  the 
concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives may  be  necessary  (except  a question  of 


APPENDIX 


7 


adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall 
take  effect,  shall  he  approved  bj  him,  or  being  dis- 
approved by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two-thirds 
of  the  Senate  and  blouse  of  Representatives,  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in 
the  case  of  a bill. 

Sec.  8.  The  Congress  shall  have  power 

1 To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and 
excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United 
States ; but  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2 To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United 
States ; 

3 To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 
and  among  the  several  States,  and  with  the  Indian 
tribes ; 

4 To  establish  a uniform  rule  of  naturalization, 
and  uniform  laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies 
throughout  the  United  States: 

5 To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof, 
and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures ; 

6 To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeit- 
ing the  securities  and  current  coin  of  the  United 
States ; 

7 To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

8 To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful 
arts,  by  securing  for  limited  times  to  authors  and 


8 


APPENDIX 


inventors  the  exclusive  right  to  their  respective 
writings  and  discoveries ; 

9 To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme 
Court ; 

10  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies 
committed  on  the  high  seas,  and  offences  against 
the  law  of  nations ; 

11  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal,  and  make  rules  concerning  captures  on 
land  and  water; 

12  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appro- 
priation of  money  to  that  use  shall  be  for  a longer 
term  than  two  years ; 

13  To  provide  and  maintain  a navy; 

14  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regu- 
lation of  the  land  and  naval  forces  ; 

15  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to 
execute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrec- 
tions and  repel  invasions ; 

16  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  dis- 
ciplining the  militia,  and  for  governing  such  part 
of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively, 
the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority 
of  training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline 
prescribed  by  Congress ; 

17  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten 
miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of  particular 
States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the 


APPENDIX 


9 


seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased 
by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  in 
which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful 
buildings;  and 

18  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary 
and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers,  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this 
Constitution,  in  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Sec.  9.  1 The  migration  or  importation  of  such 

persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall 
think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by 
the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a tax  or  duty  may  be  im- 
posed on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dol- 
lars for  each  person. 

2 The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall 
not  be  suspended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion 
or  invasion  the  public  safety  may  require  it. 

3 No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall 
be  passed. 

4 No  capitation,  or  other  direct  tax,  shall  be 
laid,  unless  in  proportion  to  the  census  or  enumera- 
tion herein  before  directed  to  be  taken. 

5 No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  ex- 
ported from  any  State. 

6 No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regula- 
tion of  commerce  or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one 


10 


APPENDIX 


State  over  those  of  another ; nor  shall  vessels  bound 
to,  or  from  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or 
pay  duties  in  another. 

7 No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury, 
but  in  consequence  of  appropriations  made  bylaw; 
and  a regular  statement  and  account  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall 
be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8 No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the 
United  States:  And  no  person  holding  any  office 
of  profit  or  trust  under  them.,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office  or  title,'  of  any  kind  whatever,  from 
any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Sec.  10.  1 No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty, 

alliance,  or  confederation  ; grant  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal;  coin  money;  emit  bills  of  credit; 
make  anything  but  gold,  and  silver  coin  a tender 
in  payment  of  debts ; pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex 
post  facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of 
contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2 No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Congress,  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or 
exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary 
for  executing  its  inspection  laws;  and  the  net  pro- 
duce of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State 
on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the 
Congress. 


APPENDIX 


11 


3 No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Con- 
gress, la}7  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops,  or 
ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agree- 
ment or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a 
foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually 
invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not 
admit  of  delay. 

Article  II. 

Sec.  1.  1 The  executive  power  shall  be  vested 

in  a President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four 
years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen 
for  the  same  term,  be  elected,  as  follows : 

2 Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as 
the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct,  a number  of 
electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators 
and  representatives,  to  which  the  State  may  be 
entitled  in  the  Congress : but  no  senator  or  repre- 
sentative, or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or 
profit  under  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector. 

[*The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective 
States,  and  vote  by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom 
one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same 
State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number 
of  votes  for  each  ; which  list  they  shall  sign  and 
certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  govern- 

* This  clause  within  brackets  has  been  superseded  and  annulled  by  the 
twelfLli  amendment. 


12 


APPENDIX 


ment  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the -Presi- 
dent of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate, 
shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the 
votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  number  be  a majority  of  the  whole  number 
of  electors  appointed ; and  if  there  be  more  than 
one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal 
number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of 
them  for  President;  and  if  no  person  have  a ma- 
jority, then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the 
said  House  shall,  in  like  manner,  choose  the  Presi- 
dent. But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes 
shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from 
each  State  having  one  vote;  a quorum  for  this  pur- 
pose shall  consist  of  a member  or  members  from 
two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a majority  of  all  the 
States  shall  be  necessary  to  a choice.  In  every 
case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  elec- 
tors, shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there 
should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes, 
the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot,  the 
Vice-President.] 

3 The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of 
choosing  the  electors,  and  the  day  on  which  they 
shall  give  their  votes ; which  day  shall  be  the  same 
throughout  the  United  States. 


APPENDIX 


13 


4 No  person  except  a natural  born  citizen,  or  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  at  the  time  of  the 
adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  eligible  to 
the  office  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person 
be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years  and  been  fourteen 
years  a resident  within  the  United  States. 

5 In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from 
office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  dis- 
charge the  powers  and  duties  of  the  said  office,  the 
same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring  Avhat 
officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  act  accordingly,  until  the  disability  be 
removed,  or  a President  shall  be  elected. 

6 The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive 
for  his  services,  a compensation,  which  shall  neither 
be  increased  nor  diminished  during  the  period  for 
which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not 
receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument 
from  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

7 Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office, 
he  shall  take  the  following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

“ I do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I will 
faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.” 


14 


APPENDIX 


Sec.  2.  1 The  President  shall  be  commander* 

in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States; 
he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the 
principal  officer  in  each  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments, upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of 
their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to 
grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the. 
United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2 He  shall  have  power  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  pro- 
vided two-thirds  of  the  senators  present  concur; 
and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambas- 
sadors, other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the 
United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  estab- 
lished bylaw  ; but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the 
appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think 
proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law, 
or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3 The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all 
vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire 
at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Sec.  3.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  the 
Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and 
recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 


APPENDIX 


15 


he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may, 
on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses, 
or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement 
between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjourn- 
ment, he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he 
shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors 
and  other  public  ministers  ; he  shall  take  care  that 
the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commis- 
sion all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  4.  The  President,  Vice-President  and  all 
civil  officers  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  removed 
from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and  conviction  of, 
treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors. 

Article  III. 

Sec.  1.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such 
inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to 
time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the 
supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times, 
receive  for  their  service  a compensation,  which 
shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance 
in  office. 

Sec.  2.  1 The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all 

cases,  in  law  and  equity,  arising  under  this  Consti- 
tution, the  laws  of  the  United  States  and  treaties 
made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority; 
to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  min- 


16 


APPENDIX 


isters  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and 
maritime  jurisdiction  ; to  controversies  to  which 
the  United  States  shall  be  a party ; to  controver- 
sies between  two  or  more  States;  between  a State 
and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of 
different  States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State 
claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and 
between  a State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign 
States,  citizens  or  subjects. 

2 In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers  and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a State 
shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  original 
jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned, 
the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction, 
both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

3 The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  im- 
peachment, shall  be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall 
be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said  crimes  shall 
have  been  committed ; but  when  not  committed 
within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or 
places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Sec.  3.  1 Treason  against  the  United  States 

shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or 
in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and 
comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason 
unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the 
same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

2 The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the 
punishment  of  treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason 


APPENDIX 


17 


shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or  forfeiture  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

Article  IV. 

Sec.  1.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in 
each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial 
proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And-  the  Con- 
gress may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner 
in  which  such  acts,  records  and  proceedings  shall 
be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Sec.  2.  1 The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be 

entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens 
in  the  several  States. 

2 A person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason, 
felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice, 
and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall  on  demand  of 
the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the 
State  having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

3 No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one 
State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  an- 
other, shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regula- 
tion therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the 
party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

Sec.  3.  1 New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the 

Congress  into  this  Union ; but  no  new  State  shall 
be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any 
other  State;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junc- 
tion of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  with- 


18 


APPENDIX 


out  the  consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States 
concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2 The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of 
and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  respect- 
ing the  territory  or  other  property  belonging  to 
the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitu- 
tion shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Sec.  4.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to 
every  State  in  this  Union  a Republican  form  of 
government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or 
of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be 
convened)  against  domestic  violence. 

Article  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both 
Houses  shall  deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose 
amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the  appli- 
cation of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  shall  call  a Convention  for  proposing 
amendments,  which,  in  either  case,  shall  be  valid 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution; when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  Conventions  in 
three-fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode 
of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress; 
Provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made 
prior  to  the  year  1808  shall  in  any  manner  affect 
the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of 


APPENDIX 


19 


the  first  article ; and  that  no  State,  without  its 
«x>nsent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in 
the  Senate. 

Article  YI. 

1 All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered 
into,  before  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall 
be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  this 
Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2 This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof; 
and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land ; and  the  Judges  in 
every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  ir 
the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding. 

3 The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  men- 
tioned, and  the  members  of  the  several  State  Legis- 
latures, and  all  executive  and  judicial  officers,  both 
of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall 
be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation,  to  support  this 
Constitution;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be 
required  as  a qualification  to  any  office  or  public 
trust  under  the  United  States. 

Article  YII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine 
States  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  establishment  of 
this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratifying 
the  same. 


20 


APPENDIX 


Done  in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  the  States  present  the  17th  day  of  Septem- 
ber in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1787,  and  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America 
the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we  have 
hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

Geo.  Washington, 
President  and  deputy  from  Virginia . 

New  Hampshire. 

John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman. 

Massachusetts. 

Nathaniel  Gorham*  Rufus  King, 

Connecticut. 

Wm.  Sami.  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

New  York. 

Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey. 

Wil.  Livingston,  David  Brearley, 

William  Paterson,  Jonathan  Dayton, 

Pennsylvania. 

B.  Franklin,  Thomas  Mifflin, 

Robert  Morris,  George  Clymer, 

Thomas  Fitzsiinons,  Jared  Ingersoll, 

James  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morris. 

Delaware. 

George  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jun’r? 

John  Dickinson,  Richard  Bassett. 

Jacob  Broom, 


APPENDIX 


21 


Maryland. 

James  M’Henry,  Dan.  of  St.  Thos.  Jenifer. 
Daniel  Carroll, 

Virginia. 

John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Carolina. 

William  Biount,  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight. 
Hugh  Williamson, 


South  Carolina. 

J.  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 

Charles  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 


William  Few, 
Attest : 


Georgia. 


Abr.  Baldwin. 

William  Jackson,  Secretary. 


Articles  in  Addition  to,  and  Amendment  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Proposed  by  Congress  and  ratified  by  the  Legisla- 
tures of  the  several  States,  pursuant  to  the  fifth 
article  of  the  original  Constitution. 

Article  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estab- 
lishment of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press ; or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to 
assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a re- 
dress of  grievances. 


22 


APPENDIX 


Article  II. 

A well  regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the 
security  of  a free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to 
keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be  infringed. 

Article  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered 
in  any  house,  without  the  consent  of  the  owner, 
nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a manner  to  be  prescribed 
by  law. 

Article  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  per- 
sons, houses,  papers,  and  effects,  against  unreason- 
able searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be  violated, 
and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable 
cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particu- 
larly describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the 
person  or  things  to  be  seized. 

Article  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a capital, 
or  otherwise  infamous  crime,  unless  on  a present- 
ment or  indictment  of  a Grand  Jury,  except  in 
cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or 
public  danger ; nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for 
the  same  offence  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of 
life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  crimi- 
nal case  to  be  a witness  against  himself,  nor  be 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 


APPENDIX 


23 


process  of  law ; nor  shall  private  property  be  taken 
for  public  use,  without  just  compensation. 

Article  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall 
enjoy  the  right  to  a speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an 
impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  wherein 
the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district 
shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  ac- 
cusation ; to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
against  him  ; to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtain- 
ing witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance 
of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Article  VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  con 
troversv  shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of 
trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact  tried 
by  a jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any 
court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  common  law. 

Article  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  exces- 
sive fines  imposed,  nor  cruel  and  unusual  punish- 
ments inflicted. 

Article  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain 
rights,  shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage 
others  retained  by  the  people. 


24 


APPENDIX 


Article  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
State,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to 
the  people. 

Article  XI. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not 
be  construed  to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity, 
commenced  or  prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United 
States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens 
or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

Article  XII. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States, 
and  vote  by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant 
of  the  same  State  with  themselves?  they  shall 
name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Presi- 
dent, and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
Vice-President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the 
number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall 
sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to 
the  President  of  the  Senate  ; the  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and 
the  votes  shall  then  be  counted  ; the  person  having 
the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall 


APPENDIX 


25 


be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed  ; and  if 
no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the 
persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not  exceeding 
three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President, 
the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immedi- 
ately, by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States, 
the  representation  from  each  State  having  one 
vote ; a quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a 
member  or  members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States, 
and  a majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary 
to  a choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  not  choose  a President  whenever  the  right  of 
choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth 
day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  act -as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the 
President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number 
of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, if  such  number  be  a majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person 
have  a majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers 
on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent; a quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of 
two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  senators,  and  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary 
to  a choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  in- 
eligible to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible 
to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 


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